Post Archive
Region: Commonwealth of Liberty
★ UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC ★
[list][list][list][pre]
"Fear is, I believe, a most effective tool in destroying the soul of an individual - and the soul of a people."
ANWAR EL-SADAT
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_________________
[list][sub]𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐋𝐀𝐒𝐓 𝐌𝐀𝐑𝐂𝐇[/sub]
[sub]C H A P T E R 5:
V I T A L
Q U E S T I O N S[/sub]
[sub][sup]OCTOBER 1969 - UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC[/sub][/sup]
[list][sub]The President's health is failing. Repeated trips to the Soviet Union for treatment had not produced the results desired. A stroke Nasser suffered in the start of September had put him temporarily out of charge for over a month and given acting powers to his veep, Anwar el-Sadat. It has become quite a troubling possibility, in fact almost a certainty, that Nasser had not much to live. A Soviet physician had given him less than a year to live, though most dismissed this as mere hyperbole. Nonetheless, important questions have started to be raised.[/sub]
[sub]The only legal and true engine of power, the Arab Socialist Union, is fractured between almost four different factions, the political situation is not much better with rightist and leftist elements constantly clashing for influence, a business class that is waiting for the chance to pounce and increase their influence, and the ever present fundamentalist Islamists. This all of course without mentioning the Israeli occupation, the constant diplomatic wrangling between the United States and the Soviet Union, balancing the UAR's position as the leading Arab state with its commitment to domestic change. It is no surprise then that the position of President is slowly draining away the President's ability.[/sub]
[sub]The only thing holding everything together is Nasser, and in the event of his death, many uncomfortable questions will arise that perhaps even he can't answer. Most pressing of which is the question of succession. Since 1966, an ongoing battle between the various forces in Egypt had but only made the situation worse, with forerunners such as Zakaria Muhyi al-Din, Abdel Hakim Amer, or Aly Sabry all being pushed out of power, dead, or ousted respectively. Meanwhile, the more quieter elements such as Anwar el-Sadat, and Khalid Muhyi al-Din have both been slowly building their case behind the scenes, but don't have mass popular support owing to their non-prolific background. [/sub]
[sub]And then comes the question of new cadres. Nasser seems to have plucked his former aide-de-camp, Col. Gaddafi, out of obsecurity and slowly been grooming him for succession, even rewarding him with the position of Premier of the Republic in 1968, however Gaddafi is not even 30 and certainly not a known political figure, and without Nasser's patronage he will have to rely on his will and the support base he has in Libya to push his weight around, which might not be enough and will quite likely require any sort of alliance with more established figures such as Sadat.[/sub]
[sub]Last but not least is of course the question of Israel. There has been a growing camp within the ASU that has advocated for exploring some sort of peaceful solution to the conflict. Something which is viewed as almost synonymous to treason. Yet, even Nasser himself has not discounted the possibility, even proposing a five-point plan for negotiations and withdrawal that went without answer. A war is certainly coming, but the aftermath is yet to be known.[/sub]
[sub]It is unlikely that the United Arab Republic will fall to instability once the time comes for a successor to Nasser, it is quite unfeasible for even the most radical of political actors. But Nasser's passing will mean the weakening of many of the country's institutions which depend on him as its foundation. Legally, Nasser's successor will be his current Vice-President, Sadat, but Sadat lacks the power base to have near any comparable power to Nasser. Meanwhile, the other political actors, like sharks waiting for blood, are all readying their plans. Perhaps Nasser's last gamble could be in ensuring the smoothest transition possible, and the maintaining of all institutions built under him.[/sub]
[/list]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
Rudá pravda
[pre]The Czech events have now revealed all the features of the classical crisis of bureaucratic state capitalism, as revealed in the events of Poland and Hungary in 1956. There have been differences of emphasis; time and national conditions have produced peculiarities of casting, but the mould has retained the same contours. The forces shaping history have been similar, following from the dynamics of the same system.As with the convulsion of 1956 the Czechoslovak crisis had its origin in problems of the economy. But these in turn had their basis in the very nature of bureaucratic state capitalism: the contradictory combination of ruling class control of society through a bureaucratic machine backed up by a relentless terror apparatus that fixes social and political relations with a seemingly immutable rigidity, on the one hand, with the capitalist goals of that class incessant development of productive forces through accumulation of the means of production on the other.
For fifteen years Czechoslovakia had been among the most stable of the state-capitalist regimes. There was a local semi-insurrection in Pilsen in 1953, but otherwise the convulsions that swept the Stalinist bloc after Stalins death and the Twentieth Party Congress left it untouched. Czech industry grew. The industrialising regimes throughout the rest of Eastern Europe provided a seemingly insatiable demand for its products in the 1950s without demanding any improvement in quality or technological development. Externally the Czech bureaucracy happily accepted a position of subordination to the Russians; internally deviationists and potential deviationists were eliminated without any weakening of the regime. Relatively crude methods were successfully employed to carry through a continual expansion of production. On the factory floor simple piece rate incentives on the one hand, physical threats on the other, led to the production of a large surplus. Crude physical threats could again be used to prevent lower level bureaucrats either diverting this surplus for their own use or succumbing to pressures from the working class below. Even government ministers could be threatened with arrest on trumped up charges, gaol, torture or execution. At all levels the political police successfully prevented any formulation of alternative policies and the self-organisation of any social stratum.But such methods could only work to expand production while production techniques were relatively simple. They are not compatible with improved, sophisticated techniques. These demand greater initiative from the workers and do. not permit the same degree of police or managerial surveillance of production. Those on the shop floor can more easily engage in forms of passive resistance to the system without detection (producing shoddy products, increasing the wear and tear on machines, etc). Control through crude repression no longer guarantees increased production.
For a period this problem was evaded by the bureaucracy. But given its need to survive in a world where the productive forces were continually growing, a point was bound to be reached where evasion was no longer possible. In the early 1960s the contradiction between the forces of production and the relations of production revealed itself to the Czech bureaucracy in the classical capitalist form; through an inability to sell goods on the world market. As the other East European countries industrialised they became less dependent on Czech products. They reached the point where they could produce goods of a similar standard themselves. At the same time the decline in the Cold War tensions enabled them to buy sophisticated products from the West that could not be efficiently made under Czech conditions. Whereas the Czech national income had risen by an average of 8.2 per cent between 1953 and 1963, in 1963 it fell 3.7 per cent and industrial production fell by 0.7 per cent.
The impact on the bureaucracy was immediate. It split down the middle. A section began to press, ever more vigorously, for fundamental changes in the organisation of industry in order to streamline production and recapture markets. Despite its talk of socialism with a human face the aim of the liberal bureaucracy was not to pass control and initiative to the base of society. Rather it argued for relaxation of certain sorts of bureaucratic controls over middle managers and their replacement by -market controls. In the long term Czech industry would compete on the world market not as one single unit but section by section. Reforms in managerial methods were not to give power to workers, but to increase their feeling of participation. Workers would not assume any managerial functions. These would rest with the management.
After five years of bureaucratic infighting, the liberals, by forming alliances both with other sections of the bureaucracy notably the Slovaks and increasingly with extra-bureaucratic groups were able to neutralise the state forces at the disposal of the old guard and take over control last year. But this was only the beginning of the problems that faced them.Throughout 1968 the Dubcek group had to fight a battle on two fronts. On the one hand it had to deal definitively with the remnants, at every level of the bureaucracy, of the Novotny regime; whole hosts of administrators attached to an antiquated organisation of production had to be eliminated. On the other hand it increasingly had to worry about forces it itself had unleashed; in the factories and universities independent and democratic mass organisations were appearing for the first time for twenty years. Trade Unions were being rebuilt on a democratic basis. Journalists and radio and television personnel who had been freed from censorship in order to criticise the Novotnyites were in danger of discussing the policies of the new rulers.Even prior to the Russian invasion this flowering of free discussion was of some concern to the Dubcek group. Ministers began to refer to the dangers of anarchy and of anti-socialist forces.The economic situation continued to deteriorate. The economic reforms (involving the closing down of numerous plants, wage cuts and redeployment) were incompatible both to the existence of whole strata of old style bureaucrats and the existence of independent workers organisations. Investment decisions continued to be irrational and to lead to the production of unwanted goods and increased stock piles. The workers used their new found strength to force wage increases. Continual inflation resulted.
All this time the state machine was becoming less and less effective as a means of imposing governmental decisions. The control of the Dubcek group above all rested on its ideological hegemony. Any attempt to impose the economic reforms in all their austerity might have undermined this.A foreign hard currency loan could have eased these difficulties. It would have enabled the buying of machinery from the West to modernise industry. The obvious suppliers were the Russians. Not only had these been treating the Czechs in a typically imperialist manner for years (buying below market prices and selling above ) but they also had had a trade deficit with the Czechs for several years, which was paid for by crediting the Czechs with funds in the Comecon bank in Moscow amounting to several milliards of crowns.
The immediate effect of the Russian invasion in August was to stabilise the position of the reforming bureaucracy. The whole population united behind it. Even the conservative sections of the party did not dare form a puppet government for the Russians. Dubcek, balancing between the Russians and the mass of Czech people, seemed to be raised higher than either. Western journalists referred to an amazing triumph of dignified non-violence. Those aspects of Dubceks policy that might separate him off from the mass of Czech workers were cloaked by the Russian presence.
But over the months it became clear that there were huge differences between the demand of the Russians and those of the mass of Czechs that even Dubcek could not resolve. The more that Dubcek and the section of the bureaucracy behind him were bound to try to implement policies demanded by the Russians, the more the Czechoslovak population began to organise to take action independently of the Communist Party.When the students occupied the universities at the end of the last year they found they had immense support from workers in the factories. The trade unions, in which government-appointed officials had been replaced by democratic elections, began to demand control over the factories by workers councils elected from the shop floor.Above all there was the growth of intense hostility to the Russian occupation at the base of society. This found its fullest and most clear-cut expression in the half a million strong demonstrations that followed the defeat of the Russians in an ice hockey match. In every town people poured on to the streets. Every wall in Prague had the score scrawled on it. The Russians had invaded Czechoslovakia in order to curtail free debate. Yet that debate was now involving more people than ever before. One Russian newspaper complained that the situation was even worse than before the invasion.
As the two planks upon which it was resting moved further and further apart, the progressive section of the bureaucracy around Dubcek became more and more unsure of itself. It had to keep order for the Russians, but the moment it tried to do seriously it would lose its popularity with the Czechs. Meanwhile the forces of the state particularly the army were becoming more and more demoralised. At the top, a few generals were threatening a coup against the government. At the bottom, the rank and file shared the sentiments of the masses. For instance, when the soldiers were sent out to patrol the streets with the police, few seemed to take the task seriously.The very basis of the independent existence of the Czech ruling bureaucracy was being undermined. In the factories the mass meetings of workers were a growing power. The trade unions increasingly operated like an opposition political party.
The progressive bureaucrats continued to resent the Russian intrusion. But they also became more dependent on the Russian threats to preserve their own position. The continuing demoralisation of their own state machine and their urgent need to put into effect unpopular reforms made them fear anarchy more than the embrace of the Russians. They might hate the Russian domination, but that road at least promised them a minimum of security for their class rule. Better to be a subordinate bureaucrat than no bureaucrat at all.With the sacking of Dubcek, without serious bureaucrat opposition (even Dubcek does not seem to have seriously tried to oppose it) the Czech ruling class has jumped off the fence. It has shown it is prepared to put down the workers and students in the interests of the Russians. From now on the lines of the class struggle inside Czechoslovakia and of the national struggle against the Russians will be more and more identical.
This will have a two sided consequence. On the one hand an increasing bitterness against the bureaucracy as a whole among the masses of workers, students and other oppressed groups. On the other a continued articulation of this class consciousness in national terms that prevent it becoming fully self-conscious. A sort of Sinn Fein stance can be expected which will identify class enemies, but never be fully clear why, nor of long term alternatives to them.
Distressing as it may be to western socialists (who still think it is better to be pro-Russian in the West than pro-American in the East) this class consciousness may well be masked by all sorts of pro-western ideologies. But the increased repression and censorship will make the organised articulation of genuinely revolutionary alternatives well nigh impossible.For the time being the reconciliation between the Czech bureaucracy and the Russian imperialists will protect the rule of both. Although possibilities of some sort of spontaneous uprising cannot be ruled out the bureaucracy with memories of the ice hockey match felt it prudent to abandon May Day celebrations the threat of Russian intervention has reduced the political opposition to impotence. To this extent the progressive bureaucracy has successfully followed the path of Kadar and Gomulka.
In the long term, however, its prospects are not nearly as optimistic. Gomulka was able to stay in power through a judicious combination of huge increases in living standards, Russian threats and a popular nationalist ideology. He only needed to employ physical force after nearly a year in power, with the banning of Po Prostu and the use of armed force against demonstrations. Kadar was put into power by Russian troops, but over time was at least able to build himself some sort of indigenous base by raising living standards and continuing certain aspects of the liberalisation. In both cases what was central was that there were economic resources available that could be utilised to improve the standard of life. This was because the economic crisis had been a crisis of growth, not of stagnation (in both cases the most intractable problems were not in industry but in agriculture).The Czech bureaucracy has no such resources. It needs to depress living standards, not raise them. And even then its problems might not be capable of solution without a hard currency loan. After 1956 the Russians were willing to stabilise the Kadar regime by easing up on their exploitation of Hungary and giving some sort of aid to it. They seem much less willing to aid Husak and his friends. (After all, the Russian economy is not expanding at its old speed either.) Anyway, such a loan would not obviate the need to depress living standards. The Russian threats will have restored bureaucratic monolithism and have frozen existing relations of production. But they cannot do away with the opposition between this freezing and the needs of developing productive forces.
Looking at Czechoslovakia in isolation the picture can only be a pessimistic one. What seemed like spring was in fact an Indian summer. The human face of socialism turned out to be a grimacing death mask. The crisis cannot, however, be confined to Czechoslovakia in the long run. In the other advanced Eastern countries the same contradictions are there, albeit still latent. The Polish bureaucracy, with memories of 56 and of the riots of last year dare not reform the economy because it dare not reform itself. There and elsewhere the greater economic growth is, the greater the irrationalities and distortions to it. The more they feel their internal limitation the more the different bureaucracies compose and jostle with each other internationally. Even those who participated in the invasion of Czechoslavakia can resent Moscows economic domination through Comecon. It is not only the Czechs who, for instance, object to complete dependence on Russian oil or to the Russian bureaucracys aim of being the major producer of technological goods in the bloc.But it is in Moscow and Leningrad that the liberation of Czechoslovakia can really lie. For the Russian bureaucracy does not always sleep so easily. Declining growth rates have cut the overall resources at its command. It attempts to placate a massive working class by raising living standards. At the same time rt has to devote an even greater proportion of national resources than the Western powers to arms expenditure. The very repressiveness of its methods makes it difficult to raise labour productivity. For ten years or more the Russian bureaucracy has avoided coming to terms with the roots of its own economic problems. If it attempts to solve these it will have to undergo a Czech development of its own. If it does not discontent that will develop at the base of society will eventually erupt. In either case there will be no foreign army to bale it out.[/pre]
Achtung! Normalisierung steht bevor!
[pre]With Husák replacing Dubček as leader of the KSČ in September 1969, his regime acted quickly to normalize the country's political situation. The chief objectives of Husák's normalization were the restoration of firm party rule and the reestablishment of Czechoslovakia's status as a committed member of the socialist bloc. In the following days, all the party members belonging to the reforming bloc would be expelled from the party and publicly denounced.The most radical laws brought to officialdom during the Prague spring period would be struck down such as lossening of restrictions upon media and newspapers and reconstitution of the Social democrat party.
Within a week of assuming power, Husák began to consolidate his leadership by ordering extensive purges of reformists still occupying key positions in the mass media, judiciary, social and mass organizations, lower party organs, and, finally, the highest levels of the KSČ. In the fall of 1969, 42 liberals on the Central Committee of the KSČ were replaced by conservatives. Among the liberals ousted was Dubček, who was dropped from the Presidium , Dubček was expelled from the party; he subsequently became a minor functionary in a distant Slovakian Town.The method by which the KSČ under Husák would rule was commonly summed up as reluctant terror by observers. It involved careful adherence to the Soviet Union's policy objectives and the use of what was perceived as the minimum amount of repression at home necessary to fulfill these objectives and prevent a return to Dubček-style reformism. The result was that the new regime , while not a complete return to Stalinism, was far from being a liberal one either.Thr primary emphasis would be on the maintenance of a stable party leadership and its strict control over the population.[/pre]
Czechoslovak People's Army on the Rhine(a fictional theoretical war discussion between two military generals and a general history of the Czechoslovak peoples army)
COVERT
[pre]"We crossed the Rhine in the area of Strasbourg, comrade general," said the chief of staff of the Czechoslovak Front, Lt. Gen. Vaclav Vitanovsky. However, he had a gloomy face and continued. However, our divisions are greatly weakened by the fight and are advancing on Epinal and Dijon only with the utmost effort. Some divisions of the first line of the 1st and 4th armies completely lost their combat capability during the performance of the previous tasks and had to be replaced. Although it was possible to plant part of the divisions of the second line of the front, they aremainly made up of reservists of older years. In addition, with the exception of one division, they only have T-34/85 tanks, not the modern T-54A, which we lost during the previous week fighting the West German and American armies in southern Germany. When we have achieved the objectives of the operation, we should be ready to develop the next attack on Lyon, but we will be completely outnumbered and the deployment of the second strategic sequence in the form of the troops of the Carpathian Military District may be delayed. According to reports from the rear, the enemy has carried out more nuclear strikes on the moving troops and is also trying to destroy the remaining bridges over larger waterways. The terrain is already partly impassable, due to the previous use of nuclear weapons by our troops and the enemy. And all this in a situation where we can expect the deployment of a strong second line, made up of units of the French army."
"The task must be accomplished," replied the commander of the Czechoslovak Front, Colonel-General. Vladimir Janko. "When I and the tank brigade fought alongside the Red Army during the liberation of Ostrava, we also suffered heavy losses, but in the end we were able to liberate the steel heart of the republic. The Soviet comrades have given us a task and are counting on us to fulfill it. When approving the operational task of our front, they told us this very clearly in Moscow. As soon as the advance on our sector slowed down, the enemy could deliver a flanking attack to the troops on the main strategic line Berlin-Paris, cutting them off from the second strategic line and supplies from the border military circuits. We must not allow that." However, he thought to himself: "Now would be a good time for the 2nd Army, the development of which was abandoned in the spring of 1964 due to the economic problems of Czechoslovakia and the collapse of the five-year plan. It should have its own rocket brigade and three divisions armed with modern technology. Moreover, in October 1964, they changed the task of the front, and now we have to advance on a smaller width of the front into a greater depth of the enemy's territory. When I asked the commander-in-chief of the combined armed forces of the Warsaw Pact, Marshal Greček, how we would secure our wings and who would replace us, he told me not to worry.Such a conversation could have taken place in the mid-1960s between the commander of the Czechoslovak Front, General Vladimír Janko, and his chief of staff, one of the most capable generals of Czechoslovak army, Václav Vitanovský. Fortunately, it did not happen. But it was not enough, and some of the regional conflicts could turn into a global military rivalry between the then hostile military-political blocs the Warsaw Pact and the North Atlantic Alliance.
After the appointment of JUDr. With Alexeje Čepičky as head of the Ministry of National Defense, radical measures were taken, aimed at full submission to the Soviet military strategy and military art of the Soviet army. Already in April 1945, when adopting its first post-war government program, Czechoslovakia undertook to build its army according to the Soviet model. At the same time, no one responded. Neither the then president Bene, whom the Soviet Union considered a guarantee of Czechoslovakia's international security, nor the representatives of non-communist political parties, who did not prepare any counter-proposal. The political events of 1948 only accelerated the subordination of Czechoslovakia to Soviet interests. Klement Gottwald's words were fulfilled, who declared: "We will not make generals communists, but communists generals." One example was his son-in-law, whom he appointed Minister of National Defense in April 1950 and promoted from private to general in October of the same year army general.The Czechoslovak army began to prepare for the conduct of the war under complete subordination to the Soviet army. As early as August 1950, the reworking of operational plans began, which continued to assume that our army would become part of a front created mainly on the basis of Soviet troops. The "Maximum Arms Production Plan" for the years 1951 to 1953 was adopted, and the war army, which in the event of war was to consist of more than 760,000 soldiers and 23 all-army divisions, began to receive first hundreds and later thousands of new tanks, guns, aircraft and other combat equipment . At this time, even in the first phase of a possible war conflict, defense was considered. Only after the enemy's blow was repulsed and after the arrival of Soviet troops on our territory was the transition to "active activity", i.e. a counterattack, considered. In the depth of the territory, possible defense lines were reconnoitered, the construction of field fortifications was to be ensured by engineer barricade brigades, and the defense of the objects of the light fortifications of the First Republic in the area of the Czechoslovak-Austrian border was to be provided by the fortress corps. Over time, however, measures were taken that increased the striking and firing capabilities of our army. In the second half of the 1950s, the strength of the military army was reduced to 650,000 men, but the remaining 16 all-army divisions were to have a much larger number of weapons in the event of a war than before. The qualitative change was mainly brought about by the planned use of nuclear weapons.
If in the 1950s it was assumed that nuclear strikes would only form a supplement to existing conventional weapons, the beginning of the 1960s brought the exact opposite. Nuclear war was supposed to be the only variant of armed conflict, and ground troops were expected to be able to use the results of their own nuclear strikes with sufficient flexibility. In fact, in 1960, the so-called strategic missile army was created within the Soviet army, which was supposed to be able to threaten the US territory with the help of intercontinental ballistic missiles launched from land bases. The Czechoslovak (from 1954 people's) army also adapted to the changed strategy. In addition to the air force, which had already been using Il-28 aircraft as nuclear bomb carriers since 1955, the ground troops also received their own means of nuclear attack. Missile brigades appeared in the organization of armies, and tank and motorized rifle divisions gradually acquired military rocket divisions. At that time, however, there were no nuclear warheads on the territory of our country and the Czechoslovak Republic. the army was to receive them from the Soviet army only in times of increased danger. On the other hand, a drastic reduction of conventional artillery was carried out, so that, for example, instead of the original five artillery divisions at the operational level in 1963, only three artillery brigades continued to exist, and only one tank division remained from five artillery divisions.
In 1960, our army received a new assignment from Moscow, according to which it should immediately go on the offensive in the event of war. Until 1961, it was assumed that it would lead combat activities as part of the front formed by the troops of the Carpathian Military District. The operational group of the CSLA General Staff was to be integrated into the staff of this front, whose arrival at the airport in Hořovice was expected within 8 hours of the issuance of the order to move. Due to the need to achieve greater flexibility in fulfilling the tasks set for the ČSLA in the event of war, a decision was taken in 1961 to create an independent Czechoslovak Front from the troops allocated to the United Armed Forces of the Warsaw Pact. As of September 1, 1963, our army had 3,860 tanks, 4,500 artillery pieces and 720 combat aircraft. According to the operational plan from October 1964, Cs. front during the fulfillment of tasks to carry out 131 nuclear strikes (of which 96 were carried out by rocket means of the ground troops and 35 by the forces of the air force). However, the deadline for handing over the nuclear warheads was 18-22 hours, while the missile force of the ČSLA ground troops was supposed to be ready to conduct combat operations within 3 hours. Therefore, in December 1965, the Czechoslovak-Soviet agreement on the construction of nuclear munitions warehouses on our territory was signed. In April 1966, as part of the "Javor" campaign, the construction of special buildings began in the locations of Bílina, Bělá pod Bezdězem and MíovBorovno (VVP Jince), which were to be used by Soviet army units, disguised as liaison units. In December 1968, the Soviet Army was the first to take over the warehouse in Běla pod Bezdězem, and the relevant special unit took up its post in February of the following year. Only a senior representative of the Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Armed Forces of the Member States of the Warsaw Pact at the Czechoslovak Ministry of Defense could inspect said warehouses. ČSLA representatives did not have access to them.
However, the demands of the Soviet command on our army and its economic security exceeded the economic possibilities of Czechoslovakia and became a constant source of contradictions. E.g. with the abolition of the aviation regiment, which took place in the summer of 1964, the Soviet side expressed its consent only in 1967 and until then demanded its restoration, even at the cost of switching to a two-squadron system at the regiment.T-54A tanks during the final parade in Dresden In the mid-1960s, a renewed effort by the command of the Soviet army to deploy its troops on our territory began to manifest itself, which was to fill the gap between the groups of Soviet troops in the GDR and Hungary. The political leadership of our state and the command of the Czechoslovak Republic. of the army tried to prevent this by increasing the numerical strength of the ČSLA. The solution was to transfer the Border and Internal Guard from the Ministry of the Interior to the Ministry of Defense. On January 1, 1966, the so-called unified armed forces were created and the peacetime strength of the CSLA increased from the previous 204,000 to 235,000. In this situation, the border guard received heavy equipment in its arsenal, and a report was drawn up for the Warsaw Pact command about increasing the combat value of the ČSLA by two to three divisions.
The effort of the Soviet command to place a strong group on our territory finally reached its fulfillment after the August intervention in 1968. The reduction of the war numbers of our army to 580,000 people and all-army divisions to 15, implemented a year later, more than adequately replaced the presence of 75,000 soldiers, grouped into five all-army divisions and one air division of the Central Group of Soviet troops.Su-7B fighter-bombers delivered between 1964 and 1967 in the number of 102 units.( A new exercise has been slated to test the readiness of the Czech army next month )
[/pre]
/COVERT
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[pre]T H E K I N G D O M O F S A U D I A R A B I A | المملكة العربية السعودية[/pre]
[list][sup][sub]2[/sub][/sup] 𝐋𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 !
[pre]P A R T T W O - A C T I O N[/pre]
[sub][sup]| The order of the country is at stake. As the People's Republic of the Arabian Peninsula, which the logistics program has shorted to PRAP. As PRAP becomes ever more courageous in their acts of taking down the crown, the older coup begins to tie the lines, as the red yarn becomes more evident, in order to protect this countries pride and order, the country has dedicated itself to finding and deterring the enemies of the state, these people that threatened our legitimacy and sovereignty, dignity and order. If these people were allowed to tread the earth, the world would not be the same. So, the Saudi Military has declared it a act of treason, meaning if the group was captured, they would all be sentenced to death. This new incentive led the government to begin searching tirelessly for this group, with only ~20 captured, with 12 killed so far. Over 30,000 Riyals have been donated to the cause and the people of Saudi Arabia (excluding some rebellion controlled cities) do not accept visitors supporting the group, in fact, anyone that does support the group is most likely not welcomed on those cities soils. The county has begun to actively search for supporters as well, with any foreign supporters given the same punishment if they were to step foot on arab soil. The traitor can stand on one leg, unless that leg is thwarted. Now, as the people rise up against the traitor force, in order to intimidate the enemy forces, the King ordered a military march through Riyadh and Mecca, showing military prowess and supremacy, giving rise to people patriotism of the country. A conference quote sums it up quite well; [/sup][/sub]
[list][list][sub][sup]"We cannot be tried, for a liars tongue must be cut off, for the
people of Saudi cannot be tried with the liars prowess, for the liar
cannot martyr no more."
~Saddua Baffiz, Elected Delegate of Riyadh[/sup][/sub][/list][/list]
[sub][sup]| Conferences with the king have also left the state with pressing manners in the face of danger, with parliament being faced with complaints about the local delegation being oppressive, and some have even been 'liberated' from those hands of oppression. Though not many can tell how many settlements have been affected by the liberation group, the government moves to relieve those cities from the control of those people who call themselves liberators. The group had hinted at a takeover of Mecca, however, fast military arming caused the group to run off from such an event. Although no one can tell what the next event might be, something might be a strike on a medium sized oasis city, while others believe it may be even larger than that. Otherwise, however, this event just remains a whisper on some lips.[/sup][/sub]
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
[pre]M I N I S T R Y O F P U B L I C R E P E R S E N T A T I O N [/pre]
New Flag Selected !
[sub][sup]Original Article from the Arabian Times[/sup][/sub]
| The Saudi Flag. On it is a holy green of Islam and written is our great words of the Shahada. This flag waves under our nation and we accept it, however, might it be time to change that? On February 12th of this year, the king announced that the high courts of the Saudi Families would create a brand new flag as a mark of change. This new flag would be much different than the one we know today. The chosen flag design was a 5:6 ratio flag that would have three stripes, the top being black, the middle white, and the bottom green. The Saudi Shahada and Saudi Sword would be in the white stripe in the same green color as the bottom stripe. This new flag design was loved by the populace of Riyadh, the least happy city was Al-Sassnida, a border oasis city recently established, it is now Saudi Arabia's new national flag, and is now being promoted as such. This is not to say, however, that does not mean the orignal flag is not used elsewhere. The design is still used for the flag of the royals, high courts, and legislative positions. This new flag promotes new oppurutnies, and brand new hopes for arabia. We hope to see it wave over all of our heads in the near future !
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[pre]𝐌 𝐈 𝐍 𝐈 𝐒 𝐓 𝐑 𝐘 𝐎 𝐅 𝐅 𝐎 𝐑 𝐄 𝐈 𝐆 𝐍 𝐀 𝐅 𝐅 𝐀 𝐈 𝐑 𝐒[/pre]
[list][list][list]𝐊𝐈𝐍𝐆𝐃𝐎𝐌 𝐓𝐎𝐖𝐄𝐑, 𝐑𝐈𝐘𝐀𝐃𝐇[/list][/list][/list]
[pre]A Visit to Japan/日本への訪問 - Government Statements/政府の声明[/pre]
[sup][sub]| The second week of the visit begins. The sultan has explained his time as grand! and beautiful! he even said once while on a call with government deputies; "Japan should be called a land of beauty and peace" the culture of Japan delighted the king as well, and some of his accompanying government officials took notes on Japanese architecture, culture, government strategy, and stated; "Implementations at home may be made!" as the visit continues, various government officials establish formal relations, like during a conference in Tokyo, the king stated that "He could call Japan his second home." [/sub][/sup]
[list]A Protest in Yemen; Government Dealings
| Civil Unrest grows in S. Yemen as people want to support the PRAP uprising in Saudi Arabia. As time goes on, PRAP gains more support, along with this, their support in Foreign states grows. For example, in the Eastern Coasts of Yemen, people begin to riot to tell the government to declare war on the crown of Saudi Arabia and fund the PRAP uprising, especially with the dispute of Al-Wadiyah, the chess board seems to play right onto PRAP's hands, and as they grow more and more distant from the overall nation, who can see what comes next. The government of Saudi Arabia warned that any involvement with the internal problem from Yemen would result in war. The government of S. Yemen headed the warning and is still not actively supporting PRAP, for fear of war. As this planned coup continues to grow, the government is fierce against foreign intervention, unless it is in support of the crown, for example, some american stationed troops have taken their heed alongside the royal army, same goes for the British Isles, which also have the same situation. The Saudi Crown can and will contain this virus as it tries to grow from outside the arab peninsula, for we cannot tell what comes next.[/list]
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[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Mutawakkiliti, Independent Singapore
[list]1969년 10월 23일
[sub]Old Money vs. New Money[/sub][/list]
[list][sub]The Necessity of Chaebols[/sub][/list]
[sub]Kingdom of Korea[/sub]
| Koreas pre-occupation economy was small and dominated by agricultural industries, and while Japanese occupation had spurred small-scale industrialisation, these businesses were in large Japanese owned and funded. Even following Koreas independence, and subsequent unification, the economy remained stagnant but several businessmen jumped on the opportunity to mop up gaps in the economic market left by the Japanese who had fled back to Japan. The rampant corruption seen during President Rhees tenure had directly benefited these growing businesses, many of which had direct links to the regime, often receiving special treatment from his government in exchange for kick-backs and other payments. These small businesses grew what became known as Chaebols, literally translated as rich family or financial cliques, often acting as their own mini-dynasty as nepotism is promoted above skill. |
| In 1960 following the April Revolution its leaders had promised to eradicate the corruption that had plagued the previous regime; promising to rid society of the injustice. Dozens of industry leaders and experts were arrested and tried for bribery and corruption, however it was quickly realised that the Government's ambitious economic plans would require their help. A quiet compromise was reached between the government and the businesses; the accused merely paid fines to the government in exchange for their freedom. This was the beginning of the cooperation between both parties, the need to work together was essential as the government looked to turn the economy away from consumer goods and light industries toward heavy, chemical, and import-substitution industries. |
| Over the last decade the Chaebols have dominated the economy, largely having focused on textiles, but diversity had become key, most Chaebols operate subsidiaries that focus entirely on one sector of the economy. The most recognisable Chaebols include; the Hyundai Group; Daewoo Industrial; the Samsung Group; the Lotte Corporation; and the Taekwang Group; these five groups alone are estimated to make up 35% of Koreas GDP, having massively diversified from their original beginnings. Samsung who began as a trading company has now entered the light electronics sector. However as Koreas government had on several occasions fumbled the bag on several foreign policy issues isolating several key partners, driving investment into the country had largely been through the hard work of these Chaebols. Many on the hard-left had often asked the question of who was really running the economy, but both the government and opposition SDP refused to address the issue. The growing power of the Chaebols had not just created questions over who was dictating government policy, but the monarchys restoration had also created some friction. The families of the Chaebols had often been considered the nation's cultural elites, and getting into their inner-circle was the golden ticket to a comfy life, now the monarchy had cemented itself as the definitive symbol of Korean culture it had become the Chaebols seeking to ascend higher. |
| The Korean Royal Family were by no means poor, operating much like its own Chaebol, following the end of the Second World War the then unrestored monarchy began building up a property portfolio, but following the removal of Syngman Rhee in 1961 the ownership of the Five Grand Palaces and other family lands had been returned to them.This bolstered their growing portfolio of property that had slowly been acquired between 1945 and 1960, most of the land being rented out to private businesses for commercial use. The Palaces would provide a boost with those not in use being opened up to the public for viewing and tours, as well as the gardens being transformed into country parks that could be enjoyed by visitors. Most of this accumulated wealth had been invested back into Korean businesses, including some that would go on to become the very Chaebols that sought approval. |
| The dynamic of what many called Old Money (landed) and New Money (business) was apparent, while private approval from the monarchy would make no difference to a chaebols' sales, it was easy to find those bestowed royal favour. The Lotte Corporation originally founded in Japan had been heavily pressured by Park Chung-hee and the monarchy to move their main base of operations to Korea having refused to enter the arms market, it had become a semi-regular site to randomly see royal household staff or indeed the occasional royal shopping in one of their stores. While the monarchy would never publicly endorse any product, the concept of a soft endorsement had become largely commonplace, however a new concept was being drawn up that would mimic that of the Royal Warrant used by the British monarchy, in which companies, products and brands would be given permission to use the royal seal of the different royals or the household if those products were in regularly use by either household or individual royal. |
| This domination of the Chaebols and monarchy had created an elite social and economic class that was driving Koreas growth at the cost of leaving many behind, and while King Haneul remained on the throne it was likely to continue. Some sources had indicated that Crown Prince Hee-seung would likely scale back some of the monarchys involvement in the economy particularly at an investment level, it was clear that the relationship between the Government, Chaebols and Monarchy had become key to Koreas goal of creating a developed economy. However privately the Chaebols had begun to realise that Koreas government, while stable, had spent most of the last decade flip-flopping between the East and West and now was the time for Korea to finally pick a side and they had an obvious preference. |
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Slipway, Independent Singapore
[list] | [sub]𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺[/sub][/list][/list]
[list] | [sub]24 𝖮𝗄𝗍𝗈𝖻𝖾𝗋 1969[/sub][/list][/list]
[list]──[/list]
[list] | [sub]𝖱𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖳𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗒𝖾𝗇 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺[/sub][/list]
[list][list]𝖯𝖾𝗋𝗃𝖺𝗇𝗃𝗂𝖺𝗇 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇[/list][/list]
[list][list] | [sub]𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌 [𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺] 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗀𝗁𝗍 𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗀𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗇 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇, 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝖾𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗈𝗇𝗅𝗒 [𝖠𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇] 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗁𝖾𝖽 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁. 𝖨𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝗆𝖾 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗀𝗁 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗒 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗀𝗁𝗍 𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗍𝖾 𝖻𝗂𝗅𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇, 𝗂𝗇 𝖺 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀-𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗃𝖾𝖼𝗍 𝗍𝗈 𝖻𝗎𝗂𝗅𝖽 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗄𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝖠𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺.[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][list][list][sub]𝖤𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗒𝖾𝖺𝗋, 𝖻𝗈𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖾𝖽 𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖾𝖽 𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗌 𝗈𝖿 𝖻𝖾𝖾𝖿 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖼𝗈𝗍𝗍𝗈𝗇 𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗆 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝗅𝗈𝗐 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝗆𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝖻𝖾𝖾𝗇 𝗎𝗇𝖺𝗉𝗉𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝖻𝗈𝗍𝗁 𝖼𝗈𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗌. 𝖨𝗇 𝖺 𝖻𝗂𝖽 𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗒 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌 [𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺] 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗍𝗈 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗍 𝗍𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝖼𝗁 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖾𝖽 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗆𝖾𝖾𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗌 𝗈𝖿 𝖻𝗈𝗍𝗁 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌. [/sub][/list][/list][/list][/list]
[list][list] | [sub]𝖡𝗈𝗍𝗁 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝗂𝗇 𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗄𝗌 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗈𝗇𝗅𝗒 𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝖺 𝖿𝖾𝗐 𝖽𝖺𝗒𝗌. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌 [𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺] 𝖺𝗇𝗇𝗈𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗄𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖿𝗎𝗅𝗅𝗒 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖾𝖿𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗒 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝖽𝖾𝖽 𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗐 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖾 𝖻𝖾𝗇𝖾𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗁𝗂𝗉. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 [𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌] 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖺𝗌𝖾𝖽 𝖺 𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗈𝗎𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗌𝖺𝗒𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗆𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗈𝖿𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖾𝗌 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝖻𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗁𝖾𝖽, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝗆𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 [𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗒 𝗂𝗇 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗌 𝗈𝖿 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗌𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗇], 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝖿𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖻𝗎𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌 𝗍𝗂𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗀𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖼 𝖼𝗈𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇.[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][list][list][sub]𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝖾𝗇 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗇𝗀 [𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖻𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗇𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗒𝖾𝖺𝗋] 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗅𝗒 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝗎𝗋𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖾, 𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖾𝖽 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝖼𝗁𝖾𝖽 𝖻𝗒 𝖻𝗈𝗍𝗁 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝗂𝗇 𝗂𝗍𝗌 𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍, 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖺𝗌𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗈 𝗎𝗌, 𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗅𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝖺 "𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖠𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗇𝖾𝗋". [/sub][/list][/list][/list][/list]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-
[list][sub]THE ETHIOPIAN EMPIRE ✧ መንግሥተ ኢትዮጵያ✧ Oct. 1969[/sub]
ɴᴏᴛʜɪɴɢ ᴇᴠᴇʀ ɢᴇᴛꜱ ʙᴇᴛᴛᴇʀ[/list]
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| At this point, it has been clear, that the political instability in Ethiopia will not rest. Since mid-1967 paramilitaries connected to the Imperial Union and Democratic Nationalists have been disproportionately ratted out by the Imperial Police, while Vanguard militias remain untouched...furthermore the Vanguard party has have a surge in Oromo support, giving them traction for the elections next year. As expected, this has caused outrage in the circles of the Imperial Union and Democratic Nationalists. Especially after the Incident where the Imperial Police raided a Dem. Nationalist militia camp in Nekemte last month September 15 shortly after Enkutatash, leading to a major shootout that led to 10 innocent civilians dead. The September 15 Incident has fueled extreme polarization within Congress, everyone knows at this point that the Imperial Police is working with the Vanguardists In response to this, both the Imperial Union and Nationalists have founded their own "Sanctuary Cities" free from Imperial Police control, utilizing their militias as a substitution for police. Imperial Police that enter such cities are to be promptly detained and sent back. We have reached the point where authority is being outright refused, with even the throne taking a step back. The Emperor has condemned the formation of such militias, since the Sep. 15th raid. But did nothing against the formation of the sanctuary cities, some question why as if it was his incompetence or the sheer influence of the Dem. Nationalists have in the Military. PM Gebremariam has declared "no negotiation" with "shiftas" dubbing such sanctuary cities as illegal. To make matters worse, discourse within Congress was increasingly getting more polarized and radical, truly nothing has never recovered since the Meskel Bombings |
[list]➠ For those who have been completely lost for what has been going on in Ethiopia; there are three major political factions, the left-wing Vanguard Party, the right-wing Imperial Union, and the militarist National Democratic Party. The Vanguard party is a populist party that rose up to prominence in the early 60s, however, it has been unable to make any progress since 1963. Since the midterms the Vanguard party has been stuck in a peculiar political position and since the Meskel Bombings tensions have rapidly increased. They have become sworn enemies, they cannot collaborate, with the Vanguard party under a minority government, everything is long and slow...[/list]
| Furthermore, in response to the increasing Oromo support towards the Vanguard party, the Imperial Union has been increasingly pandering towards the Amhara vote. As politics begin to draw ethnic lines former Deputy PM and N.S.C. Chief Advisor Mengistu Haile Mariam and Congressman Haddis Alemayehu have issued a joint warning against ethnic-identity politics. Mengistu had recently begun to enter politics since the beginning of this year, usually criticizing all sides of the aisle. Vanguard Party's inaction regarding political unity, the Imperial Union's unreasonable reactionaries, and the Dem. Nationalist corruption. He has become a voice for those disillusioned with the state of Ethiopian politics. With this newfound influence, Mengistu founds the Society for National Rejuvenation, its goal? Simple. "Total Rejuvenation and Reclamation of Ethiopia", as Mengistu put it, "It is clear that Western democracy is not working for Ethiopia, the Emperor has been brought to the will of mob rule and decadent parliamentary politics and it has led us to an even worse state than we were before...What is next? God forbid a Civil War. I will make sure this will never happen until my very last breath." Mengistu does not identify with the left nor the right. He "foresees" a new fourth theory, separate from Communism, Democracy, and Fascism. Congressman Haddis Alemayehu would shortly leave the Vanguard Party to join the SNR, immediately after the foundation of the SNR he would also release his book; Modern Ideological Fallacies and Decadence. It is a political work that frames the Intellectual and Cultural Left is Anti-Progressive and the Populist Right as destructive, especially those of the West. Capitalism and Communism are both anti-human materialistic ideological means towards the same ending, individualist liberalism leads to the death of culture, and Fascism is the result of the purest form of Mob-Rule. |
| Amidst all this the young Ethiopian democracy, harbors a hotbed of political extremism underneath its surfaces. Its flawed composition left it open to influences from exiles and fanatics, and a shadow battleground made up of covert paramilitary/militia clashes ferments beneath Ethiopia, a pandora's box of zealot ideas. This is evident with the increasing split within the Vanguard Party, largely split between more staunch left-wingers and populist pragmatics, while this division is largely unknown to the public, PM Gebremariam has held multiple closed party meetings attempting to mend the division before it becomes apparent that his very own party is now divided. For the Prime Minister himself, he never really identified himself the left as much as he is famed to be, however, it was a vacuum to be seized since the more radical All-Ethiopian Socialist Movement alienated more moderate socialists and left-wing sympathizers during prior elections. However, now he was at a crossroads; should the Vanguard party tilt more towards the left or keep it as it is? but he fears that more left-leaning factions of his party would simply make their own party or even worse, join the All-Ethiopian Socialist Movement as it is becoming increasingly more and more mainstream. Meanwhile, the Imperial Union has called for the arrest of all "left-wing proxies", the majority already advocate for the abolition of the position of the PM, restoring duties to the Emperor. The Democratic Nationalists, the dominant party since the revolution of the guards, have largely become a mouthpiece for nationalists within the military. The party's reputation is based on PM Aklilu Habte-Wolde's tenure (1957 1962), while he did not do much to change the condition of Ethiopia, the party is largely popular with those simply seeking to keep the status quo or older generations who only simply support the party because the recognize Wolde's name. Nevertheless, those who are more invested in politics are usually ultranationalist pan-Ethiopians and militarists if they are Democratic Nationalist supporters. |
[list][sub]All we can do is pray for Ethiopia....[/sub]
[list]― ...[/list][/list]
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[list][spoiler=[sub]𝑺𝑼𝑩𝑳𝑰𝑴𝑬 𝑺𝑶𝑳𝑶𝑴𝑶𝑵𝑰𝑪 𝑺𝑻𝑨𝑻𝑬
𝑪𝑶𝑴𝑴𝑶𝑵𝑾𝑬𝑨𝑳𝑻𝑯 𝑶𝑭 𝑳𝑰𝑩𝑬𝑹𝑻𝒀[/sub]]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Batallon De Dignidad, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Independent Singapore
[pre]K I N G D O M O F S A U D I A R A B I A | المملكة العربية السعودية[/pre]
𝐋𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 ! [sup][sub]3[/sub][/sup]
[pre]P A R T T H R E E - T H E B O M B S[/pre]
[sub][sup]October 26th, 1969[/sup][/sub]
| Government in Arabia has always been somewhat stable. After the deceleration of the Peoples Republic of the Arabian Peninsula, the Saudi Kingdom went haywire. The kingdom was faced with months of tedious raids and annoying occurrences of raids from the PRAP. Chaos reigns supreme in this disorderly world, however, statements from various political entities have given hope to the demoralized populace of the kingdoms, with encouraging messages sent in between. Since the establishment of the PRAP in 1967, the corruption inside multiple military factions showed. As many high ranking officers began to show loyalty to the PRAP, it grew into a massive force of traitors. As the Yemeni Protests and Arab Uprisings began, the people of the Saudi Kingdom have drowned down into a state of turmoil and interruption. As people of this kingdom grow restless, the military had begun taking action in the 'liberated' cities by taking out the elected delegation. The National Police Force has struggled against rising tensions in local cities and have also seen rising opposition on border cities such as Dammam which has taken a multitude of different liberation groups in the past, and is currently in the control of the PRAP. The Royal Airforce has also been faced with increasing traitor marks as well, as now they commit bombings on larger cities, and begin ramping up difficulty as time goes on.
[list]- For those who do not have knowledge of the current state of Saudi Arabia, the country is currently split into two factions; The PRAP and Saudi Kingdom. The PRAP aims for a more democratic, less spiritual, nation, while the Saudi Kingdom is the kingdom currently established and is fighting for the Saudi Crown. These opposing sides have been fighting for a few months now, and different events have taken place as the conflict progresses; Currently, 3 regions pledge loyalty to the PRAP; the Eastem Province, Asir, and Narjan, while the rest pledge loyalty to the crown of Saudi Arabia. The conflict is currently listed as ongoing by the national logistics programs.[/list]
| Riyadh has been in particular danger for a while. The Riyadh Airforce was mostly made up of Khayin*, while the local police force made up of Almala**, which added an odd dynamic to the two sides. However, an unspeakable crime would be committed on October 23rd. In what is known as 'the Kingdom Bombings', people of Riyadh were faced with a hour long bombing session that killed 456 and injured some 10,000. The Riyadh bombing would lead up to the Riyadh Siege, by belligerents of the PRAP, which is still ongoing right now. The nation has a collapse of order in rural areas, which now fend for themselves in what seems like a free for all. Democracy anywhere has been fully outlawed by the Saudi Government, considering it an act of rebellion to practice such discriminant acts. These new guidelines gave way to another new problems across the Saudi Kingdom. As this conflict grows, so does resentment to the crown.
| Along with this, the Al-Waidah dispute, the country has seen rising tensions with South Yemen. Although the two countries are currently not looking for war, it may change in the future. As the country progresses and grows, the need for expansion does as well. The Saudi Crown has always expressed interest in the northern Yemeni lands, while Yemen has had interest in the southern Arab lands. The two countries have both agreed upon a peace agreement, although it was never 'official', but it is upheld. Al-Waidah has even had its own uprisings. In the midst of October 17th, a few weeks ago, the city experienced a riot committed by a mix of Saudi and Yemeni protesters, with ~340 individuals, the riot was quelled, and the people were detained, the ones from Yemen deported back to their homelands. As brand new issues begin to surround New interests beyond respected borders, Al-Waidah becomes a center of dispute and spite.
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
[pre]𝗠 𝝞 𝝢 𝝞 𝗦 𝗧 𝗥 𝗬 𝝤 𝗙 𝗚 𝝤 𝗩 𝗘 𝗥 𝝢 𝗠 𝗘 𝝢 𝗧[/pre]
[list]| 𝝖𝗹𝗺𝗮𝗺𝗹𝗮𝗸𝗮𝘁 𝝖𝗹𝗲𝗮𝗿𝗮𝗯𝗶𝗮𝘁 𝝖𝗹𝘀𝘂𝗲𝘂𝗱𝗶𝗮[/list]
[list][list]| 𝐌𝐔𝐇𝐀𝐌𝐌𝐀𝐃 𝐒𝐏𝐈𝐑𝐄, 𝐌𝐄𝐂𝐂𝐀[/list][/list]
[pre]A Government in Turmoil[/pre]
| Saudi Arabia had a orderly government under one king, this, however, all changed when the first crime commited by the PRAP took place on Febuary 15th. Since then, the PRAP has ravaged across Saudi Arabia and caused turmoil for local governments. The terror is only best displayed when looked at from the Arabian Times News outlet;
╒═════════════════════════════════════════════════════
[list][The Transmission had just cut from the news room to the reporter][/list]
| ASNADFIDA [sub][sup]Reporter of the Arab Times[/sup][/sub] | "Well Safdas, we can see a pretty dramatic change being made here in Mecca with the construction of Kasnfafa Tower-
[list][Explosion is recorded at the construction site, as the camera pans to record, the reporter looks terrified at the site][/list]
| ASNADFIDA [sub][sup]Reporter of the Arab Times[/sup][/sub] | "What... what the f**k!!?!? Jasan, I think we need to get out of here, NOW! Get in the damn van! Move it!
[list][The start of a vehicle can be heard as the screeching of tires hit the hard rock on the surface, as more explosions can be heard in the background, gunfire now accompanying it.][/list]
| JASANFAVANA QATARIAF [sub][sup]Cameraman of the Arab Times[/sup][/sub] | "Hey, Asana, where the hell should we go? The nearest city is Medina, I think, lets head there-"
[list][Gunfire was heard coming through the window, and blood spilled over the camera and car. Two bodies were dragged out, presumed to be that of the cameraman and reporter][/list]
╘═════════════════════════════════════════════════════
This event was known as the Mecca Bombings, which were a series of bombings on important sites in Mecca, excluding the important holy sites. As far as the logistics department is concerned, groups responsible for the bombings were a group of ~3,000, which consisted of Arabs, Yemeni, Qatari, Omani, Egyptian, and Ethiopian belligerents. The state has only convicted 1,345 sure suspects, however the other 2,000 remained unserved from the national guard. The royal police force is currently searching for other suspects as the case continues. Local revolutionized governments were taken down either by local riots are by forceful invasion by rebel forces. The Country is currently facing turmoil as time continues; but Allah has not lost faith in his chosen land.
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
[sup][sub]*The word of Traitors
**The word for Royal Men
3 - Part of a Series[/sup][/sub]
[spoiler=Special Thanks to [nation=noflag]Abessinienreich[/nation] for the template of post
[sub]Written for the Commonwealth of Liberty[/sub]]
[nation]Adriatican Islands[/nation]
[nation]Amsterwald[/nation]
[nation]Anglo Channel[/nation]
[nation]Arcanda[/nation]
[nation]Bhaarat Lok[/nation]
[nation]Cascadla[/nation]
[nation]Cheezaslovakia[/nation]
[nation]Connomia[/nation]
[nation]East Germany DDR[/nation]
[nation]Great Britain GB[/nation]
[nation]Greater Kurdistane[/nation]
[nation]Hatzburg[/nation]
[nation]Israelli[/nation]
[nation]Kewtpuff[/nation]
[nation]Klingenthalerburg[/nation]
[nation]Kotakuan II[/nation]
[nation]Ma-li[/nation]
[nation]Maziya[/nation]
[nation]Metropolitan Francais[/nation]
[nation]Mutawakkiliti[/nation]
[nation]Nevbrejnovitz[/nation]
[nation]Newauroria[/nation]
[nation]New Provenance[/nation]
[nation]Nileia[/nation]
[nation]Nippon-Nihon[/nation]
[nation]OsivoII[/nation]
[nation]Paramountica[/nation]
[nation]Paseo[/nation]
[nation]Peking Zhongguo[/nation]
[nation]Pontianus[/nation]
[nation]Provenancia[/nation]
[nation]Ranponian[/nation]
[nation]Rio de la Plata Argentina[/nation]
[nation]Rutannia[/nation]
[nation]Saudi Arabiyah[/nation]
[nation]Socialist Democratic Republic Romania[/nation]
[nation]Spainard[/nation]
[nation]Spain-[/nation]
[nation]The Confederate Prussian Empire[/nation]
[nation]United Jericho[/nation]
[nation]Vancouver Straits[/nation]
[nation]Victoria Harbor[/nation]
[nation]Vietnam SV[/nation]
[nation]Virnall[/nation]
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Batallon De Dignidad, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Mutawakkiliti, Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia
[list]October 1969
[sub]Gates of Gold[/sub][/list]
[pre]J U S T I C E I S S E R V E D ?[/pre]
FILIPINO POLITICAL GAMESMANSHIP
[sub]MANILA, THE MANILA PROVINCE, REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES, Provenancia - MORNING[/sub]
| With the opposition LIBERAL PARTY unlikely to usurp the strength of the center-right NACIONALISTA PARTY and the administration of PRESIDENT FERDINAND MARCOS, many pundits liked to quip that the true leader of the opposition to the Marcos Administration was none other than ROBERTO CONCEPCION, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, an appointee of President CAMILO OSIAS, also of the NP. Concepcion, at the head of the Court, and wielding strong influence over his fellow jurors, steered the Court through various cases, oftentimes questioning what he described as the "concerningly centralized nature" of the Marcos administration. Justice Concepcion was faced with one of the greatest questions of his career in |
[table=noheader][tr][td][list][pre]AQUINO, ET AL. VS. MARCOS SR., ET AL. (1969)
Writ of certiorari issued, May 1969
Case decided, October 1969
QUESTIONS PRESENTED: Does the President of the Republic of the Philippines, under the powers granted and authorized by the Constitution, and all amendments that followed, hold the power to unilaterally wage war and involve personnel of the Armed Forces of the Philippines in an armed conflict without the express consent of Congress?
HOLDING: Majority opinion authored by Justice CONCEPCION;
The President does not have the power to unilaterally wage war and involve personnel of the Armed Forces of the Philippines in an armed conflict without the express consent of Congress. Pertaining specifically to the case of Philippine engineering/combat battalions deployed to Vietnam, the President is required by the Constitution to seek and secure the consent of Congress by way of a congressional resolution in order to put lives of Filipino servicemen at risk.
6 joins the MAJORITY opinion
5 joins the DISSENTING opinion
The ruling is final and executory.[/pre][/list][/td][/tr][/table]
| The AQUINO V. MARCOS decision was celebrated by liberal and progressive groups, student activist bodies and civil rights organizations, but was strongly and quickly criticized by the Marcos administration. A group of 10 Nacionalista senators and 23 Nacionalista Congressmen signed a joint statement criticizing the Supreme Court for "unnecessarily and unconstitutionally slimming down and weakening the authority of the President" and for "politicizing the Court". Protests and counter-protests then followed, with pro- and anti-demonstrators alike marching down the MENDIOLA chanting slogans at the PLAZA MIRANDA |
[list][pre]PROTECT OUR DEMOCRACY! ... THANK YOU JUSTICE CONCEPCION! ... NO TO WAR! ... VIETNAM: NOT OUR FIGHT! ... PILIPINAS FOR PEACE[/pre][/list]
| MARCOS ADMINISTRATION BACKERS, most prominently SEC. JUAN PONCE ENRILE, the Secretary of Justice, pledged to appeal the decision on behalf of the President and "prevent the collapse of our justice system". ENRILE, a close ally of the President who had previously worked on his initial 1966 campaign and then served as Undersecretary of Finance from 1966 to 1968, took to the radios and the televisions and the newspapers to broadcast his message critical of the Supreme Court. Public opinion, generally, however appeared to be in favor of the Court's decision war was UNPOPULAR, with the Vietnam question garnering only 42% support among Filipinos. While the anti-communist fighter days of Ramon Magsaysay were still relatively fresh in memory, many mothers and fathers were not willing to risk the lives of their children fighting in Vietnam. With election year approaching, MALACANANG sought to find a way out of their public opinion predicament as PRESIDENT MARCOS continued to seek alternative pathways to deploy Philippine personnel to Vietnam to support the country's American partners. |
| In late October, a few weeks after the early Oct. ruling of the Supreme Court, the MARCOS ADMINISTRATION embarked on a national tour aimed at unveiling a series of new executive actions aimed at repealing many agricultural regulations, unleashing the potential of Filipino farmers, and embarking upon an ambitious infrastructure project to drastically reduce the travel time between Baguio, Manila, and Naga City, as well as boost inter-provincial trade on LUZON province. President Marcos visited TAGAYTAY, then CLARK AIR BASE, then BAGUIO then ISABELA province. The tour would continue throughout November, and Malacanang would confirm that it would continue to the end of the year. |
| President Marcos's wife, the infamous IMELDA MARCOS, known for her great opulence and extravagance, was dispatched by her powerful husband to lead the openings of several high-profile cultural events. All were built around the "Bagong Lipunan" policy umbrella of the Marcos administration it roughly translates to New Society. A new center for heart and lung research in QUEZON CITY, new public hospitals in LAS PINAS, a new site for housing development in PASIG the ambition of the administration was practically boundless. |
| While the media news cycle redirected most public attention away from the tense Supreme Court ruling in October on Aquino v. Marcos, the Liberal Party and student groups and alliances were determined to oust the President in the coming elections this 1970. SENATOR NINOY AQUINO, the leader of the opposition in government and the head plaintiff in the Supreme Court case, was organizing a strong list of candidates for the Senate with the aim of at the very least flipping a chamber and disrupting a second Marcos agenda. This, however, would prove to be an uphill task, with polling by the MANILA TIMES indicating Marcos leading Aquino with 46% to 42%. There were also increasing worries that the coming election season would be one of the most tense, with fired-up opposition groups ready to be pitted against supporters of the incumbent administration. |
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Batallon De Dignidad, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia
The Three Princes
| Scene 2, Act 1 |
| First Blood |
______________
[sub]October, 1969[/sub]
The game had begun just a few months ago, and two major events had given the Senior Minister for Commerce, Nnamdi Azikiwe the upper-hand in the opening act of the Three Princes. The 1969 Budget, which had discussed and debated for a few weeks between Baelwa Loyalists wanting to adopt to a more pro-US approach, aiming at faster de-regulation and allowing investors to buy into key markets, and Azikiwes more moderate and cautious approach, wanting to hold off any drastic de-regulation and adapt a more gradual approach to market-based reforms. It was clear this split in the cabinet was bigger than purely a policy difference. Gaining a compromise between the two would automatically be a win for Azikiwe and his loyalist band and showcase his influence on the government at full strength. Forcing Balewa with a budget deemed only as a half measure would not just be a blow to the confidence inside government, but also offer time to Azikiwes faction to hold their cards out for the longer and wait in the sidelines for an extended time. The budget easily passed the unicameral National Assembly, even supported by the Liberal Alliance, but internally, a blow to Balewas confidence and his own faction and showing the opening cracks of a growing sense of disloyalty and instability in Nigerias first democratic government in 7 years. But this would be simply a minor blow to what was coming for President Balewa and his faction in the cabinet.
By September of 1969, Balewa had announced a new operation to crackdown on remaining dissidents in the Niagara region, who had remained active in the region since the signing of the Treaty of Lagos earlier that year, with over 2,500 soldiers set to be deployed mostly in the rural farmlands of the oil-rich region. The aim was to military suppress the Biafra Nationalist Front (BNF) in a brutal and quick fashion and continue operations in a more silent fashion with the deployment of the newly-formed Nigerian Security Corps to deal with any remaining terrorist behaviour in the region in a much more long-term sense. In terms of his own personal and party popularity, it would create the dynamic he had been gambling for years - Unity and the One Nigeria doctrine. Defeating them would also foil any attempt at ousting him in the near future and would put quiet any rumours of Azikiwe becoming the new President. But the other prince of Gowon, who had quietly been building up his own powerbase, mostly outside of the central government, was put to lead Operation Syndicate. His aim was to make it out to be a success, but his own personal success, and the hope of that was to create a scapegoat inside the central government if something was to be go wrong. If the operation failed, Gowon would simply place public blame on the newly-installed Balewa loyalist, Musa Yar'Adua, and could deal a deep blow to the government and the President himself.
The 3 week period in September saw the BNF for the most part crushed by a far superior, better armed and better supplied Federal Nigerian Army, although minute pockets remained scattered across the region, for the large part, was stabilised. However, after the operation had died down in terms of the scale and activity, Gowon had discussed with one of Nigerias biggest media outlets, the Kano Outlet, which was heavily popular amongst the rural farmers of Nigeria, to accuse the Nigerian Government of allowing the committing of war crimes on BNF soldiers. While it may or may not have been true, Gowon was the leading man of the operation, and so a genuine attempt to create something out of nothing. His own personal loyalists, unlike Azikme and Balewa, were more outside the government, either in regional governments or in the media, and one of his most trusted allies was one of the chief editors of the Kano Outlet, who happily allowed the publication to enter front pages on the morning of the 22nd September, 1969.
Chaos struck the Balewa government - perhaps even to an extent, their first crisis. Responding to this accusation could go one of the two ways. Either shift the blame back onto Gowon, which could open the chest to even more scrutiny from either Gowons loyalists or Azikimes in government, or accept the blame and let someone go, and that someone was either the Senior Minister for Defence, that being his own loyalist and long-time ally, Ladoke Akintola, the Senior Minister for Internal Security, of which was another loyalist, named of Festus Okotie-Eboh, a long-time figure in the party and government who had been a skilled political strategist during the civil war years or his veteran friend, the Minister for Military Affairs, Musa Yar'Adua. Whoever he was to sack, it would be a blow to himself, his confidence in government and the political game in government with Azikiwe. He knew he had to accept it to avoid growing out the political skirmish with Gowon, and so looked to sack the Senior Minister for Internal Security, Okotie-Eboh, and place the Musa as the new Senior Minister for IS. Shortly after that, he would abolish the Minster for Military Affairs. This was a big blow in many different ways.
Firstly, it showed a clear weakness in the government, created a potential crisis in confidence for the President, allowed Gowon to walk free and most importantly of all, gave Azikime another front to battle on, that being with Gowon or without him. He didnt care if it was true or not. Balewa knew for certain that both his former advisor and second in command, and the popular general of the Nigerian Army, Azikime and Gowon, were in it for the long haul. Is Azikime going to strike first and cause chaos early doors, or hold his cards and wait for the perfect tune? Was it merely a warning shot from Gowon, or the beginning of a tense battle between government and military?
Nigerias road to recovery is now firmly interwoven with the battle for power in the Three Princes. How quickly they recover, and if they recover at all, will come down to who holds their cards and who goes all in. The question is - who will become the true King of Nigeria.
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Batallon De Dignidad, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-
[list][list]SHŌWA 44 | NOVEMBER 1969[/list]
[list][list]ニクソン・佐藤声明
[pre]NIXON-SATO STATEMENT[/pre][/list][/list]
[pre] S A T O I N A M E R I C A ¹ [/pre]
[list][list][sub][pre] オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり
O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly![/pre][/sub][/list][/list]
THE WHITE HOUSE, Paramountica JOINT STATEMENT[/list]
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=2001387
[list]
____________
[sub]¹ SATO IN AMERICA, American President Richard Nixon welcomed Japanese Prime Minister Eisaku Sato to the White House. [/sub]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Batallon De Dignidad, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-
[list][list]SHŌWA 44 | NOVEMBER 1969[/list]
[list][list]沖縄協定
[pre]OKINAWA ACCORD[/pre][/list][/list]
[pre] M E M O R Y O F A D E F E A T [/pre]
[list][list][sub][pre] オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり
O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly![/pre][/sub][/list][/list]
NAGATACHŌ EVENING
[sub]TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]
| Okinawa remained a reminder of Japans defeat for a quarter of a century. Liberated by the Americans in the final days of the war, it continued to be an American-occupied area even after Japan regained sovereignty. In Washington, during two days of talks, RICHARD NIXON and EISAKU SATO agreed on a timetable for the long-promised return to Japanese control of the Ryukyu Islands, with Okinawa their largest island. The agreement puts an end to the last unfinished business regarding the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. At the National Press Club, The PRIME MINISTERs speech, although he spoke English fluently with an accent, hailed the Okinawa agreement as the end of the post-war period. By satisfactorily resolving the Okinawa issue, The PRIME MINISTER greatly improved his domestic political position. |
| Under the terms of the agreement, the Ryukyu Islands returned to Japan in 1972. The Americans, however, will maintain their military bases there. These bases must follow the terms of the U.S.-Japan Mutual Security and Cooperation Treaty, which prohibits Washington from using nuclear weapons without Tokyos approval. Before Japan took control, the Americans withdrew their nuclear weapons there. If the Vietnam War is not over by then, the Americans have reserved the option of asking the Japanese for permission to fly combat support missions from Okinawa, where most of the B-52s are currently located. In return, The PRIME MINISTER made important concessions. He promised to shoulder a greater share of the burden of Asian defense. The PRIME MINISTER will also increase Japans economic aid to other Asian nations. On the trade front, The PRIME MINISTER promised that Japan to use the multilateral Geneva talks to resolve problems created by the rapid expansion of the Japanese textile industry, which has flooded the American market with its low-cost synthetic fibers. |
| Still, the Okinawa agreement is expected to give the Liberal Democratic Party an unprecedented opportunity to maintain control of the Diet. American control and use of Okinawa as a base for Vietnam war operations has long been sensitive to Japanese antimilitarists, and the party has staked its political future on reversion. In Tokyo, party leaders have already hailed Washingtons statement as a demonstration of mutual trust and friendship between Americans and Japanese. Although a minority of radical students and workers oppose any American presence in Japan or Okinawa, a substantial majority of Japanese support The PRIME MINISTERs plan for continued cooperation with the Americans. A master of political timing, The PRIME MINISTER is expected to capitalize on his new advantage by convening an extraordinary session of the Diet to hear his report on Okinawa and then scheduling parliamentary elections. If that happens, The PRIME MINISTER can reasonably expect that his party, which now holds 273 of Japans lower houses 486 seats, might even gain some seats, perhaps at the expense of the Socialists. |
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Batallon De Dignidad, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-
| DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF KURDISTAN - KOMARA DEMOKRATA KURDISTANÊ |
The Great Leader Recovers as Kurdistan Contemplates the Succession
[sub]| Amed Capital District
| October, 1968 - January, 1969[/sub]
-
After suffering a stroke and subsequent coma, Remman begins to consider Kurdistan without himself and names a formal successor.
___________________
The political climate of Kurdistan was thrown into sudden disarray when the Great Leader Mazar Remman, President of the Republic, suffered a stroke in early October of 1968. The President, now 63 years old, collapsed in his office and was taken to City Hospital #2 where he slipped into a coma. With no Vice-President in the Kurdish system, there was not a clear substitute leader in the Presidents absence. Immediate power fell to the RNLF Political Bureau, which form the elite of the countrys politics.
At a Politburo meeting convened immediately after Remmans stroke, the Minister of Defense, Major General Serhildan Bahram, asserted himself as the de facto leader and sought to have the Peoples Assembly name him Acting President. The 11 members of the Politburo were divided on Bahrams play, with 4- plus Bahram himself- supporting the motion, but 6 opposing it. He would not be made Acting President but with his opponents in the Politburo themselves too divided to rally around a replacement, his unofficial leadership of the Politburo was conceded to. He formed a working alliance with Colonel Diyako Memreshi, the most extreme-left member of the Politburo and the current Foreign Minister. The two assumed responsibility for many functions of the state including carrying out scheduled diplomatic negotiations with Syria.
Just over three weeks after his stroke Remman finally emerged from his coma. Within a few days it became clear the long-term effects would be minimal and though beleaguered he was eager to resume responsibility. All but perhaps Bahram was relieved to have the President back on his feet. While the change was not immediate, his actions during the coma would prove disastrous for his political position. Seeds of distrust were sown in Remman's mind and within a month Bahram would lose all practical influence as Minister of Defense.
Though he himself came to power via a military coup, President Remman became markedly wary of his military after the coma. Once his base of power and source of loyalists, the Peoples Army now seemed to the President to be a potential source of opposition. The military could be broadly divided into moderate and radical factions and of the two the radical officers seemed mostly likely to organize a coup against him. On the 4th of December, Col. Memreshi was sacked as Foreign Minister and subsequently arrested by the State Security Directorate. 14 more of the most politically extreme senior officers were arrested, purging many of Bahrams allies. Rumors swirled that Memreshi had been executed at a political prison in the Zagros Mountains.
Fearing for his life and position, Bahram approached the President in person and swore his allegiance, disavowing his actions during the coma and any possible plot in the military. Perhaps assuaged by this, Remman stated the man would keep his position but that any further acts of such entitlement would result in his immediate end. From here on it was clear Bahram was no longer the #2 man in the Amed Capital District. And a new fervor had been awoken in the President to find a formal successor for the Presidency, especially in the event he were to die in office.
In an address to the 32-man Central Committee of the Revolutionary National Labor Front the President expressed his intent to create a formal position of Vice-President within the constitution of the Democratic Republic of Kurdistan. This announcement kicked off a flurry of political activity inside the Kurdish government and military. Remman had essentially announced his intent to name a successor as it became clear he intended for the office of Vice-President to succeed the Presidency if needed. With Bahram disgraced, there was no clear pick for the office and now the disparate factions of Kurdish politics had the opportunity to seriously elevate their position.
The fortunes of radical officers had recently worsened and so it seemed likely that Remman would choose a more moderate member of the military to succeed him. The clearest choice among them was Brig. Gen. Khidr Abdullah Rasul, Inspector-General of the Kurdish Peoples Army and a member of the RNLFs Central Committee. Since his appointment in 1966, he has ruthlessly asserted Remmans control over the organization, arresting dozens of officers on charges of conspiracy or corruption. Also vying is Lt. Gen. Kaka Ziad Koya, who recently finished a stint as Chief of Staff of the Peoples Army.
It was also possible that Remman would forgo the military entirely and select a member of Kurdistans burgeoning class of bureaucrats and public functionaries. But this group is divided on many ideological matters, especially those of military and economic policy. Of the more moderate civilians, leaders include the longtime Minister of Development, Avdel Rostami, and one of the RNLFs Deputy-Secretaries, Mustafa Qaradaghi. The two are proponents of a reduced role for the Kurdish Peoples Army as well as supporting some liberalizing reforms within the Kurdish economy and opposing more progress for the rights of women in Kurdish society. Opposite them are men like Nouri Shaweis, the other Deputy-Secretary of the RNLF, and one of the most prominent Marxists in the party. Having formerly served as Speaker of the Peoples Assembly, Shaweis is a leader of high reputation in Kurdistan and one of Remmans closest personal advisors. His allies include the Minister of Education, Ali Hazhar, and Hashim Akreyi, one of the RNLFs chief disciplinarians.
On January 7th 1969, the Peoples Assembly passed Amendment #04 to the Kurdish Constitution, legally creating the office of Vice-President. The act designates the VP as the formal successor should the President die in office, being allowed to finish the current term before the Peoples Assembly selects the next President. On the 9th, subsequent legislation was adopted that named Avdel Rostami as the first Vice-President of the Democratic Republic. As an apparent olive branch to civilian radicals, Ali Hazhar would be named Development Minister, and Hashim Akreyi named Education Minister in turn. Rostamis naming sent shockwaves throughout the state, party, and military apparatuses. In a few short moves President Remman had shifted the source of many of his closest subordinates from the military to civilians. Spooked by the actions of his Defense Minister, the aging dictator had now pushed his military compatriots to the margins.
__________________
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[pre]K I N G D O M O F S A U D I A R A B I A | المملكة العربية السعودية[/pre]
[sup]4[/sup] 𝐋𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 !
[pre]P A R T F O U R - C A P T U R E D[/pre]
| "Our people. . . cannot be tried." a quote from formal king of the emirate A. Saud, grandfather of the current king. This king is important, responsible for the unification of Saudi Arabia. A founders wish in vain. The PRAP, a subject for many, has now grown from a simple rebellion, to a revolution. This evening, Mecca was bombed again, this time some damage was done to the important spiritual sites; caused local authorities to surrender, for fear of the damage of more important sites. Mecca is now in the hands of the People's Republic of the Arabian Peninsula, with these provinces under their control;
[list][*]Makkah (Mecca)[*]Eastem Province[*]Narjan[*]Asir[*]Jizan[*]Bahah[*]Tabuk[/list]
| New Threats now lead to the idea that this rebellion may have a chance of succeeding. The Eastem National Airforce Base was taken by the PRAP forces a week ago, with Makkah being taken this evening. This rebellion continues to grow into a revolution, coming close to taking the crown's life. The Royal Military now arms itself around Riyadh, the final target of the Rebels. Suspicion grows around the inside military, as no one can tell who is a traitor and who is a loyalist, for the impostor situation has grown out of control. With hundreds now found out to be traitors. This growing movement grows with the day, and the crown is in serious danger. As no foreign help has arrived for the crown, hopes seem low. This does not mean the crown has given up, however. Royal Military Forces now surround a successful offensive in the Al-Khobar, and the military progresses to recapture Mecca. Only 378 soldiers are wounded, killed, or missing, while over 1,345 men on the PRAP offensive forces went missing, were killed, or wounded. Now, in the PRAP controlled Al-Waidah, South Sudan has not given any mind towards the manner, dealing with internal issues. As the forces draw closer, more cities could be lifted from rebel control. Royal Airforce has recouped at Riyadh National Airforce Center, and are back in the skies. A new offensive could be launched in the future, and Rebel hands could be broken, and the chess game checkmated.
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
[pre]𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 𝐨𝐟 𝐀𝐫𝐚𝐛𝐢𝐚[/pre]
[list][list]𝐌𝐄𝐂𝐂𝐀, 𝐌𝐀𝐊𝐊𝐀, 𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐏𝐄𝐎𝐏𝐋𝐄𝐒 𝐑𝐄𝐏𝐔𝐁𝐋𝐈𝐂 𝐎𝐅 𝐀𝐑𝐀𝐁𝐈𝐀[/list][/list]
[pre]| P R E S I D E N T I A L R E P O R T |[/pre]
|KHMER NASSAU [sup][sub]Elected President of the Republic of Arabia[/sub][/sup]| "Citizens of the Republic, I grant you our grand victory over Mecca! An astonishing accomplishment by our royal military. The Crown's oppressive hand no longer reigns over us, now the light of freedom can fall on to our heads, and we can shower in its glorious shine!"
[list]|Ministers Beside Khmer Clap, as the public outside the podium claps|[/list]
|HAEMAH KHALAF [sup][sub]Minister of the Interior, the Republic of Arabia[/sub][/sup]| "As our beloved president stated, this momentous victory over the crown is sure to help us win the war, as foreign powers do not take into account the current conflict, we should be good to go. As well, we have had unofficial support from Egyptian Authorities, funding war efforts and weapons. As far as the Ministry of the Interior is concerned, the Egyptian Government is unaware of the unofficial support, a good thing I suppose."
[list]| The Crowed erupts in cheers and praise, chanting "Tahya Althawratu! Tahya Althawratu!" as the Haemah signals to quiet down, the people abruptly stop. |[/list]
|KHMER NASSAU [sup][sub]Elected President of the Republic of Arabia[/sub][/sup]| "We can now give the go for a invasion of Riyadh. This fight will decide the fate of the Republic, Crown, and the entirety of the Arabian Peninsula. We can do our part! Afterwards, if the fight is won, we can take care of the issue with Southern Yemen, if needed by force!"
[list]| Claps can be heard as the crowd stomps on the floor, signaling the praise. The banner of the republic flies over Mecca, the City of Islam. |[/list]
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
[sup][sub]4 - Part of a Series[/sub][/sup]
[spoiler=[sub]Links to the rest of the series on[/sub]
Live the Peoples Republic !
[list=1][*]Part 1[*]Part 2[*]Part 3[*]Part 4[/list]]Adriatican Islands
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Mutawakkiliti
OCTOBER , 1969
Very Able Troopers 69
| With the communist insurgents still active as ever in Malaysia's north. As reports had come in throughout the year on communist activities, with the activities that shine through the most being:
[List][I]24/July Communist terrorist killed a Chinese woman leaving her house in the small isolated mining village of Sintok, Kedah.
[B]25/October Communist terrorist mined a stretch of the Changlun-Sadao road on the Malaysia-Thailand border and tried albeit unsuccessfully to ambush a Malaysian security forces motorised convoy.[/I][/list]
As a response to their activity Minister of Home Affairs & Justice [I]Yeap Ghim Guan[/I] proposes the formation of a purposely formed special forces that performs the role of counter-insurgency within the Malaysian state. Eventually this proposal would form the [I]Yeap Project[/I]. |
| With the [I]Yeap Project[/I] underway and recruitment efforts for the project began. [I]Yeap Ghim Guan[/I] began looking for other special forces organisation that'll serve a mentorship for the future counter-insurgency special force. Eventually settling on the British SAS to provide the necessary mentorship. [B]1,600 officers and men from the [I]Police Field Force[/I] applied for the [I]Yeap Project[/I]. Of which 60 passed the basic commando training tests. A group of instructors from the [I]British SAS, 22nd regiment[/I] were sent to Fort Kemar, Perak[/I] to supervise the training of the first recruits. Only 30 police officers managed to pass and they formed the first nucleus troops of the 69 Commando Battalion. |
| The planned organisation of the special forces that'll result from the [I]Yeap Project[/I] would be organisationally modelled after the [I]British SAS, 22nd Regiment[/I]. To achieve the function of:
[List][I] Intelligence collection in deep reconnaissance missions and warfare.
[B] Special operations to support the [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55011298]Kuasa Tertinggi Field Unit[/URL] in combating subversive organisations.
[B] Law enforcement operations in dealing with armed criminals inside Malaysian territory.
[B] Search and rescue operations inside or outside Malaysian territory.
[B] Support in term of technique and training to other
Royal Malaysian Police elite units.[/I] |[/list]
| Sand coloured berets would be bestowed onto each member of the [I]69 Commando Battalion[/I] by the British SAS, 22nd Regiment[/I] on the final day of their training by the [I]SAS[/I]. Along with that the [I]69 Commando Battalion[/I] would adopt their own informal insignia. Their informal insignia features:
[list][I][B] The colour black:
[B]i Black symbolises the highly secretive nature of their operations.
[B] The colour red:
[B]i Red symbolises the bravery of the men in this elite unit.
[B] The colour yellow:
[B]i Yellow symbolises loyalty to the king and country.
[B] A javelin:
[B]i The javelin is a Lembing, which is a traditional weapon used by Malay warriors.
[B] Two pieces of the Kerambit.
[B]i Which are arranged to form the number 69, signifying stealth and efficiency.[/I][/list]
Along with that. They'd create their own motto; "Warisan Darah Perwira" [I](Inheritance of The Blood of Warriors)[/I]. |
| The [I]Yeap Project[/I] would be publicly promoted as the Very Able Troopers 69 as the project was deemed [I]"usable"[/I]. The first operation assigned towards the first battalion of the [I]VAT 69[/I] would be to assist the [I]Kuasa Tertinggi Field Unit (KTFU)[/I] in the infiltration of the Communist ranks. Collecting information on Communist strategies, communist plans and communist equipment and if possible take out their leader. But their main overall mission is to help the [I]KTFU[/I] destroy the Communist forces by forcing them to divide and fight amongst themselves. |
______________________________________________
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Spain-, Slipway
[list][list][pre]| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X
| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"[/pre]
[list][list][pre]Zo brult de Nederlandse leeuw
en ontwaakt uit zijn slaap...[/pre][/list]
[pre]// 05 NOVEMBER 1969, WOENSDAG
DEN HAAG, NEDERLAND //[/pre][/list]
Ā L E AㅤㅤI E C T AㅤㅤE S Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤAㅤㅤB L O S S O M I N GㅤㅤF L O W E R
[list]ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ[sub]In the wake of the Wolsheijner Administration's bold economic experiments, Holland found itself on the brink of a remarkable transformation. With each passing day, the nation surged forward, propelled by an economy that seemed to know no bounds. The once quiet ports of Rotterdam now echoed with the clamour of international trade, while the business plazas of Amsterdam teemed with the hustle and bustle of commerce. In the heart of Eindhoven, factories hummed with ceaseless activity, their labour a testament to the nation's newfound prosperity. It was a time of dizzying growth, as Holland soared to the pinnacle of Western economies. Record-breaking surges in GDP left economists in awe, and whispers of an economic miracle began to circulate. With each success, the scars of the Dutch Banking Crisis and the Walloon Question, still fresh in the nation's memory, seemed to fade into obscurity.[/sub]
[sub]Amidst the whirlwind of Holland's burgeoning economy, the manufacturing sector soared to unprecedented heights, fueled by fierce market competition and significantly reduced production costs. Once stagnant, the Dutch economy now churned out historic quantities of goods, signalling a dawn of new opportunities. Enterprising Dutch-Greek businessman, Gert-Jan Christiakis, emboldened by the dominance of BMW, Renault, Volkswagen, and Peugeot in the European automobile market, envisioned a new chapter for Holland. In 1962, he laid the groundwork for a Dutch automobile manufacturer, spurred by a desire to see his homeland take its place among the industry giants. With government support, Christiakis established Kieft Motors Company in Amsterdam in May 1964, rallying venture capitalists and angel investors to fuel its growth. By 1965, Christiakis joined forces with businessman Huug Roeloffzen, officially founding the Kieft Group, with Kieft Motors Company as its flagship subsidiary. The company's vision took shape as they meticulously crafted their debut model, the Batavia 5060, a sleek and modern vehicle tailored for the needs of nuclear families. From June 1965 to April 1968, Kieft poured heart and soul into perfecting the Batavia 5060 before finally transitioning into full-scale production. In February 1969, the world stood witness as Kieft unveiled the Batavia 5060 to the European market, backed by an ambitious marketing blitz targeting discerning consumers across Switzerland, Britain, France, and the Nordic nations. The response was nothing short of euphoric. Customers lauded the Batavia 5060, propelling Kieft to record-breaking sales in the first two quarters of 1969. Leading the charge was the United Kingdom, where Kieft boasted over fifty-five thousand units sold within the first half of the year, cementing its place as a rising star in the European automotive landscape.[/sub]
[sub]As the applause for Kieft's inaugural Batavia 5060 echoed across the continent, whispers of a new endeavour began to circulate behind closed doors. While plans for a second model simmered in secrecy, Kieft's meteoric rise to prominence sent shockwaves through the automotive world. Despite its youth, Kieft had etched its name into the annals of European manufacturing, poised for a leap onto the global stage. The irresistible blend of comfort, elegance, and affordability that defined its debut offering had already endeared Kieft to the hearts of Dutch consumers, igniting a fervour that transcended borders. Now, with eyes set on international markets, Kieft stood as a beacon of hope in Holland's rapidly evolving economic landscape. The company's ambitions burned brightly, fueled by the promise of a future brimming with possibility. As the world watched, Kieft dared to dream of even greater heights, ready to perhaps one day carve out its place among the titans of the automotive industry.[/sub][/list]
_______________________________________________
[/list][spoiler=[sub]Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor[/sub]
de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler][/list]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[list][list][list][pre]RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE
FRENCH BUREAUCRACY
MINISTÈRE DE LÉCONOMIE & FINANCES[/pre][/list]
______
MINISTRY OF ECONOMICS & FINANCE: ECONOMY & FINANCE MINISTER VALERY GISCARD D'ESTAING ANNOUNCES BROAD ECONOMIC REFORM MEASURES
[sub]VTH FRENCH REPUBLIC | PARIS, SEPTEMBER 1969[/sub][/list]
[sub]| HELM OF PROGRÉS, MINISTÈRE DE LÉCONOMIE & FINANCES - | The Pompidou administration's abrupt devaluation of the franc last month was widely praised as an example of skillful financial management. However, the question remains if France can control inflation before the trade-off advantages of a weaker franc are lost to rising prices which will determine its eventual success. The Pompidou administration welcomed a large number Frenchmen back to work last week after their August vacations with tidings of impending austerity. Finance Minister Valery Giscard d'Estaing unveiled a plan to combat inflation that will make use of almost all of the fiscal and monetary tools at the disposal of modern day administrations.[/sub]
[sub]If accomplished, the objectives that Giscard has established may make France the envy of other countries. He also boldly pledged to accomplish such objectives in less than a year. The objectives are as follows: 1) a balanced budget by January 1, 1970; 2) a "equilibrium" between production and consumption by April 1; and 3) the elimination of France's trade deficit by July 1. When Giscard called for national support to help "win the battle of the franc," he was careful not to incite the industrial conflict that had disturbed the government's economic objectives during the 1968 student riots. The burden placed on common Frenchmen was actually quite small and focused mainly at limiting credit. Instead of the current 30% down payment, car buyers will need to put down 50% and pay the remaining balance over 18 months rather than 21. The down payment on furniture and household equipment will now be 40% instead of 30%, and the term will be cut from 18 to 15 months. Interest rates on savings accounts will increase from 4% to 6% in order to incentivize customers to transfer their funds there. Opposition is significantly more likely to be sparked by a government promise to maintain wage stability. Giscard said that during talks next month, the government would aim to keep salary increases at 4%, which would match the rise in the cost of living so far this year. The minister vowed to boost family allowances for low-income groups and to raise old-age pensions for all, in an attempt to sweeten the pill and somewhat defuse criticism of his polices.[/sub]
[sub]Businessmen were treated with significantly less tact. The devaluation-induced price freeze will persist, albeit with minor adjustments. Due to their increasing revenues from checking-account deposits, bankers will now be required to pay a "exceptional" tax on profits. Only 0.6% of this year's price increases will be permitted for industries that rely on imports, which are more expensive following devaluation1.25% in 1970. Any additional increases will need to be discussed with the government and declared one month in advance. Giscard suavely sought to appease industry by promising that the government would set an example of restraint. He promised to reduce the 1969 deficit from $422 million to just $100 million. Government-owned gas and power providers will not be carrying out their planned price increases. To increase the labor pool, military conscripts will be discharged one month ahead of schedule. Long-term, the Finance Minister repeated a promise made by Prime Minister Jacques Chaban-Delmas: public spending will not increase at a rate higher than the GDP as long as he is in office.[/sub]
[sub]The new austerity, Giscard promised grandly, will "further make France into a model industrial state," with a "regime of permanent price stability." To prevent any speculative rush, Paris has already secured $9.5 billion in fresh international credits as a safeguard against additional depreciation of the franc. The flagship industries of France are still a source of pride and power. The first of the second generation of jet transports, the Caravelle, the renowned Marcel Dassault Mirage jet fighter, and the supersonic Concorde, which was primarily designed in France, are examples of the innovation of the French aviation sector. French products are starting to compete with Italian refrigerators and washing machines, Dutch toasters and transistors, and West German machine tools in the crucial domains of engineering and middle-level management. France is at last emerging as a rival in the global industrial markets that it deserves to be. | [/sub]
[list]______[/list]
[list][list][pre]VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!
VIVE LA FRANCE!
VIVE LEMPIRE![/pre][/list][/list]
[list][spoiler=[sub]𝐄𝐌𝐁𝐑𝐀𝐂𝐄 𝐅𝐑𝐀𝐍𝐂𝐄
𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘[/sub]]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
The Kemalist Republic Of Turkiye
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, The Confederation Of Northern Germany, Amsterwald, Federated Arab Emirates, Sixth French Metropolitan Republic, Cascadla, Holy Vatican City States, Federated Turkey, Nasrid Algeria, New Provenance, Monaco-, Andorra-, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
Post self-deleted by United Jericho.
[sub] DEC 1969[/sub]
[list][list][list][sub][sup]REPUBLIC OF CHINA | 中華民國[/sub][/sup]
[pre]POSTURING[/pre]
[/list]
T[sub]he Kuomintang's National Congress in a way mirrors that of the Mainland's Communist Party's National Congress. Held every five years, the mostly symbolic congress usually is anticipated by China watchers to determine the direction of the state. It also serves as the ground where new political figures are made, and important national policy is announced. This year's National Congress also held the special distinction of marking the 75th anniversary of the party's founding by Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Notable however this time was the massive sign that saw Chiang Kai-shek's son, Ching-Kuo, being pictured alongside his father. For the first time, it seemed that there would be a new party leader.[/sub]
[sub]Citing his health and desire to focus on running the affairs of the state, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek announced that he will be stepping down as Tsungtsai (Director-General) to make way for a new leader of the party who in Chiang's own words would 'rejuvenate the heroic spirit of the Party and lead the charge for the reunification of China and it's liberation from the Communist aggressors in the mainland'. This man was of course no other than Ching-kuo, who ran opposed and was elected by an overwhelming majority as new 'Chairman' of the party.[/sub]
[sub]The National Congress however was a distraction for what was happening in the background. Part of the reason for the sudden succession despite having no clear signs before was increased pressure by the mainland on Taiwan. a false flag operation raised alarm bells all over the political establishment and a decision was made that all the relevant political powers, mainly Ching-kuo as Minister of National Defense, had to have total power to deal with the situation at hand. Chiang was no fool, he had no delusions about his abilities, and such understood the need for delegation.[/sub]
[sub]As the Congress progressed into its first few days, newly elected Chairman Ching-kuo began to employ a brand of aggressive language not used since the 50s. 'Immediate unification!' 'The regime is collapsing as the Great Leap Backwards descends into more chaos' 'Mao is senile, he is letting the youth beat up teachers under the pretenses of ideology!' were some of the slogans and phrases used in the congress. A declaration that gave the Chairman wide-range (symbolic) powers to lead the country into war was passed as another form of psychological warfare. Nobody was under the impression that there would be an actual large-scale conflict - save perhaps for a few of the more hardline military officers - but if Beijing wanted violence then it would see the true face of the tiger.[/sub]
[sub]On the final day, the Standing Committee of the Kuomintang was elected, essentially the highest decision-making body of the party. 21 members were elected, most of the former members retained their seats, however this new SC brought with it an increased military presence, notable of which the inclusion of General Hau Pei-Tsun and Chief of the General Staff Lai Ming-tang, another clear indication of the militarized state that the KMT was pursuing in the wake of the aggression by the Communist Party. [/sub]
[sub]A few months ago, the current situation would have been unthinkable, but so was renewed aggression by the Chinese Communist Party in it's weakest moments. Then again, none of the top leaders in Taiwan were ever under the impression that the CPC's position on the mainland was ever at threat, the Great Leap Forward had succeeded in building a successful foundation for a revival of the economy and began turning the wheels for the country's industrialization, meanwhile the Cultural Revolution had only succeeded in proving that the CPC's iron fist approach was the only right one. However for Ching-kuo and his military cadres, none of this would stop their march towards retaking the mainland by any means necessary.[/sub]
-----------------------------
[/list]
[pre]"If when I die, I am still a dictator, I will certainly go down into the oblivion of all dictators. If, on the other hand, I succeed in establishing a truly stable foundation for a democratic government, I will live forever in every home in China" ~ Chiang Kai-shek[/pre]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[list][list][pre]| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X
| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"[/pre]
[list][list][pre]Een regering bestaat uitsluitend
om haar volk te dienen...[/pre][/list]
[pre]// 28 NOVEMBER 1969, WOENSDAG
DEN HAAG, NEDERLAND //[/pre][/list]
Ā L E AㅤㅤI E C T AㅤㅤE S Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤS E R V A N TㅤㅤO FㅤㅤT H EㅤㅤP E O P L E
[list]ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ[sub]Holland basked in the glow of its economic renaissance, hailed as the Dutch Economic Miracle, affectionately dubbed "Lagerlandswonder" (Lowland's miracle), as the nation charged into the 1970s with unwavering economic might. The shadows of past setbacks, epitomised by the Dutch Banking Crisis and the suffocating grip of the Walloon Crisis during the De Jong administration from 1965 to 1967, seemed but distant memories. Under the visionary leadership of Adrian Wolsheijner, who clinched victory in early 1969, the Netherlands experienced a remarkable resurgence. A convergence of factors, from a burgeoning population to bold policy reforms and a culture of innovation nurtured by the state, propelled the nation back onto the global stage. Wolsheijner's philosophy, rooted in a nuanced approach that rejected the extremes of neoliberal economics, drew inspiration from the principles of the Freiburg School and the visionary insights of Eucken and Böhm. His vision was clear: to forge a path toward a social market economy, where regulation and free markets harmonised to foster sustainable growth and prosperity for all.[/sub]
[sub]Amidst the bustling growth fueled by immigration and soaring birth rates, the Netherlands emerged as a formidable force in Europe, its influence swelling with each passing day. Yet, like all nations grappling with rapid population expansion, Holland found itself ensnared in a pressing dilemma. A scarcity of housing loomed large, driving rent prices and housing costs to dizzying heights. Nowhere was this predicament more palpable than in Amsterdam, where a confluence of immigrants and natives alike clamoured for affordable accommodations, only to be met with frustration and despair. Recognising the urgency of the situation, the Dutch government resolved to seize control. With determination etched upon their faces, they embarked on a bold initiative, poised to confront the housing crisis head-on.[/sub]
[sub]In a bold move spurred by the insights of sociologist and political advisor Koen Eekwiendels, Holland embarked on a pioneering social development project in May 1969. The seeds of change were sown with the Luijendijk Project in Rotterdam, a groundbreaking endeavor that saw the construction of four apartment complexes in the long-neglected Schiedam borough, providing a sanctuary for 560 souls. Buoyed by the moderate success of the Luijendijk initiative, the Dutch government wasted no time in expanding its ambitious vision. From the urban sprawl of Amsterdam to the corridors of power in The Hague, and even reaching down south to Luxembourg and Luik, a wave of social housing projects began to take shape. Among them stood the likes of Kievidhaven (Amsterdam), Wiedelwiejkeert (The Hague), Lieuweende (Luxembourg), and Zuid-Maarten (Luik), each a beacon of hope in the struggle for affordable housing. With two of these transformative projects nearing completion, the Netherlands stands poised to usher in a new era of accessibility and inclusivity. By prioritising the needs of the most vulnerable, Holland endeavours to pave the way for a brighter future, where the promise of affordable housing with low rent prices is not just a dream, but a reality for all.[/sub]
[sub]Under the vigilant oversight of the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, the social housing projects are meticulously tailored to meet the needs of lower-middle-class families and solitary urban dwellers. Fixed at a modest rate of 27.5 guilders per room, the rental fees ensure accessibility without compromising on quality, with a standard two-bedroom unit totaling 110 guilders (£43 pound sterling) to encompass the kitchen, living room, and bedrooms. To ensure equitable distribution, citizens can apply for social housing through designated government channels, presenting proof of income as a prerequisite. With a commitment to fairness, each family is limited to one housing unit, safeguarding against exploitation of the system. In a nod to sovereignty, foreign residents, including guest workers without Dutch citizenship, are temporarily excluded from eligibility for social housing. This measure underscores the government's dedication to prioritising the welfare of its own citizens, preserving resources for those who call the Netherlands home. As the Netherlands strides confidently into a new chapter, it remains steadfast in its commitment to serving the people, shunning the grip of elitism that once cast a shadow over The Hague. With each passing milestone, the nation reaffirms its dedication to the principles of equality and social justice, ensuring that all citizens have a place to call home in this ever-evolving landscape.[/sub][/list]
_______________________________________________
[/list][spoiler=[sub]Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor[/sub]
de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler][/list]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[list][pre]T H E S L O V E N E R E P U B L I C S L O V E N S K A R E P U B L I K A[/pre][/list]
JAKAC GOVERNMENT ANNOUNCES NEW SPORTS INITIATIVE IN WAKE OF FAILED WORLD CUP QUALIFICATION
[list][sup]WELFARE WELL-TIMED
NOVEMBER 1969[/sup][/list]
In truth, sports and athletics had long been targets for new funding and revitalization under President Boidar Jakac. In sporting, Slovenia was a robust nation: sokols gave it an enormous rate of youth sport participation, particularly in gymnasticswherein Miroslav Cerar won his recent gold medaland youth football participation was solidly on the rise. However, the flush budget that resulted from the Alpski nakup gave Jakac more room for social initiatives, and building on an already-robust foundation seemed like a sure victory.
Politics, however, demand cunning timing. Like any program, Jakacs athletics subsidies could be set in favorable circumstances at a favorable hour. This is what he elected to do. Slovenia was enthralled by the 1970 FIFA World Cup (Sport-Internationale) qualifiers, keenly remembering the dramatic 1966 qualifiers and Slovenias razor-thin defeat to Spain that ended its dream run. This time, the sting managed to be harsher; Slovenia placed second-to-last in its group, far from the qualification it so desired. It was now, when attention to national sports was at its zenith, that the Jakac administration would unveil his reply$3 million (1968) to be distributed in subsidies to youth and adult sports clubs, including professional football teams, in $1 million parcels set for 1970, 1972, and 1974. The emphasis would be on talent cultivationon seeking out natural talent and honing it. Even in its current state, Slovenias sporting landscape was producing exciting young names in football, midfielder Branko Oblak and winger Zdenko Verdenik among them. Now, with Slovenian sports organs to be afforded funds for new scouts and recruiters, another generation in Slovenias towns and villages might be sifted for its stars.
[list][sub]IN OTHER NEWS: A deal with the Republic of Singapore was recently concluded by the Slovenian Foreign Ministry, reaffirming relations between the two states and establishing mutual commercial representative offices to expand trade. An agreement was likewise reached to reduce double taxation, aiming to make Singapore a place for Slovenian companies to operate and likewise. The prospect of involvement in Singapore has proved a subject of much enthusiasm among Slovenian companies, who watch the young state grow with a keen eye.[/sub][/list]
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1857012
Paramountica, Rutannia, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[list]November 1969
[sub]Eine Nation Völler Ambitionen[/sub][/list]
[pre]D I E B U N D E S R E P U B L I K[/pre]
A NATION OF AMBITION
[sub]FRANKFURT, THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, New Provenance - MORNING[/sub]
| ". . . We are a boundless, impenetrable, unstoppable nation of ambition . . ." was the line most remembered by the country in Sophie Scholl's first speech as FEDERAL CHANCELLOR. After receiving a majority of votes in the Bundestag (247) in the vote of confidence in a government led by her, she addressed the nation's unicameral parliamentary body and made a speech largely focused on optimism about the future, and plans to tackle social issues like the Vietnam War, detente with the Communist East, and new economic programs aimed at lifting up the working class and encouraging overall national export rate and GDP growth. Her speech was met with applause from her coalition partners, the SPD and the FDP, with polite applause from the opposition CDU. Within days of assuming office, Scholl signaled her intention to move fast when she put forward to the Bundestag for consideration legislation that would expand existing programs to boost Germany's exports and empower German corporate innovation. |
| As the country concludes the decade of the 1960s, the outlook is positive but the current state of the nation is somewhat dull in comparison to what the previous government of Willy Brandt was aiming for. While the country's exports and unemployment had decreased overall since the mid-1960s, when the economy was most volatile, a collusion of a variety of factors have meant there remains an issue to be tackled. The most crucial piece of data that requires tackling by the German government is the decline in capital investments into German private industry, which in past decades have spurred on historic levels of jobs and economic growth for the country. The Brandt government assumed a fiscally conservative position on the issue, supporting CDU proposals to slash business taxes and streamline regulations to boost economic productivity and encourage mobility in the German industrial world. |
| To the delight of free market liberals and fiscal conservatives alike, FDP leader Wolfgang Mischnick assumed the position of Minister of Economy rather than Minister of Defense, giving him the purview to direct the country's economic policy for the foreseeable future. Mischnick's economic policy is more liberal, but still somewhat similar to, than that of one of his most popular predecessors in the position, and current opposition leader, Ludwig Erhard. Both have supported incentivizing growth and innovation of German companies that in the 1950s were the backbone of the export boom that grew the national economy to record levels. |
| The heavily demoralized SPD, now in second position in the coalition, with their leader, Willy Brandt, serving as Vice-Chancellor with an additional portfolio as Foreign Minister, was given the task of leading the country on foreign policy. The new Chancellor was a strong supporter of Ostpolitik and general detente with the Communist East, and was even supportive of a loosening of border restrictions between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. The leading DfV party, the liberal political machine that formed this year and rallied behind Scholl as their candidate, assumed the daunting task of reforming, as mentioned above, domestic policy. Scholl unveiled her plans for domestic policy during visits to a Volkswagen factory complex outside of Frankfurt and a visit to a general hospital in Cologne, outlining health and industry as the priorities of her administration. She also gave a nod to younger voters during a visit to a low-income housing complex in Bonn built in 1967, touting plans to reform the welfare system to expand its coverage while keeping its fiscal cost on the country in check. |
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
NOVEMBER , 1969
A Necessary Sacrifice Of Democracy
| [I]Datuk Abdul Razak[/I] the current chairman of the United Malay National Organisation (UMNO[/I] would make a speech to students from the school known as [I]Victoria Institution[/I], which is the oldest secondary school in Kuala Lumpur. Having been established in 14 August 1893. This school was selected by [I]Datuk Abdul Razak[/I] due to its importance in the history of modern Malaysia, as it's the site of, the formal surrender of the [I]29th Imperial Japanese Army[/I] to [I]Lieutenant-General Ouvry Roberts[/I] of the [I]34th Indian Corps[/I], on the [I]13 September 1945[/I]. [I]Datuk Abdul Razak[/I] would make a speech to the students of [I]Victoria Institution[/I]:
[List][I]" What is Malaysia? It's not a distinct identity but rather a nation made by the Malays, for the Malays. The British recognised that fact when our nation was a mere colonial subject of the British Empire and allowed our nine rulers to retain their administrative positions. In the early years of the British colonial period, our nation was a nation of Malays led by only Malays. It's only in recent years had the non-Malays have a desire to expand their influence in governance of our nation. Our rulers invited the British into our country and as such they had a say in how our nation is to be governed. But we never invited the non-Malays to have an administrative role in our country but yet here we are led by a Chinese prime minister. There needs to be a call for re-election so we the Malays will have a rightful Malay leader to lead our country of Malays for the Malays! "[/I] | [/list]
| Prime minister [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] would pass a new act from his cabinet entitled the "Necessary Sacrifice of Democracy". This act would be passed as part of the [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55078291]Nation Reform Policy (NRP)[/URL] as well as a response to the speech by [I]Datuk Abdul Razak[/I] at [I]Victoria Institution[/I]. |
| This new act would entail:
[List][I][B](I) A Ban On Racial & Religious Ideologies
[B] Any political society that talks about implementing racial supremacism or racial biased laws or religious supremacism or religious laws in the nation will not be a legal entity within Malaysian politics.
[B] Any political society that uses words with an association with any religion in its name will not be a legal entity within Malaysian politics.
[B]- If a political society is in violation of those two criteria's, all members of that political society are bound to see imprisonment and political reeducation.
[B](II) Limitations To Political Tools
[B] Before any protest could be performed in the nation. The leader of the protest have to apply for the right to protest and after the protest is over, that right will be revoked until appealed at a later date.
[B] Before an election, all political parties cannot begin campaigning until the first day of voting.
[B]- If any of these criteria's have been broken, the police are allowed to use a moderate amount of force (beating people) and placing these violations onto their criminal records. [/I] |[/list]
| With this new act taking effect, multiple parties would not be considered as legally a political party within Malaysia anymore. This includes the major parties of the [I]Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA)[/I] due to them being founded under the principles of [I]Sun Yat Sen[/I] teachings, which included Chinese nationalism. Then there's also [I]UMNO[/I] a party that has not been shy about its Malay nationalism and belief of a Malay nation with a Malay overlordship. Then there's the [I]Malaysia Islamic Party (PAS)[/I] which have since its inception been vocally against the practice of other religions in Malaysia. |
| Chairman of the [I]MCA[/I], [I]Tan Siew Sin[/I] would send a letter to [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] to regain the [I]MCA's[/I] legal status. The letter states that:
[List][I]" While yes, the MCA was ideologically founded under the ideas of Sun Yat Sen. The MCA does not advocate for Chinese nationalism in the same way as UMNO does for Malay nationalism. Rather we advocate for a united Chinese identity not racial supremacism. The MCA has in the past works within the Malaysian laws to represent the interest of the Chinese people in Malaysia's government. "[/I][/list]
After reading that letter. The [I]MCA[/I] was allowed to once again be a legal political entity in Malaysia's politics. |
| With that new act taking effect it sends shock waves across Malaysia's political landscape as suddenly Malaysia's most strongest political force [I]UMNO[/I]. Is no longer a legal entity within Malaysia's politics. However shocking news would also befall Malaysia's newspapers as the [I]"father of development"[/I], [I]Datuk Abdul Razak[/I] was reported as having disappeared by members of [I]UMNO[/I], family members and Malaysia's ex-prime minister [I]Tunku Abdul Rahman[/I]. |
______________________________________________
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Metropolitan Francais, Spain-, Slipway
Post by Holy Seelers Imperial Federation suppressed by Metropolitan Francais.
November 1960
Pretoria, Transvaal, The place that was formerly known as the Union of South Africa. For the survival of Christian Civilzation, and for the Afrikaner nation.
After World War 2, growing political dissent for part taking in a war that was largely unpopular amongst the majority Black African and more numerous Afrikaner community has led to riots and political turnmoil in the then Union of South Africa, a British self governing dominion. Jan Smuts, the prime minister fails to address political demands of the Blacks who want universal sufferage, and Afrikaners who want to entrench segregation between whites and blacks. The dawn of a new decade shows South Africa in the verge of collapse, and soon the Afrikaner majority Transvaal Republic and Oranje Free State emerge from the shadows, with the Union Defence Force(UDF) and the government splitting into various states in each of the former four provinces of the Union, with Southwest Africa gaining independence as Namibia. Now, the South African Republic, a Volkstaat for the Afrikaners have reemerged from the shadows. There is growing tension in the borders of the fragil combination of the Free State and the Transvaal. The millions of blacks living in the former borders of two provinces have been expelled, with Afrikaans speaking coloureds and Afrikaners all gathering here from all over Africa.
Now, at 1960, the Republic must defend its borders to protect the lives of 5 million Afrikaans speaking brothers and sisters. It is a Christian state, dominated by the Dutch Reformed Church. Ethnic groups are as the following: 85% White Afrikaner, 13% Coloured and 1% Black and 1% Asian. In the 1960 survey, 95% spoke Afrikaans as their native language, with English, Basotho, and Zulu following.
The Afrikaner units of the Union Defence Force that joined the Republic, now known as the South African Defence Force or the Suid Afrikaanse Weermag, secure the border. There is tight control on immigration, with Dutch speaking Indo people who fled the former Dutch colony of Indonesia being the most recently accepted immigrants. The surrounding nations include the Natalia Republic, the Zulu Kingdom, Transkei, Botswana, Cape Republic and the Federation of Rhodesian and Nyasaland. As tensions between the British colonial government and Blacks up north of the Zambezi begin to rise, so does the need to strengthen it's military. All males aged between 16 and 35 are subjected to three years of national service, with an obligation to be present when reserve forces are mobilized up until the ages of 35. The standing military is currently 80,000 with 60,000 being the Army, 15,000 being the Airforce, and the rest being split between the Medical Corps and Staff Service. It has no navy.
The nation stands firmly against communism. As a result the nation supports continued European domination in Africa, and supports British, Belgian, French and Portuguese efforts to crush rebellions and quell independence movements. What lies at the future? No one is for sure what does.
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Spain-
Road to Recovery
| First 5-Year Cycle |
_____________
[sub]November 1969[/sub]
While inside the central government, Balewa was facing a power struggle with his former second-in-command, Nnamdi Azikiwe, a small band of advisors and influential lawmakers had been tasked with setting up the "5-year Cycle" - a road which would see a series of political and economic reforms. While into which direction it was unclear, President Balewa and his party were aiming to give a concrete map of direction for Nigeria to follow.
Plans had already been devised for big investments into agriculture, set to be funded via a revamp of the old-school tax system, of which was both sluggish and full of corruption already. The government also wanted to look into political reform, such as the setting up of an independent judiciary, having established one within the National Assembly. All these ideas had very much been set in motion for the last few months, but fighting a factional battle inside the cabinet created a paralysation within the core of Nigeria's governing body. It was decided, with a large influence from the President himself, that they would focus on tax reform, price regulations for farmers, investment into housing and education and the accelerated roll-out of the Farmers Subsidy Scheme to stir productivity and growth within a devastated sector, and a key sector, of the Nigerian economy.
Set to last 5 years, the cycle would begin with an ambitious budget for 1970, which would aim for a national roll-out of the farmer's subsidy scheme, funded partly by borrowed money as well as new taxes concerning businesses, which were set by the start of the year to pay a flat 5% of income directly into the central government. Placement of temporary caps in ministry budgets would be able to prevent a spiral of debt, and so would be supported by new regulations set on ports, an area of high economic corruption and tax evasion. If the 1970 Budget was a success, it was then perhaps the most important stage - tax reform - next in line. Balewa and his small band of advisors were concerned with both the low level of taxation on long-term wealth, luxury items, non-productive rural land and especially and the tax evasion, mostly within the wealthier urban areas, as well as within many of the ports within Nigeria. If they could raise more tax revenue, it could be able to fund future potential projects surrounding housing and education.
The President's big pledge for "careful reformism" now hits it's catalyst. While he may fight his factions in the cabinet and central government, his promises of economic recovery must be taken grasp. While the economy remains in a state of confusion, an industrial sector masked with de-regulation and the potential for corruption, a rural economy is still in a state of disarray, with attempts by Balewa and his government failing to make a dent into the long-term systemic problem for Nigeria's agricultural sector. For the wealthier ports of the South, the prospect of mass deceit and avoiding the growing reality of more taxes. Millions across the country still do not see the promises of a rejuvenated economy, with the pledges of a modern welfare system, a minimum wage and regulations on larger corporations failing to come to means. Nigeria's road to recovery is still on a shaky path, as attempts to raise more revenue, re-invest in a stale and broken economy and most of all, give a sense of optimism to the millions across the Lion of Africa.
Paramountica, Rutannia, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[sub] DEC 1969[/sub]
[list][list][list][sub][sup]REPUBLIC OF CHINA | 中華民國[/sub][/sup]
[pre]MONEY AND POLITICS[/pre]
[/list]
T[sub]aiwanese television has witnessed a rapid rise in latest years. Moving into the 60s with a flourishing electronics industry, a booming economy, a newly emerging middle class, and a desire to introduce the latest technology into the Taiwanese market made the conditions ripe for the creation of a television industry on the island. Starting it's existence with a capital of US$ 750,000, the Taiwanese Television Enterprise has grown not only to produce television content, but also directly aid the economy by manufacturing television sets and cultivating an advertisment environment that has led to the growth of Taiwanese businesses. Today, the TTV produces 70 hours of broadcasting content, a large portion of which is in color .[/sub]
[sub]Not content with just the TTV, the government authorized the creation of a second television channel in 1968. Having proved that a TV station was profitable, the eyes of Taiwanese entrepreneurs lit up, and many applied for a license to create a second channel. However, the Kuomintang's propaganda department, specifically through the Broadcasting Corporation of China (BCC) which owned the largest radio station in the country, also wanted a share in the pie. Eventually, President Chiang Kai-shek stepped in and ordered a joint-venture between all the relevant parties (that heavily prioritized the BCC) and the China Television Company was formed.[/sub]
[sub]The CTV was an even bigger success, introducing mass scale color television to the island, and having a much larger budget thanks to the involvement of many private interests, the Taiwanese government got the message, and announced that a third channel will be launched in 1970, this time fully prioritizing private companies and even being listed on the Taiwanese Exchange so that it would truly flourish as a private company. Of course not just any businessman could do, it had to be someone close to the KMT. Enter Lin Ting-Sheng, owner of the largest private company - Tatung, which holds a large market share in the production of electrical appliances, including color television sets, and heavy machinery - in Taiwan, and member of the Taipei City Council.[/sub]
[sub]For Lin Ting-Sheng, the business opportunity proved too good to pass, as not only would it serve as an excellent diversification scheme for the Tatung Group, turning it into a true conglomerate enterprise that would be involved in more than just the manufacturing, but it would also allow Lin to build a strong foundation to launch a bid for the mayoral position in Taipei, thus expanding his influence politically even more. Thus as December came on the island, it was announced in a press conference that Tatung would be the first private company to launch a television channel, owning the majority share in the 'Taipei Broadcasting Group'. This share however was only 58%, with the rest being divested between the Ministry of National Defense, The ROC government, and the BCC.[/sub]
[sub]The TBG was, in Lin's own words, 'be both a channel for patriotic development and trailblazing entertainment of novel variety'. This slogan was important, with the big two already hounding most prominent actors and entertainment, the TBG had its work cut out for it. Lin, ever the cunning businessmen, however saw a niche from which he could especially benefit from. By targeting the youth and young adult demographics, Lin would be able to take advantage of support from the military establishment which would provide funds and resources in exchange for airtime from which it could reach its main target, while also providing said demographic with the type of entertainment that would appeal to them. Specifically, foreign movies, low-brow wuxia and action tv shows, and sports. [/sub]
[sub]Infrastructure wise, the TBG was to have as much cutting edge advantage as it could. The establishing document listed the following as base principles concerning the television channel: The station was to be located in Taipei in a studio lot covering 15,000 square meters, it would telecast in colors, it would be established with a base capital of US$ 3,500,000, and finally that it would lunch in September of 1970.[/sub]
[sub]Promising the creation of hundreds of new jobs whether in construction or in the operation of the TV station, Lin had already began to form the basis of his political ascension by buying the loyalty of many Taiwanese. Establishing ties with the military establishment would help with having key allies within the most powerful institution in the country, and having a public media company would only help with advertising Tadung's products, which would increase sales for the enterprise. Lin Ting-Sheng had begun laying down the building bricks for the next step in his rise.[/sub]
-----------------------------
[/list]
[pre]"If when I die, I am still a dictator, I will certainly go down into the oblivion of all dictators. If, on the other hand, I succeed in establishing a truly stable foundation for a democratic government, I will live forever in every home in China" ~ Chiang Kai-shek[/pre]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Arcanda, Victoria Harbor, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[B]ALL EYES ON LITTLE ANGUILLA
[sub]| 11 July23 September 1967 | The Valley, Republic of Anguilla, Leeward Antilles |[/sub]
Enduring subjugation and malfeasance from the greater St. Christopher Federation, the Anguillan people in near unanimity decided in referendum which formulated a vote polarity of 1,813 to 5 regarding the question of independence for the island of some 6,000. With as many as 2,550 total registered voters in Anguilla on 11 July 1967, it stood clear, 99.75% of Anguillan voters favored the idea of full sovereignty, no matter trial nor tribulation, above the conditions that which the St. Christopher-Nevis-Anguilla Federation of Premier Robert L. Bradshaw (St. Kitts), impose upon and usurp from little Anguilla since the binding of their union together in February 1967. Funds gravely misappropriated, infrastructure left neglected, roads left unpaved, Wallblake Aeroport yet still but a miniscule unpaved sandy strip and operating today identically as the day it was excavated for martial use during the Second World War. The worst of these being the somber fact that Anguilla did not yet have a main port of entry, or a proper pier for that matter, unlike St. Kitts and Nevis with Basseterre and Charlestown, while contrarily The Valley, Anguilla's largest city, capital, and commercial centre, is located further inland.
Notwithstanding, the town's infrastructure increasingly falls short of the ability to manage it's own enterprises and commercial interests. With all of the funds from the Crown ending up in Basseterre, little Anguilla would be forced to remain constrained this way in order to inflate the lesser isle's necessity to remain within the tri-state Federation, and thus St. Kitts continues to receive the lion's share of Anguilla's subsidies. It would come as no surprise when a mob burned down the Government House in The Valley in March 1967 in protest of Bradshaw's administration, evicting the Federation police force largely comprised of Kittitian constables, just two months thereafter on 30 May, declared as "Anguilla Day". The ardent Anguillan people had fought for their liberty and were ready to exercise the political leverage they took direct action to obtain, to finally decide the fate of their own island.
On 12 July, a day after the referendum vote, the Republic of Anguilla was proudly announced, it's official national ensign was hoisted that morning and it's official declaration of independence, prepared by Harvard Law professor, Roger Fisher, an American lawyer representing Anguilla throughout it's ongoing transitory process from an Associated State of the United Kingdom, into an independent Republic on par with the many free nations of the world, was formally ratified before the five-seat Anguilla Island Council (AIC) installed as the interim government with Ronald Webster serving as it's Chairman. The formal declaration would make headlines across the Leeward Islands Associated States, garnering mixed emotion throughout the rest of the British West Indies. The full reading of the declaration by [sub]Sir[/sub] Walter Hodge, Treasurer, was broadcasted live on a 53.000 Mhz 6-metre VHF band from Crocus Hill wireless station, Anguilla's highest peak, reaching ham radio stations up to 2,500km away. Crocus Hill station was under the control of Tennison "Tenny" Dover's armed militant gang, self-styled as the 'Anguillan Gendarme', utilising it's facilities to monitor local police chatter in neighbouring St. Christopher. As well, the wireless station's hillside overlook proved quite the vantage for them, affording a generous view of Sandy Ground and Road Bay.
Despite technically being political adversaries of Ronald Webster and the Anguilla Island Council-led government, Tennison Dover expressed magnanimity toward the strides Webster had made thus far to achieve genuine independence for little Anguilla, ultimately a goal of his own. This would become the first instance of cooperation between these two sides driven by similar aims, yet remain divided by the differences of political vehicles they each invest.
Across the pond, on Nevis Island, Norman "Norm" Berkeley, a Nevisian secessionist and former St. Kitts police officer sympathetic to the Anguillan cause, soon became one of it's most vital lifelines in the months that followed independence day of 12 July. Norm routinely traveled from his residence in Gingerland to Charlestown, Nevis' largest settlement, to furnish a 1963 Chris-Craft Cavalier 35' motor yacht and ferry supplies over to the 'Anguillan Gendarme' under the nose of both the government's of Anguilla and St. Christopher. Utilising code wording, usually in morse, Norman kept in direct contact with Dover's forces through the ham radio VHF bands, making habit of changing frequencies often, and would coordinate these supply drops using the cryptic language they had begun to mutually develop to thwart potential Kittitian police eavesdropping. As Nevisian sovereigntist sentiments come to an equitable boil, fanning the flame underneath Anguilla's independence became politically and strategically advantageous to Nevis' own struggle against the overlordship of St. Christopher.
[spoiler=[sub]O LANDS OF BEAUTY![/sub] ] Adriatican Islands AmsterwaldAnglo Channel Arcanda Bhaarat Lok Cascadla Cheezaslovakia Connomia East Germany Ddr Great Britain Gb Greater Kurdistane Hatzburg Israelli Kewtpuff Klingenthalerburg Kotakuan Ii Ma-Li Maziya Metropolitan Francais Mutawakkiliti Nevbrejnovitz Newauroria New Provenance Nileia Nippon-Nihon Osivoii Paramountica Paseo Peking Zhongguo Pontianus Provenancia Ranponian Rio De La Plata Argentina Rutannia Saudi Arabiyah Socialist Democratic Republic Romania Spainard Spain- The Confederate Prussian Empire Vancouver Straits Victoria Harbor Vietnam Sv Virnall [/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Arcanda, Victoria Harbor, Osivoii, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Zeitenwende
[pre]| TENTH OF DECEMBER | 十二月十号 |[/pre]
[pre]| 1969 |[/pre]
[list][list][list][pre]PRC ★ PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF CHINA
中华人民共和国 |[/pre][/list][/list][/list]
OPERATION YOUNGER BROTHERS:
THE CENTRAL INVESTIGATION DEPARTMENT BEGINS INFILTRATION IN MALAYSIAN COMMUNIST GROUPS TO ROOT OUT THOSE WHO SEEK TO END THE MALAYSIAN INSURGENCY!
弟弟行动:
中央调查部开始渗透马来西亚共产党组织,铲除那些试图结束马来西亚叛乱的人!
| THE REVOLUTIONARY GUARD - 革命卫队 |
[pre]Su Yi - 苏毅 | [/pre]
[pre]Mo Gang - 莫刚 |[/pre]
[pre]Zhu Yazhu - 朱亚珠 |[/pre]
[pre]Yu Song - 于松 |[/pre]
[pre]Ding Huan - 丁欢 |[/pre]
[pre]A force of five intelligence officers were tasked to be deployed to assist the Peoples War currently in a dire position in Malaysia. These Five officers headed by Agent Su Yi were tasked to travel to Malaysia and disrupt and identify those within the Communist organizations leading the conflict who are infiltrators from the Malaysian government and those leaking information to Malaysian State Security Forces. The five officers were to be regarded in communications between Malaysian groups and the Peoples Republic of China as The Revolutionary Guards and on all documents be stated as being Chinese Malays and no connection to Mainland China. Alongside the operation to disrupt infiltration by the Malaysian government the Revolutionary Guard would seek out counter-revolutionary thought and reeducate guerrillas and politicians who are a part of the organization with the truth of Maoist ideology. The Revolutionary Guard also sought to build a loyal and elite infantry unit within the Communist groups to assist in ground operations against the Malaysian government made up of Malaysian citizens to limit PRC units within the region. The five agents were to be smuggled into Malaysia with the cooperation of Malaysian communist forces and would be armed before arrival into the country.[/pre]
| AREA OF OPERATION - 经营范围 |
[pre]Currently the Malaysian communist forces are centralized along the Thai-Malay border which allows the Revolutionary Guard easy access against government infiltrators who are in possible positions of power within the communist organizations engaged in the righteous Peoples War. The States of Malaysia that would be housing the traveling Revolutionary Guard in their mission to clean up the ranks of the Malaysian Communist factions shall be the states of Kedah, Perlis, Perak, and Kelantan. Additional agents would be available should the cause require more manpower from Beijing.[/pre]
[list][list][pre]SERVE THE PEOPLE![/pre][/list][/list]
[list][list][pre]为人民服务![/pre][/list][/list]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Victoria Harbor, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Zeitenwende, Slipway
[pre]T H E K I N G D O M O F S A U D I A R A B I A | المملكة العربية السعودية[/pre]
𝐋𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 !
[pre]P A R T F I V E - CRUSHED REBELLIONS[/pre]
| Fall of the Rebels |
[list]| The Arab Revolutions, the event that almost destroyed 2 decades of monarchy; to replace it with a modern insecurity. Such was not tolerated; and would never be tolerated among the Saudi Kingdom. The idea of democracy was already set in stone. The heir to the crown himself mentioned; "Our constitution is the Quran; Allah's Law is ours" one of the main warcries being "Allahu Akbar!" or "Allah hu Alrasasi!" both having Allah at their head. The crown was never in the wrong; the Republicans were the ones responsible for damaging Allah's holy site; disgracing Allah's name. The army marches with a purpose not in vain; a purpose to be fulfilled by the modern warriors to retake our lands, to destroy the sinners.[/list]
| In context, the republicans were originally in the sight to win. They had captured Mecca, the entire province, and surrounding areas, after extraordinary actions taken by General Asad Abdullah, introducing revolutionary tactics to the war scene which Saudi Arabia had never seen before. These tactics alone were enough to decimate Saudi Special Forces; with over three thousand casualties, the Regional Offensives had been some of the most devistating in Saudi History. As the army marched in defeat; brother of Asad, Colonel Ehsan Abduallah encouraged soilders that god would not allow defeat to dawn upon them. In the following days, the army regrouped in Al-Muzahmiya, south of Riyadh, the officers regrouped into a oranized force of a couple thousand, then they travelled to Riyadh, where they told the Royal Guard about these events. In support of the Mecca Offensive, the Royal Guard sent more men, only about 3,000, towards Mecca; to one of the bloodiest battles in Saudi History
| Siege of Mecca |
[list]| Armies marched towards the holy city, sources told others of the event, and some civilians joined the march. As Mecca Residency heard about the reports of army advances into Mecca, many royalists cheered in celebration. The Republicans were quick to silence internal support, but quick action by military forces in the east of Mecca caused the law enforcement to focus on the Saudi Hostiles. Little did the city know, a second larger force waited behind Walyal Town, a town within close proximity of Mecca. The military settled in for siege around Mecca. The trenches were dug, gunmen put in front-lines; it seemed like a replay of World War 1, but with more advanced weaponry.[/list]
| The siege was a tedious back and forth fire, with the distraction of Mecca and redirection of troops to Mecca, many southern and eastern areas were left unguarded by military personnel, leading to easy takeovers from Saudi Royal Forces. The crown showed mercy amongst many citizens and all followed the word of the Quran. The army marched through town after town, slowly shrinking Republican Control. The continued march of the soldiers continues into Mecca, now joining with larger forces. On the 45th day of the siege, an aggressive attack from Saudi forces broke through the walls of Mecca and marched through the city. After a few hours, the smoke cleared. Thousands of the republicans have fallen on the floor of Mecca, a sinners price. The Royal Salute was played as the joyous cheers crowd the city as the royals march through, glad to take the city to its rightful place.
| Treaty of Kaaba, 1969 |
[list]| After nearly 10 months of fighting, the 1969 Arab Revolutions, as it has been dubbed, is officially over. The conflict was a conflict between sinners and liars and preachers of Allah's word. The preachers, though going through great pain, led their people to, quote, "The Top of Mount Jabal Sawdā". The green flag was a symbol of pride throughout the entire conflict, and the pride of the Arab people led to a victory unlike any other. Through hardship and trickery, the crown endured, and so did the nation. Now, the nation, though scarred, continues on to become a world power; like that of the west of Europe, becoming a nation "Worth the Time of the Precious World." The Treaty of Kaaba was officially signed on the dawn of November 1st, officially ending the rebellion. The crown has taken action to prevent such uprisings again; using more military control on the media, elected positions, (though not many) are watched closely. The holy crown reigns the lands once again with their even hand; the just government filled with justice and stability; presents the people with a brand new purpose and safety unlike seen before on this land; to keep our own people safe, some sacrifices must be made.[/list]
| The Conclusive? The holy hands cannot be cut off, for when one is cut, more grow. The world we see today was tainted by non-believers, tainted by the works of Marrid, Shaytan, and malevolent spirits charging into this imperfect world. Prophets of Allah do not die; they simply return in new forms. These points bring out how hard the Saudi Royal Forces work to protect their country, to serve to protect holy lands; to serve the crown of Allah. We, the people, can be a more perfect union if we serve the crown; if we allow the holy words to fill us with confidence. Let these words be fulfilled in their own ways; for no one can tell what comes next in this system, but may Allah guide us in our times of need.
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
[pre]| 𝗠 𝝞 𝝢 𝝞 𝗦 𝗧 𝗥 𝗬 𝝤 𝗙 𝗧 𝗘 𝗥 𝗥 𝝞 𝗧 𝝤 𝗥 𝗬 |[/pre]
[list]𝐊𝐈𝐍𝐆𝐃𝐎𝐌 𝐓𝐎𝐖𝐄𝐑, 𝐑𝐈𝐘𝐀𝐃𝐇[/list]
[pre]THE AL-WAIDAH DISPUTE[/pre]
[list][sup][sub]Nearly a decade after initial disputes, on the 21st of October, 1969, PRSY army units advanced onto Al-Waidah, and told residents that the city was[/sub][/sup][sup][sub]Arabic and Arabic Taxes were paid. Saudi forces deployed in the region were limited to some tribal militias, backed by some aircraft and artillery. A small section of the PRSY force began advancing on Sharurah, but was halted by order of the generals Omir Ali and Nasir Mohammed, regarding the plan as, "Pointless" and "Unnecessary". Wise actions taken by other ranked officers were enough to tell forces to stay in Al-Waidah until Yemeni Authorities Replied. Two merchants were walking through the town in November, and Saudi forces opened fire after they refused to pay taxes for public business, stating it was Yemeni land. The Saudi crown, upset about the occurrence, denounced the two officers. South Yemen looks on with aggression towards the troops in Al-Waidah, and the crown is unsure of response, but is looking on as Southern Yemen tries to take back their cities. Agreements with Northern Yemen saw the border between South and North Yemen reinforced by Saudi Forces, as the new border now has a clear distinction. As the borders to Northern Yemeni open, while the borders to Southern Yemen firmly close, the two governments battle over legitimacy in Al-Waidah, intimidating each other, with no actual fighting, the Saudi crown can only watch and see as to what South Yemen has in stock to take back a small city in the middle of the Arab Desert. [/sup][/sub][/list]
[pre]A Claim for Sinai[/pre]
[list][sup][sub]The Sinai Peninsula is a peninsula on the westernmost point of Saudi Arabia, and is currently claimed by Israel, an illegitimate state according to the crown of Saudi Arabia. The importance of Sinai comes from the Quran, it is the alleged writing of the ten commandments and the alleged place where the prophets alongside Moses walked. This assumption inserts new importance into claims of Sinai, due to the importance it serves, allegedly housing the man who wrote the commandments of Allah. This incentive now is to gain Sinai from Egypt, hopefully through diplomatic reasoning. The most important area Sinai houses is the Suez Canal, which is vital to the peninsula. Hopes are fulfilled and assured that; this claim may not go unnoticed [/sub][/sup][/list]
[list][list][list][list][list][list][list][list][list][list][spoiler=[sup]For Allah, for Saudi[/sup]
Commonwealth of Liberty]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Victoria Harbor, Cascadla, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Spain-, Zeitenwende, Slipway
[list][pre]DECEMBER of 1969[/pre][/list]
[pre]THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS
Союз Советских Социалистических Республик[/pre]
[pre]GENERAL SECRETARY ALEXEI KOSYGIN PREPARES FOR A NEW DECADE OF LEADERSHIP IN CHRISTMAS ADDRESS[/pre]
[pre]ГЕНЕРАЛЬНЫЙ СЕКРЕТАРЬ АЛЕКСЕЙ КОСЫГИН ГОТОВИТСЯ К НОВОМУ ДЕСЯТИЛЕТИЮ ЛИДЕРСТВА В РОЖДЕСТВЕНСКОМ ОБРАЩЕНИИ[/pre]
| [sub]Since his ascension to power in the middle of the century, CPSU General Secretary Alexei Kosygin has presided over one of the most significant periods of rapid shifts in Soviet history. A failed coup by government hardliners, the significant reforms to the Soviet economic system, a crisis in Yugoslavia, a tenuous relationship with Beijing, and a changing relationship with Europe were all challenges the government of Alexei Kosygin had to tackle with the grit of Khrushchev and the conciliation that Kosygin brought to the table. An ardent reformist, Kosygin made the 1969 Christmas speech the first that would be globally broadcast to non-Eastern nations, and the first speech that would be attended by members of the general public. As he adjusted his tie and took his position at the front of the large auditorium in Moscow, filled by Soviet workers, retirees, pensioners and students alike, as well as members of the political establishment and military leadership, all eyes rested on the man who had, for better or for worse, led the USSR since the fall of Nikita Khrushchev.[/sub] |
[list][pre]LIVE - NIKITA KHRUSHCHEV AUDITORIUM, RED SQUARE, MOSCOW[/pre][/list]
[list][sub]"Good evening and Merry Christmas, Comrades of our Union, of our fellow partners, of the socialist world, and the non-socialist world alike . . ."[/sub][/list]
| [sub]At the conclusion of his speech, the crowd erupted in raucous applause, as Kosygin departed the hall. The members of the Politburo and the Kremlin elites invited to observe the speech sat in shock - whether it be positive or negative shock, it was shock nonetheless. In his speech, Kosygin touched on the usual themes - building a more prosperous union, empowering the socialist revolution, and supporting like-minded nations and revolutionary forces across the world by way of the use of arms and the use of diplomacy. The focus, however, was largely on the issues of foreign policy[/sub] |
[list][sub]". . . The tense diplomatic crisis between Moscow, Budapest and Belgrade was a regrettable one, but the Soviet Union stood firm and stood its ground on the issues that it believed mattered. Let there be no doubt - the Union will come to the rescue of any member whose territorial integrity is compromised, opening the pathway for unlawful Western influence on our socialist revolution. We are a nation of morals, of hope, of prosperity, and of rapid change to build the perfect envisioned society. Our commitment to peace is firm, but my commitment to my country is further."[/sub][/list]
| and the economy. |
[list][sub]". . . In no other time during the existence of our great Union and not since the rise of the revolution of 1917 have we experienced such historic levels of economic growth and record-high job growth. Through the reforms instituted during my tenure as General Secretary, and with the support of the Supreme Soviet and the greater proletariat, we have seen historic growth that will advance our nation into the future. We take these reforms cautiously and with great care to preserve the workers' paradise we have sought to build. There will be no compromise, there will be no weakening of resolve when it comes to questions surrounding the defense of workers and the defense of the revolution and our national security."[/sub][/list]
| [sub]Declaring his plans for the coming decade the 1970s Kosygin unveiled a bold, ambitious plan for record growth and a record effort to strengthen the Armed Forces, strengthen social spending, and bring the USSR forward on diplomatic issues as a "favored leader and partner". The next two Five-Year Plans were confirmed to be continuing the path of reform started by the '65-'80 Five Year Plan that implemented the first elements of Kosygin's planned economic reforms to rescue the country from stagnation and falling behind the Americans and the West. He also confirmed his plans to build a more positive relationship with non-socialist nations especially in Europe and Africa, while continuing to shore up Soviet partners in the Middle East, Asia and beyond. The Soviets will be seeking to amend its relationships with many left-leaning nations and establish new partnerships to bring allies into the Soviet fold. Staying competitive with the Americans in the space Race is especially important as the USSR continues to sink new funds into the space program year by year.[/sub] |
[list][sub]". . . The decade that comes shall be the revolution's decade."[/sub][/list]
____
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Batallon De Dignidad, Metropolitan Francais, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia
Yo its me the former state of blahcostan.
I came back to this website after 2+ years and came back to the region i used to be on.
So happy to be back again
:New NVegas/Blahcostan
Cascadla
Post by Germania Fascists suppressed by Metropolitan Francais.
why tf do i get invited into a democratic club?
[list] | [sub]𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺[/sub][/list][/list]
[list] | [sub]𝖪𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖪𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗇 𝖯𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗇 𝖪𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗇𝗀𝗌𝖺𝖺𝗇[/sub][/list][/list]
[list] | [sub]09 𝖣𝗂𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖻𝖾𝗋 1969[/sub][/list][/list]
[list]──[/list]
[list][list]𝖪𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖪𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗇 𝖯𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗇 𝖪𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗇𝗀𝗌𝖺𝖺𝗇[/list][/list]
[list][list] | [sub]𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖳𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌, 𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 "𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢", 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝗁𝗈𝗋𝗍, 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝖿𝗈𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖾𝖽 𝗂𝗍𝗌𝖾𝗅𝖿 𝗂𝗇 𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗎𝖻𝗅𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍 𝗈𝖿 𝗆𝖾𝗆𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗁𝗂𝗉 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖽𝗈𝗐𝗇 𝗍𝗈 90,000 𝖻𝗒 1969. 𝖳𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗒 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀, 𝖻𝗎𝗍 𝗇𝗈𝗍 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗈, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 "𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖨𝗇𝖽𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖱𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 (𝖠𝗆𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍) 𝖠𝖼𝗍" 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 "𝖤𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗒𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖠𝖼𝗍" 𝖼𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝖻𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝖾𝖽, 𝖻𝗒 𝗈𝗉𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗌, 𝗍𝗈 𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗍𝗅𝗒 𝖽𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗐𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢. 𝖥𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗑𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗌𝗍 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖡𝗂𝗅𝗅 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖺𝗇𝗒 𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗀𝖾 𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗒𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝗂𝗇 𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝗁 𝖺𝗌 𝗐𝗈𝗋𝗄𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗒𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍, 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗅𝗌. 𝖨𝗇 𝖺𝖽𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖡𝗂𝗅𝗅 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗁𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖺𝗇𝗒 𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗀𝖾 𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗒𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝗂𝗇 𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝗁 𝖺𝗌 𝗐𝗈𝗋𝗄𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗒𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍, 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗅𝗌. 𝖳𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗅𝗒 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢, 𝗐𝖾𝗋𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗍𝗅𝗒 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗒 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝖻𝗒 𝗃𝗎𝗋𝗂𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗍𝗈 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗂𝗋 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗉𝗈𝗐𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗒𝖾𝗋𝗌. 𝖮𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗒𝖾𝖺𝗋𝗌, 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗌𝖾, 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗈𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗋 𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗅𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗒 𝗐𝗈𝗋𝗄𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗇 𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢. [/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][list][list][sub]𝖧𝗈𝗐𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋, 𝗍𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗌𝗍 𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢 𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝗌 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗂𝗍 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝗍𝗈 𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾 𝗂𝗇 𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝗋𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾, 𝗂𝗇 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗅𝗒 "𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂-𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇". 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝖿𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗅𝗒 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗁𝖾𝖽, 𝖻𝗒 𝗍𝗐𝖾𝗅𝗏𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌, 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗐𝖾𝗋𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂-𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍, 𝖺𝖿𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗂𝗍𝗌 𝗌𝗉𝗅𝗂𝗍 𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗆 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌 (𝖳𝖴𝖢) 𝗈𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 6 𝗈𝖿 𝖲𝖾𝗉𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖻𝖾𝗋, 1961. 𝖳𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖾 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗉𝗅𝗂𝗍 𝗂𝗇 𝖯𝖠𝖯 𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍 𝗈𝖿 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝗍𝗐𝖾𝖾𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗁𝗍 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗅𝖾𝖿𝗍, 𝗂𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗒. [/sub][/list][/list][/list][/list]
[list][list] | [sub]𝖳𝗈 𝗂𝗅𝗅𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗀𝗀𝗅𝖾, 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗐𝗅𝗒 𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗇 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖾𝖽, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗍𝖾 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗂𝗍𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗐 𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗅, 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖺𝗅𝗌𝗈 𝗌𝗉𝗅𝗂𝗍 𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗆 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖳𝖴𝖢, 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗅𝖾𝖿𝗍 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖾 𝖠𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗈𝖿 𝖳𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇 (𝖲𝖠𝖳𝖴). 𝖳𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝗂𝗇 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗍 𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢, 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗁𝖾𝖽 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 12 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌, 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗁𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍 𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗆 82 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌, 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗅𝗒 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖲𝖠𝖳𝖴. [/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][list][list][sub]𝖳𝗁𝗈𝗎𝗀𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗍, 𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗆 𝖲𝖠𝖳𝖴, 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗁𝗈𝗋𝗍-𝗅𝗂𝗏𝖾, 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗅𝖾𝖿𝗍-𝗐𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗐𝗂𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗄𝖾𝗌 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝗂𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖻𝖾𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖽. 𝖠𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝗂𝗌, 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝖿 𝖳𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖽 𝗇𝗈𝗍 𝖺𝗅𝗅𝗈𝗐 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖲𝖠𝖳𝖴 𝗍𝗈 𝖻𝖾 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖽 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗍 𝖺𝗇 𝗂𝗅𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇. 𝖡𝗒 1964, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢 𝖻𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗈𝖿𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗂𝗇 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖾.[/sub][/list][/list][/list][/list]
[list][list] | [sub]𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖳𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌, 𝖺𝖽𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗍𝖾𝖽𝗅𝗒, 𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗈𝖽 𝗂𝗍'𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗂𝗍 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖾𝖽 𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗅𝗒 𝖼𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗇𝗈𝗍 𝖻𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗏𝖾𝖽 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝗆𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖺𝖼𝗁 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖾𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗒 1960𝗌. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖢𝖴𝖳 𝗅𝖺𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗁𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖫𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗎𝗋 𝖬𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍. 𝖿𝗈𝗎𝗋-𝖽𝖺𝗒 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋 𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗆 16 𝗍𝗈 19 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗆𝖻𝖾𝗋 1969. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋 𝗌𝖺𝗐 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗍𝗎𝗋𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗎𝗉 𝗈𝖿 47 𝖺𝖿𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗍 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖾 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖾 𝖧𝖺𝗅𝗅. [/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][list][list][sub]𝖢.𝖵. 𝖣𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗇 𝖭𝖺𝗂𝗋, 𝖺𝗇 𝖺𝖽𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢, 𝗍𝗈𝗅𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖻𝗈𝗅𝖽𝗅𝗒 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗋 𝗈𝖿 𝖺𝗇 𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗉𝗉𝖾𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗌𝖾𝖽 𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗎𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗍 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼𝖾 𝗂𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗒 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅. 𝖠 𝗋𝖺𝖼𝖾 𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗋𝖾𝖺𝖽𝗒 𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖫𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗎𝗋 𝖬𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗂𝗇 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝗋𝖺𝖼𝖾 𝖻𝖾𝗍𝗐𝖾𝖾𝗇 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇. 𝖳𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝗀𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖺𝗇 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗍 𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗋, 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢 𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗉𝗍 𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗌 𝗂𝗇 𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝗎𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖻𝗅𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗉𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍. [/sub][/list][/list][/list][/list]
[list][list] | [sub]𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗉𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖺𝖼𝗁 𝗂𝗇 𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗋𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗒'𝗌 𝗐𝗈𝗋𝗄𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗁𝗍𝗌 𝗐𝖾𝗋𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗍𝖾𝖽. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗁𝗂𝖿𝗍 𝗈𝖿 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗌 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖻𝖾𝗍𝗐𝖾𝖾𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗒𝖾𝗋𝗌. 𝖧𝗈𝗐𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋, 𝗍𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢 𝖺𝖼𝖼𝖾𝗉𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗒𝗌 𝗈𝖿 𝗎𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗄𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖼𝗁𝗂𝗉 𝗐𝖾𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗉𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝗍𝗈 𝖻𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝗄𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇.[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][list][list][sub]𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖭𝖳𝖴𝖢 𝗐𝖾𝗋𝖾 𝖿𝗎𝗅𝗅𝗒 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗉𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗈𝖿 𝗇𝖾𝗐 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗌, 𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗌, 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗌𝖾𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗆𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗁𝗂𝗉 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗂𝗇. 𝖮𝗇𝗅𝗒 𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗐𝗂𝗅𝗅 𝗍𝖾𝗅𝗅.[/sub][/list][/list][/list][/list]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Metropolitan Francais, Spain-, Slipway, Sport-Internationale
Miracle in Lagos
[sub]December, 1969[/sub]
It was a miracle that Nigeria were even in a position to qualify for the 1970 World Cup. Since the outbreak of the civil war in 1963, Nigerias domestic football scene had been suspended and the vast majority of the domestic players had quickly moved away from the scene all-together during this time. The Nigerian National team had sided with the NDF in the early years and housed in Lagos, where a decent proportion of the players were active either in the military or civilian production. Failing to qualify in 1966 was expected considering the circumstances at play, but by the 1970 qualifiers, it was expected once more, due to the lack of structured footballing leagues, the civil war ongoing, that Nigeria was to once more crash out of the World cup.
But commanded by a spirit of optimism following the signing of the Treaty of Lagos in April of 1969, with the bulk of civil wars fighting having calmed down by late 68, the NDF established direct funding into Nigerias national team by December of 1968 and were at least a little more prepared to attempt to qualify. In terms fo quality, Nigeria boasted a strong side, but most important, a strong attack, with the likes of Garba and Oshode offering a quick and direct force. To balance out the side, Nigeria were gifted with Victor Oduah at the back and Godwin Achebe, the hard-working central midfielder who had been activity involved as a sergeant during the civil war. Possessed with talent and a spirit of Nigerian nationalism from the fold of the anarchic conflict which had engrossed the country for 7 years, the potential for qualification was certainly alive and well.
Having been placed with Ganda, Algeria, Rif and Kenya, the Super Eagles managed to pull through at second place, a winner from Oduah late into the game, pushing them into the fifth round and the chance of qualification to the 1970 World cup became more and more real. Karl-Heinz Marotzke, who had been appointed to be Nigerias head coach, aimed for an attacking and direct style of player, looking to overwhelmed defences by a quick counter-attacking style where the wide players would come inside when on the attack to create more immediate options. While risky, it paid off.
Coming to the 5th round, and Nigerias group consisted of South Africa, Ghana, Togo and Zaire. A tough group and expectations were aimed to get 3rd place and hope for a win in the play-offs. It was during this time of the Nigerian government would introduce new subsides for fans and businesses to increase domestic involvement in the matches, with the setting up of the Nigerian Football Investment Fund, set to be used by a multitude of grass-roots and higher level of domestic football to rejuvenate the depleted national football scene.
The fifth round had its ups and downs, with a disappointing shutout against Zaire and a bore draw against South Africa, and a well-fought draw against Ghana creating a tense final game. It was perhaps Nigerias early start with put them in the position of qualification by the final game, a 5-2 smashing of Zaire, boosted by Achebes 25-yard free-kick and a shock 2-1 victory in Ghana, saw them needing a win (as-well as Ghana to not beat Zaire by their amount of goals) to progress to their debut world cup.
The 3-1 win against Togo, with goals from Peter Anieke, Lucky Boy Oshode and Mohammad Lawal from the penalty spot secured qualification. The dream of what was even far-fetched in fiction, became a reality as Nigeria secure their place for the finals in the summer. From the now-national hero of Victor Oduah to the schoolboy international of Sam Garba and to the former soldier turned national victor (who is seen as a victory in the eyes of Nigerians) showcases a bright future for Nigerian football. The Green Eagles not only qualified for the world cup for the first time, but from the context of the brutal civil war, created the perfect dynamic and foundations for Nigerian football.
Following qualification, President Balewa congratulated the players personally with an invite to the Presidential Palace in Lagos, in which he stated that the spirit of democracy and a United Nigeria has fueled this side to the world cup this summer. With that also, the President announced government plans for the establishment of a national, 20-team league, a replacement of the much more disorganised system established during the late 50s.It is suggested as an attempt to invite foreign investment by allowing foreign ownership and cutting regulations regarding foreign players.
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Metropolitan Francais, Spain-, Slipway, Sport-Internationale
International Association Football Federation | Fédération internationale de football association
FIFA World Cup 1970 | Copa Mundial de la FIFA 1970
THE PLAY-OFFS: PART 1
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1969 has been a strong year for international football, with the various nations of the world coming together in this celebration of sport for the chance to qualify for the 1970 FIFA World Cup. The World Cup lights the sporting world aflame when it arrives back on the scene every four years, delighting players and fans alike and providing welcome relief from the troubles of the world at large. A record 123 teams entered a tumultuous qualification period, breaking the previous record set in the 1966 tournament of 99. Many young nations freshly enjoying their independence came onto the scene to try their hands at qualification, and some shocks were made with some of the largest nations failing to qualify directly. With the bulk of the matches now over, we turn our attention to the sudden death round of the play-offs. 8 teams have qualified this far, and only 3 spots remain, with one team from Asia, Africa and Europe poised to join the very best in the world in Colombia this summer.
Europe is where we begin the play-off rounds, with UEFA opting for a four-team play-off as oppose to the two team play-offs favoured by both the AFC and CAF. Hungary will face Scotland in their first play-off match. The Hungarian side, once touted as the best in the world, have experienced a major slump in recent years. Following their brutal thrashing in the 1966 World Cup quarter-final at the hands of Italy and their subsequent failure to qualify for Euro 68, Hungary finished just a point behind eventual qualifiers Bulgaria to advance to this round - not the performance they expected nor wanted. Scotland, on the other hand, are enjoying their best ever performance and are the only British nation aside from England with a chance to qualify, despite the spirited performance given by Wales in the qualifiers. Though inexperienced, they will be looking to make a mark against the formidable Hungarians. In our second match, it's a battle of the east with the Soviet Union facing Romania. The Soviet Union shocked the world by failing to qualify directly, being beaten out by the strong performances of Poland and the Netherlands in their group, and at times looking like they would finish even behind the Republic of Ireland. Another strong team, the Soviets will be looking to sweep through qualifiers and make it to the next round with little to no issues. Romania have been notably absent from the World Cup since 1938, but they boast a young and talented side with the likes of star striker Nicolae Dobrin, who's accuracy and pace could give the Romanians the edge.
As the excitement grows, we join our correspondents for the reports on these first matches.
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Hungary v Scotland
Kick off in Budapest and the Hungarians already seize the advantage, bolstered by the home crowd with seems to be intimidating the Scots as they struggle to control the game in these opening moments. An aggressive forward play from the Hungarians, for which they are known and feared for, produces early chances as they stalk the outskirts of the box, looking for a way in. A few early chances produces nothing, with the ball being knocked away but not out of danger, until the ball rolls past the defenders into Ferenc Bene who shoots... AND SCORES! An easy goal from an experienced player and the crowd roars into life, the Scottish defence looks dejected and goalkeeper Jim Cruickshank looks positively livid with his defenders.
As soon as the first goal is in, Hungary are already on the attack again, pressuring the Scottish midfield who are now switched on and fighting to try and regain possession. If Scotland weren't aware that tonight wouldn't be easy, they definitely are now. They're pulling out all the stops here, with David Hay and Tommy McLean causing some questionable challenges resulting in the first cautions of the match. The ball remains firmly in the Scottish half, with the Hungarians looking in total control of the game, but the defence remains firm and confident in not allowing another goal through. The Tartan Army, Scotland's loyal fans, singing their hearts out to help their team face the relentless onslaught of the Hungarian side. Their hard work and dedication is paid off, as they hold the score at the half, but they will have it all to do in the second half.
The second half begins with Scotland trying a new strategy to hold the ball firmly in the centre, getting the likes of John O'Hare in space supported by Bobby Lennox and Jimmy Johnstone for their first attacking plays of the match thus far. However, the Hungarians are not going to give them that easy of a time, showing some excellent tactical play as the defensive midfielders drop back with such pace to out play the wingers and bring more men into their lines, sending the ball away and out for a counter attack. The match looks to be settling into a war of attrition, with athletes on both sides being pushed to their absolute limits here. It's a spectacle of athleticism and spirit as the sides battle their way through this match.
A poor challenge on the very edge of the box sets up a free kick, and it's Ferenc Bene, our lone goal scorer to take. The stadium is erupting into the sounds of cheers and drums as he prepares to take the shot. He's got options to cross, but Bene being the striker he is might look to score direct from the spot. He lines himself up, the whistle blows... AND HE DOES IT! Into the top right corner as the ball flies across the face of the goal and away from Cruickshank who tried desperately to get there. It's 2-0 here in Budapest and as the Hungarians celebrate, the Scots are trying desperately to get the play restarted, the anger evident on their face. The match restarts, and McLean fires a surprise long ball to the right winger Jimmy Johnstone, who's managed to find himself some good space here as the Hungarians struggle to get back into space. He takes a touch, and another, before delivering the cross to find Colin Stein... GOAL!! Scotland get one back and that was a massive volley from Colin Stein! The Tartan Army look like they're going to burst through the barriers and the roar from the fans shakes the very foundations of the stadium here! Scotland may be down, but they are certainly not out! Now it's Hungary's turn to try and get another back, but the play is getting extremely aggressive in the centre, Stein's goal rattling the Hungarians. Opting for a short pass build-up they hold the ball as they advance slowly towards the Scottish line, the whole Hungarian side moving up to support them as they try some shots into the defenders but they're deflected, coming back into Konrad Jabos... WHO SCORES!! It's 3-1 and Hungary retain their lead!! All in the space of a few seconds we've seen some incredible football here and the crowd goes wild at the sight!! Scotland has been brave tonight but it's Hungary that claims the glory, increasing their lead and holding the Scottish offensive back.
Final whistle in Budapest: Hungary 3-1 Scotland. Scotland will have a mountain to climb in Glasgow for the next match, while Hungary place half a towel on the next-round sunbed.
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Romania v Soviet Union
Bucharest hosts our next match here and the whistle blows to signal the beginning of the battle in the east. Surprisingly, it's the Romanians who take the early advantage, focusing their play around Nicolae Dobrin who takes a commanding presence in the centre, trying to fight his way through the field. The wingers are getting forward here and he's got options to pass it forward, despite the opposition from the Soviet midfield. Under pressure, he sends the ball forward to Mircea Lucescu, who tussles with Revaz Dzodzuashvili at the post. A bit of skill gets him into space and he chips the ball into the centre, where it finds Florian Dumitrescu... WHO SCORES!! Romania lead 5 minutes into the match, and the home crowd is loving this as he charges to the corner flag to celebrate. It's advantage Romania at the opening of this match.
The Soviet side look determined but definitely underperforming as we advance through the half, with the Romanians still reaping the rewards of that glorious early goal. The midfield, lead by Viktor Kolotov, is looking to try and dominate possession as they push forward. Despite some break-aways from the Romanian side, the defenders prevent any serious challenges to against the Soviet goal as play becomes bogged down in the centre. Some chances between Anatoli Byshovets and Vitali Shevchenko as they push forward, but it's not enough to get through the Romanian lines. A run from Byshovets close to the half time whistle looks promising, but he's brought down by Iosif Vigu... AND IT'S A PENALTY!! The Soviets are given a lifeline in the dying moments of the first half, as the Romanian side argues with the referee, it was a close call but the ref is convinced it was in the box. Kolotov to take, he looks composed as he makes his run... GOAL!! Light work for the experienced midfielder, and the Soviets make it 1-1 before the second half.
The second half begins at the referees whistle and already the Soviets look determined to get back into this match, fighting not only the Romanian team but the roar of the Bucharest crowd here tonight, a sea of yellow, red and blue flooding the stands. The ball goes out to Byshovets who finds Yevryuzhikin on a great run, and the Romanians are in trouble here as they haven't got the men back into the box to defend. He's got support in the centre as he makes his way within shooting distance, but passes last minute to trick goalkeeper Necula Raducanu and find the right foot of Viktor Serebryanikov... WHO SLOTS IT AWAY!! 2-1 to the Soviets and they clearly came out of the dressing room with a bone to pick. They retake the advantage here and it looks like the magic of Romania's first goal is slipping away from them here.
Despite losing their advantage, the Romanian crowd continues to cheer and support their team as the second half goes on. From here, the match devolves into attrition, with an incredibly physical game being played in the centre causing mass substitutions on both sides, including goal-scorer Kolotov, but Romania's star player Dobrin stays on, no doubt the manager has plans for him. As the minutes tick on and we reach the final 10 minutes of the match, the score remains the same, both sides struggling to break the deadlock. Offensively, the Soviets have dominated the second half, deservedly after their brilliant second goal, but have been underperforming as many might have expected another one or two goals by this point. Dobrin has the ball in the centre, he's playing a short game with Nunweiller and Dumitru as they slow the pace down. The Soviet midfield begins to close them down as they anticipate a move, just for Dobrin to deliver the ball forward to Gheorghe Tataru, the youngster with nothing but space as he sprints towards the box largely unchallenged, firing a long shot away before the defenders can reach him... GOAL!! Romania equalise it at the death, and they keep their dreams alive!! Tataru the goalscorer but Dobrin the hero with excellent vision to bring Romania back into this match.
Final score in Bucharest: Romania 2-2 Soviet Union, and we head into the next match on level grounds when these two incredible sides meet again in Moscow.
Paramountica, Metropolitan Francais, Spain-, Slipway
Suur-Suomen kronikat
[pre]During the early postwar years, Finlands domestic affairs were marked by economic difficulties. After World War II the country was left with the task of absorbing about 300,000 refugees from the areas ceded to the Soviet Union and at the same time paying war reparations. Despite these obstacles, Finland would recover quickly thanks to Sisuu. The war reparations brought about rapid expansion in the metal and shipbuilding industries, and the timber trade soon resumed exporting and quickly exceeded its prewar level. The rebuilding and colonization required to resettle the refugees, however, were such a drain on the countrys economic resources that inflation could not be avoided; as a result Finland had to devaluate its currency on a number of occasions.
After the armistice, the new Finnish Communist Party held a strong position, which it retained in the subsequent government. When in the spring of 1948 it was alleged that the party had planned a coup, Parliament forced the Communist minister of the interior to resign. After the parliamentary elections in the autumn of 1948, a Social Democratic government came to power under the leadership of Fagerholm. Governments changed rapidly and consisted of various party coalitions during the 1950s, in most cases under the leadership of the Agrarian Party or the Social Democrats. During this period, however, both the Conservative National Coalition Party and the leftist Finnish Peoples Democratic League, which included the Finnish Communist Party, were excluded from the government.
Forming and keeping a government in Finland was very difficult because of the proliferation of political parties, no one party, and often no party group, could command a majority in Parliament. As a consequence, there have been many nonpolitical cabinets composed of civil servants appointed by the president. With continuing economic growth and because of internal disputes, Communist Party influence diminished in the 1960s.
When conditions had been stabilized, Mannerheim resigned, and Paasikivi was elected president in his place in 1946. In 1956 the leader of the Agrarian Party, Urho Kekkonen, who acted as prime minister a number of times during the period from 1950 to 1956, was elected president. He was reelected three times to the office, with an extension of his third term by the Parliament.Under the leadership of Paasikivi and Kekkonen, relations with the Soviet Union were stabilized by a consistently friendly policy on the part of Finland. A concrete expression of the new foreign policydesignated the Paasikivi-Kekkonen linewas the Agreement of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance concluded between Finland and the Soviet Union in 1948 and extended in 1955. The agreement included a mutual defense provision and prohibited Finland from joining any organization considered hostile to the U.S.S.R. After war reparations had been paid in full, trade with the Soviet Union continued, rising to more than 15 percent of Finlands total during the 1960s. Further signs of the détente were evident when the Soviet Union returned its base at Porkkala in 1955.
Relations with the Soviet Union, however, were not entirely without complications. After the elections of 1958, a coalition government under the leadership of the Social Democrat Karl August Fagerholm was formed, in which certain members considered anti-Soviet were included. The Soviet Union responded by recalling its ambassador and canceling credits and orders in Finland. When the Finnish government was reconstructed, relations were again stabilized
Property rights were strong. While nationalization committees were set up in France and the United Kingdom, Finland avoided nationalizations. Finnish industry recovered quickly after Second World War. By the end of 1946, industrial output had surpassed pre-war numbers.In the immediate post-war period of 1946 to 1951, industry continued to grow rapidly. Many factors contributed to the rapid industrial growth such as war reparations which were largely paid in manufactured products, devaluation of currency in 1945 and 1949, which made dollar rise by 70% against Finnish markka and thus boosted exports to the West as well as rebuilding the country, which increased demand for industrial products. In 1951, the Korean War boosted exports. Finland practiced an active exchange rate policy and devaluation was used several times to raise the competitiveness of exporting industries. The fast industrial growth in 1953-1955 was followed by a period of more moderate growth which started in 1956.The causes for the deceleration of growth were the general strike of 1956, as well as weakened export trends and easing of the strict regulation of Finland's foreign trade in 1957, which compelled industry to compete against ever toughening international challengers. An economic recession brought industrial output down by 3.4% in 1958. Industry, however, recovered quickly during the international economic boom that followed the recession. One reason for this was the devaluation of the Finnish markka which increased the value of the US dollar up by 39% against the Finnish markka.International economy was stable in the 1960s. This trend could be seen in Finland as well, where steady growth of industrial output throughout the decade was being recorded.
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[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
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Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
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Paramountica, Spain-, Slipway
[pre]𝗦 𝝖 𝗨 𝗗 𝝞 𝝖 𝗥 𝝖 𝗕 𝝞 𝝖 𝝢 𝝖 𝗧 𝝞 𝝤 𝝢 𝝖 𝗟 𝗙 𝝤 𝝤 𝗧 𝗕 𝝖 𝗟 𝗟 𝗙 𝗘 𝗗 𝗘 𝗥 𝝖 𝗧 𝝞 𝝤 𝝢 (S A N F F) | الاتحاد السعودي لكرة القدم (SANFF)[/pre]
|[sup][sub]Sport News[/sub][/sup]| Football Updates for the Year of 1969-1970
| Saudi Arabia is considered a good football team by today's standards, and has a good team, coached by the football expert of the nation, Zawar El-Hashem, who has coached Saudi Arabia for the past 30 years. Given the current political state of Saudi Arabia, Football went under the radar during the 1969 Rebellions, however, when the rebellions blew over, football became a favorite past time from the Saudi people, according to the National Census Organization of Saudi Arabia, (NCOSA) over 56% of the recorded population of Saudi Arabia put 'enjoy football as a sport'. The rise of popularity most likely came from the hype of the upcoming World Cup, which gave hope to many Saudi Citizens that the Kingdom might just make it to the World Cup. But, in a game in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia cemented itself in the AFC by beating Turkey in a friendly match on November this year, beating 🇸🇦 3-2 🇹🇷, which only furthered hopes for the World Cup. Sadly, however, it did not qualify for the 1970 World Cup, after losing a match with Syria, they lost qualification status. Though it was a hit on Saudi Moral, the people still cheer for the regionals next year in which two newly founded teams will compete; Al-Riyadh, and Al-Nassar. Foreign coaches were also outlawed as the SANFF wanted the Saudi coaches to be Saudi in origin, not foreign. This tainted the country's outlook on foreign teams, and also took a toll at the variety of the coached teams.
| Adding on to that, a new official national stadium is being constructed in Riyadh, it will be known as the Mohammed National Stadium of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, or simply Mohammed Stadium. Construction is to be finished around March of Next Year, so Saudi Arabia can have a home stadium for its sports and events. To celebrate the beginning of construction, the Royal Guard agreed with the owning construction company, Riyadh General Construction, to host a march where the plot would be placed. The fireworks marked the beginning of construction, and when the march was over, the construction began, and the foundation was set. The people are very excited to see a brand new stadium be built in Riyadh, as the people can now just take a drive down to their home Stadium and watch their favorite team compete. Walls are being put up as of right now, and the people can watch its construction right outside their windows.
| Mecca, has also had a spike of interest in Football as a sport, with the local governor of Mecca, Mishaal bin Abdulaziz, stated; "Football can be a sport enjoyed a healthy sport out of this, even the holy city can play a sport not forbidden." This statement brought hope for a Mecca football team, and hopes were fulfilled with the making of the Al-Mecca, which became a professional football team. As the team begins to prepare for the regional, we can only see how it progresses as time goes on. The nation is very anticipatory on the performance of the team.
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[pre]D I S P A T C H W O R K[/pre]
[sup][sub]Copyright Saudi Arabian Football (Soccer) Association[/sub][/sup]
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=2003523
Paramountica, Metropolitan Francais, Spain-, Slipway
Assembled with Dot's Region Saver.
Written by Refuge Isle.