Post Archive

Region: Commonwealth of Liberty

History

[list][list]SHŌWA 46 | JANUARY 1971[/list]

[list][list]極東旅行

[pre]FAR EAST TRAVEL[/pre][/list][/list]

[pre] D I S P A T C H W O R K ¹ [/pre]

[table]

[tr] [/tr]

[tr][td][sub][pre]すべての人は海のように兄弟です

世界中に; ではなぜ風が吹くのか

そしてどこでも波が激しく打ち寄せる?[/pre][/sub][/list][/list][/td][td][sub][pre]All men are brothers, like the

seas throughout the world; So

why do winds and waves clash

so fiercely everywhere?[/pre][/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

TRAVELING AROUND THE WORLD[/list]

https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1953829

[list][sub]

Direct to Tokyo from New York & London, from San Francisco and Moscow. The simple pleasures are the ones travelers enjoy most . . . a refreshing cup of matcha green tea . . . a smile and more when you fly JAL to Japan or any other point in the Far East — Isn't it nice to know there's an airline that takes flight seriously?[/sub]

____________

[sub]¹ DISPATCHWORK, Designed by Paramountica, Assembled for Commonwealth Of Liberty.[/sub]

Alwaynia, The Confederate Prussian Empire, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Launggyet, Poland1St, Zingium

6 , JANUARY , 1971

BOMIS: A Malaysian Instrument Shop

| A new music shop would be opened in Petaling Street, Kuala Lumpur. Otherwise known as [I]Kuala Lumpur[/I]'s Chinatown. The music shop, calling itself BOMIS, which is an acronym for:

[List][I]— BO: Bo

— M: Musical

— I: Instrument

— S: Shop[/I][/list]

The shop was opened by Chen Bo [Chen being his surname]. |

| [I]BOMIS[/I] would specialise in selling marching and pipe band instruments. Their catalogue of instruments include:

[List][I]— Trumpets

— Euphoniums

— Tubas

— French Horns

— Trombones

— Flutes

— Bagpipes

— Scottish Tenor Drums

— Marching Snare Drums

— Marching Bass Drums

— Marching Cymbals[/I][/list]

Which were imported into Malaysia from various countries. However they have one prize product in their catalogue. As it is their own creation. Dubbed as the 'Malaysian Tri Tenor Drums'. |

| The [I]Malaysian Tri Tenor Drums[/I] are configured to have 3 drums of different sizes. Each drum is connected by a backbar. The center drum is 8 inches in diameter and 6 inches deep making it the lightest pitch. The right hand drum is 14 inches in diameter and 12 inches deep making it the deepest pitch. The left hand drum is 12 inches in diameter and 10 inches deep making it the medium pitch drum.

The drum when being sold would come with its intended harness. It's harness will have 2 straps [the straps are not adjustable], that form an X shape when being worn. At the center both straps are two pieces of a buckle, which is used to lock the straps in place. The buckle has 2 hooks attached to it, which are meant to hook onto the backbar. However there were flaws in this harness design. If the straps are not form fitting, it will cause issues with wobbling of the drum. Impacting the performance and potentially damaging the drum, if the drum falls off its hooks. |

| When purchasing the [I]Malaysian Tri Tenor Drums[/I], it will come with a manual for how to play the instrument. Due to its very recent creation. [B]Firstly, the most important part of playing any percussion instrument. What stick is intended to be used to achieve the optimum sound quality. For this drum, it would be marching snare sticks, alternatively glockenspiel mallets could also be used. [B]Secondly, it's an instrument meant to be tuned to be as tight as possible to produce the highest pitch it can be. As to add an element to an ensemble of usually medium to low pitch drums, by being a higher pitch instrument in comparison. [B]Thirdly, it's meant to be played using matched grip, instead of [I]traditional grip[/I]. This is to facilitate smooth and easy transition between each drum. [B]Finally, the drums are played near the edge of the head, like timpani, these areas are often called "zones". This allows for the optimum resonance and fundamental tone of the drum to project. |

| But with the sudden emergence of [I]BOMIS[/I]. Citizens of [I]Kuala Lumpur[/I], speculated on where [I]Chen Bo[/I] managed to accumulate his wealth from. While there were multiple speculations for this sudden startup of a relatively unknown and non-influential family in Malaysia, the most popular speculation led to [I]Chen Bo[/I] and his family potentially having association with a secret society organisation [the Triads]. |

______________________________________________

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Spain-, Launggyet, Zingium

[pre]Confédération Africaine de Football[/pre]

[list]1970 AFRICAN CUP OF NATIONS PART II[/list]

[list][list][sub]Group B included last year's champions South Africa, continental giants Ghana, and newcomers Nigeria and Algeria who made up the rest of the group. Unlike Group A which was tough to predict, most seemed to have an idea of how this group might go. Nonetheless, Africa has always been known for its surprises, such as the surprise knockout of the United Arab Republic in the last round. So many were anticipating this group, as well as observing both Nigeria and Algeria who seemed like exciting prospects.[/sub]

[sub]The first matchday saw the two favorites face up, South Africa and Ghana, as well as the two dark horses in Nigeria and Algeria. In the South Africa and Ghana match, it proved to be a tense affair, with the South Africans relying mainly on possession and tactical discpline it struggled to break down the much more physical Ghanian side, who despite lacking in possession made up in confidence on the ball when they had it and some dangerous runs in the first half courtesy of star man Ibrahim Sunday. Ending in a 0-0 draw, the match contrasted heavily with that of Nigeria and Algeria, which was a much more exciting match, with both teams equally matched and with nothing to do, the Algerians, most of whom were of a high technical quality thanks to a mix of French footballing education and the nature of the country's footballing scene, faced off against the flair and threat of the Nigerian side. Also ending in a draw, though this time at 3-3.[/sub]

[sub]The fortunes of Algeria and Nigeria however would not be repeated across both of their encounters with the far more superior South African and Ghanian sides, who both defeated their opponents in the other two matches thus securing their qualification at the expense of the exciting but sadly inferior sides.[/sub]

FINAL MATCHDAY GROUP B

[table][tr][td]Team[/td][td]Goal Difference[/td][td]Points[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Ghana[/td][td]+ 4[/td][td]5[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]South Africa[/td][td]+ 3[/td][td]5[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Nigeria[/td][td]- 3[/td][td]1[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Algeria[/td][td]- 4[/td][td]1[/td][/tr]

[/table]

[sub]Thus the semi-finals were drawn, Ivory Coast would face up against Ghana, and South Africa would face up against Sudan. The latter a rematch of the 1968 final. Heading into that match, tension gripped the nation from every side. The defeat at the hands of the South Africans was not forgetton, and now on home ground the Sudanese had high expectations of their team, with their star player Ali Gagarin declaring this the 'rematch of the century'. Certainly while was perhaps a little exgarrated, it did provide a window into how much the match meant for the Sudanese.[/sub]

[sub]As the match day approached, security was heightened around the stadium, a sign of the high amounts of animosity. A full stadium that was almost entirely Sudanese provided more than noise. It was no surprise that the classic discipline that the South African team was known for almost faltered as the defense conceded a dangerous chance a few minutes after kick-off. Nonetheless, they maintained their composure afterwards. In a match that mirrored their final, the South African team hedged their bets on composed counter attacks and tactical discipline. Their midfield advantage allowing them to protect their defense from a highly dangerous Sudanese side.[/sub]

[sub]The home advantage proved to be the edge the Sudanese needed however, and there was so much that the South Africans could withstand from sheer offensive pressure that the Sudanese put on them, and Sudanese striker Ali Gagarin long range effort smashed the net beyond the helpless keeper. From there it was about managing the game which the Sudanese expertly did, and the South African strategy of betting on the counter attack only hurt them as they struggled to break into the opponent's half. The full time whistle meant that the Sudanese had finally gotten their revenge from the defeat in 1968.[/sub]

[sub]Group B winners Ghana faced off against Ivory Coast next in an intriguing and balanced match, the West African nations had a long history together and it reflected in a match that was quite physical. The large amounts of fouls aside, it proved to be a quite entertaining affair as the teams traded attack after attack eventually the Ghanians stealing two goals, one quickly after the other. This proved to be the security they needed as the Ivorians struggled to break down a well drilled defense (not helped by the Ghanians breaking up every attack with tactical fouls). Pokou managed to secure a goal in the dying minutes of the game but it wasn't enough. With the final set, everyone's eyes were on Khartoum to see the Ghanians face off against home team Sudan.[/sub]

SEMI-FINALS

[table][tr][td]Team[/td][td]Score[/td][td]Team[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Sudan[/td][td] 1 - 0 [/td][td] South Africa[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Ghana[/td][td] 2 - 1 [/td][td] Ivory Coast[/td][/tr]

[/table]

[sub]But before that final, the crowd got a warmup in the shape of the Third-Position playoff between South Africa and Ivory Coast, though that was only notable for a dominant 3-0 win by the South Africans who channeled their disappointment into brutally breaking down the Ivorians.[/sub]

[sub]It was finally the big night, Sudan faced a fiery Ghanian side that wanted to win their third AFCON trophy. The Black Stars of Africa however had to contend with Sudan's biggest advantage, its passionate supporters whom deafened the ears. The two teams were cautious at first, not wanting to give the other an advantage. A strategy that made sense with both teams having lethal strikers who could change the fortunes in a split second. The supporters voice however never waned and they were loud as ever as the two teams went into the second half. Prompted by time, both teams went on the offensive, however a mixture of luck and inability to finish well meant that it looked like the match was heading into extra-time....until a break by the Sudanese players saw them exploit a gap on the right side, a cross by Ibrahim al-Sagheir found its way to Ali Gagarin's head who put it in the net and snatched the game in the last minute! Sudan achieving the dream and building on their last final with a victory in front of their supporters, cementing this as a tournament to remember .[/sub]

[/list][/list]

FINAL

[table][tr][td]Team[/td][td]Score[/td][td]Team[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Sudan[/td][td] 1 - 0 [/td][td] Ghana[/td][/tr]

[/table]

THIRD PLACE

[table][tr][td]Team[/td][td]Score[/td][td]Team[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]South Africa[/td][td] 3 - 0 [/td][td] Ivory Coast[/td][/tr]

[/table]

Nippon-Nihon, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Meerkien, Launggyet, Zingium

[list][pre]Febuary 1971[/pre]

[sub][/sub][/list]

[list][list][list][pre]M I L L I Y E T[/pre][/list][/list][/list]

[list][pre]National Assembly and Current Administration Upcoming Election[/pre][/list]

[list][sub]The upcoming elections in March will signify a continuation of growth and modernization following the manifesto of 66 President Ecevit and the CHP given to the public. During his tenure, he made due to his promises of seeking more trade with European partners, bolstering military readiness in coordinance in with NATO expectations, and reinforcing Turkish sovereignty in the wake of Kurdish-Soviet affinities. Plans for modernization were carried out within 6 years and in two 3-year phases—1968 to 1971 and from 1971 to 1974. This came after challenges of foreign adversaries questioned Turkiye’s ability to defend itself, and its interests need be.[/sub]

[sub]Now we look towards the future. President Ecevit’s plan exceeds his first term and has put forth the proposition to run again this upcoming March election. Many within his party, especially the ultranationalist crowd applaud the President’s resilience on national security and wish to continue to work on these proposals as they were introduced in 1966. Nevertheless, discussions on education, fiscal budgeting, and commerce remain a heated plethora of problems for the DP and CP. Privatization has benefited the country’s ability to move quickly to modernize however water, energy, and other logistics should remain under government supervision as mentioned by Adnan Menderes, head of the opposition representing the DP.[/sub]

[sub]On June 28th, 1968, 20,000 members of the Turkish Republican Armed Forces (TURAF) marched across the streets of İstanbul in a public display attended by thousands. This was motivation and the needed euphoric atmosphere needed to bolster pride for the military, and combat readiness. Nearly 2 years later, 5,000 of those members have died in the jungles of Vietnam which the opposition has hung over his head following the latest death count, and concerns about bringing the remaining troops back home are of discussion. The President on the advice of his Prime Minister, Alparslan Turkeş, ignored warnings from military generals to make the voyage to aid American forces in Vietnam.[/sub]

[sub]|Adnan Menderes|- Leader of the Opposition:[/sub] [sub]“The chickens came back to roost, and 5,000 of our troops have perished in the struggle against communism. This is an utter failure on Ecevit and his government’s part. I question why send our troops thousands of kilometers away when we face a communist threat just east of our border.”[/sub]

[sub]The criticisms of the President’s decision came as a regret to Prime Minister Alparslan Turkeş. Still, his insistence remains adamant to remain as a core valued politician in the party in the upcoming election. Turkeş has emphasized that the greater good for the country remains a top priority by all means, and learning and adapting with first-hand experience will further bolster the country’s military readiness for many years to come.[/sub]

[list][list][list][spoiler=[sub]Commonwealth of Liberty[/sub]

Ne mutlu Türküm diyene!

—]

Abessinienreich

Adriatican Islands

Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya

Amsterwald

Andorra-

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Astarina

Brazil Toucan

Canovia

Cascadla

Connomia

Earstenia

East Germany Ddr

Falastinyya

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Holy Vatican City States

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Le Equatoria

Lucki

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Monaco-

Mutawakkiliti

Neepal

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Poland1St

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Republica De Cuba-

Rutannia

Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia

Saudi Arabiyah

Slipway

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spain-

Tallahan

The Confederate Prussian Empire

The Kemalist Republic Of Turkiye

The United States Of Africa

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

Zeitenwende

Zingium

[/spoiler][/list][/list]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Meerkien, Launggyet, Zingium, Caf-

[list][list][pre]| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X

| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"[/pre]

[list][list][pre]De torens van staal en glas,

gloeiend alsof ze nooit zullen instorten...[/pre][/list]

[pre]// 21 JANUARI 1971, WOENSDAG

ROTTERDAM, NEDERLAND //[/pre][/list]

A U D E N T E SㅤㅤF O R T U N AㅤㅤI U V A Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤT H EㅤㅤL I O NㅤㅤA W A K E N E D

[list]ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ[sub]In the grand boom of Lagerlandswonder, Holland finds itself amid a tumultuous transformation, its landscape shifting and evolving beneath the weight of burgeoning aspirations and foreign investment. A cacophony of construction echoes through the land, as if the very soil itself yearns to birth new edifices to cradle its swelling populace and court the favour of overseas investors. Fuelled by a blend of private investors and the benevolent support of the state funds, Holland has borne witness to a symphony of architectural marvels unfurling over the past decade. The sinews of its train network stretch ever outward, snaking across newfound borders. Public housing projects, a bastion of egalitarianism, rise defiantly to challenge the spectre of homelessness. Land, once surrendered to the sea's embrace, is wrested back in bold reclamations. And now, in a crescendo of ambition, the small town of Boetenbeek is being reshaped into a planned metropolis in Luxemburg, a beacon of hope amidst the clamour of urban sprawl. Yet, amidst this fervour, Rotterdam stands as a testament to the pinnacle of audacity. Across the frothing expanse of the North Sea, the port city plays host to a venture of unparalleled grandeur. Here, the air crackles with anticipation, for in the shadows of towering cranes and the staccato rhythm of construction, a vision takes shape—one that promises to eclipse all that came before it.[/sub]

[sub]In the heart of the bustling port city of Rotterdam, a titan of modern architecture rises from the earth, its twin spires reaching defiantly towards the heavens. The Dusschoten Plaza, a masterpiece in the making, stands poised to rewrite the very skyline of Europe. With a resolute gaze fixed upon the clouds, the Plaza boasts not one, but two twin towers, each soaring to a staggering 102 floors. Their imposing stature, stretching 390 metres into the sky (401 metres when counting their tips), dares to challenge the supremacy of American skyscrapers. The Empire State Building, that icon of New York's skyline, finds itself overshadowed, while even Moscow's State University must yield its crown as Europe's tallest edifice. Clad in a cloak of steel and limestone, the Plaza embodies the essence of modernism, its sleek lines and bold angles a testament to human ambition. This is more than just a building; it is a symbol, a beacon heralding the ascent of Holland's burgeoning economy. Within its hallowed walls, a tapestry of life unfolds. Residential abodes intertwine with bustling commercial spaces, a harmonious blend of work and play. Sixty offices grace each tower, their windows framing a panorama of endless opportunity. But it is not just the lofty heights that beckon; at ground level, a vibrant tapestry of activity awaits. Shops line the base of both towers, beckoning passersby with their wares, while a verdant oasis of greenery invites weary souls to linger. Here, amidst exotic trees imported from distant lands, a park blooms into existence—a sanctuary for the weary and the dreamers alike.[/sub]

[sub]With a staggering price tag of 290 million guilders, the Dusschoten Plaza project emerges as a veritable colossus of expenditure, casting its shadow over all previous endeavours in the annals of Dutch construction history. A symphony of wealth and ambition, it is a testament to the boundless aspirations of a nation on the rise. The mantle of construction falls upon the shoulders of two formidable entities: Wiljen-Kollenstaart NV, hailing from the city of Brussels, and the well-known British Kier Group. Together, they stand as titans, their expertise and resources converging to breathe life into this monumental vision. And yet, they are not alone in their quest; BV Sain Groep, a stalwart of Dutch industry, lends its formidable expertise as a secondary contractor, ensuring that no stone is left unturned in the pursuit of perfection. With the sands of time ticking away, the twin towers stand as a beacon of progress, their ascent to the heavens a testament to human ingenuity. In just two short years, they will reach their full glory, casting their gaze across the landscape in silent defiance of the sky itself. Even now, as the first bricks are laid and the foundations take shape, whispers of anticipation ripple through the air. The main office of BV Sain Groep finds itself besieged by demands for pre-purchases, a testament to the allure of this monumental endeavour. And indeed, it is no wonder, for within those hallowed walls, legends are born. Already, the roster of tenants reads like a who's who of corporate royalty in Holland. ING Bank, Royal Dutch, Phillips, Airbus, and Heineken—all have pledged their allegiance to this grand enterprise. Yet, they are but the tip of the iceberg; whispers abound of international titans from across Europe, drawn like moths to a flame by the promise of greatness. As the wheels of progress continue to turn, the Dusschoten Plaza project stands as a testament to the spirit of Rotterdam, a symbol of a growing Holland. And though the road ahead may be fraught with challenges, one thing remains certain: the legacy of this grand endeavour will echo through the ages, an ode to the triumph of Dutch ambition.[/sub][/list]

_______________________________________________

[/list][spoiler=[sub]Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor[/sub]

de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Klingenthalerburg

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler][/list]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-

[list][list][list][pre]RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE

FRENCH BUREAUCRACY

MINISTÈRE DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE[/pre][/list]

______

MINISTRY OF NATIONAL DEFENSE: DISCLOSURE ON UNIDENTIFIED AIRCRAFT REPORTS IN METROPOLITAN FRANCE

[sub]VTH FRENCH REPUBLIC | PARIS, JANUARY 1971 [/sub][/list]

[sub]| HELM OF WARFARE, MINISTÈRE DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE, FRANÇAIS RÉPUBLIQUE - | Michel Debré, the current sitting Minister of National Defense has ordered the immediate publication of records pertaining to the French Air Force's aerospace activities over population centers in Metropolitan France. These orders come not just from the minister's office, but also that of President Georges Pompidou following a string of reports involving unidentified flying objects. Over the last five years more than 500 reports with French police authorities have been made by citizens living in the inner cities as well as farmers in France's rural valleys regarding "large triangular shaped aircraft" flying at alarming speeds, and breaking the sound barrier. The reports have also indicated that the aircraft have been seen flying at low altitudes in some areas and have three bright lights in each corner of the triangular shaped craft.[/sub]

[sub]The Ministry of National Defense has been careful with regards to maintaining some of its more classified projects from fully entering the public's eye, but now they have managed to gain more attention than desired with the most recent sighting and incident that occurred in a small town called Parville which is located in Normandy. The incident was reported by a dairy farmer and local restaurant owner named Auguste Gusteau whom indicated that he had "witnessed the entire event" and was quite shocked by the traumatizing experience.[/sub]

[list][sub][pre]| REPORT OF AUGUSTE GUSTEAU — 27 DECEMBER 1970 — APPROX TIME: 11:26 PM |

"At roughly 11:01pm I heard what sounded like an explosion outside my house. The sound shook my entire residence and awoke my sleeping wife as well. I immediately scrabbled to the window where I was unable to see anything and so I quickly got dressed and ran downstairs to the back door. Upon walking outside I could not see any signs of an explosion near my house or barn, however I still feared that either a plane had crash landed nearby or perhaps the Soviets really were attacking. My dairy cows were in shock and so I walked over to the barn to attend to them briefly. While walking back over to the house from the barn I looked up at the sky where three brightly shining lights in a triangular pattern caught my eye. The lights were moving as one unit at a relatively slow rate of speed for any normal type of plane. But then it appeared as if the aircraft was lowering towards the ground, almost as if it were hovering above my pasture. It came as close as maybe 300 feet from the ground before it launched forward and zipped back up into the night sky. A second boom occurred moments later which I now assume must have been the aircraft breaking the sound barrier a second time. This second boom caused my cows to panic again, running from the barn out into the pasture. During this two young calves were knocked over and trampled causing them both to die."[/pre][/sub][/list]

[sub]Auguste Gusteau's report to the local police made newspaper headlines which eventually reached Paris as well as the desk of the General Secretary of the National Federation of Agricultural Workers, Jack Potavin who initiated further media attention about the incident having noted that Auguste Gusteau is not the first or only farmer to be affected by these types of events. The public outcry and demands for the government to do something about the occurrences has become immense in recent weeks which is what prompted President Pompidou and the Minister of National Defense to make the Air Force's activities regarding this public knowledge. There was also the aspect for most French citizens that the aircraft might have been a Soviet plane of sorts sent to either spy on or attack France and it appeared that the French government was seemingly doing nothing about it. The time for the Air Force to come clean on everything they knew was now, or they might risk losing funding in the next defense budget parliament passes. On January 21, 1971 the Chief of Staff of the French Air Force, Général Gabriel Gauthier stood before the National Assembly in Paris and made public several documents which revealed the origins and overall purpose of the unknown aircraft.[/sub]

[list][sub][pre]| REPORT OF GENERAL GABRIEL GAUTHIER — 21 JANUARY 1971 — APPROX TIME: 9:30 AM |

"Mesdames et Messieurs, esteemed delegates of the people of France. I am here today to shed light on the numerous reported sightings of what many have described as a triangular shaped aircraft with three lights, one in each visible corner of the aircraft. Some of these reports also include details about the aircraft hovering at low altitudes and taking off with no physical runway present. A most recent report from a dairy farmer in Parville which tragically resulted in the loss of two dairy calves as well as prior reports involving minor property damages makes my report to you all here today even more important as we hope nothing like that ever happens again. On the night of December 27th 1970, at 2300 hours a single aircraft which is part of a top secret development program named the Dassault Mirage IIIV took off from Évreux-Fauville Air Base for another routine training and testing mission. Évreux-Fauville Air Base is located approximately 8.2 kilometers away from the small town of Parville and given it's rural environment in comparison to the surrounding more populated areas, it was deemed the best area for testing and flying the new aircraft in that part of France. The Dassault Mirage IIIV is a vertical take-off and landing aircraft, very similar to the British Harrier jump jet that entered service in 1969. The Mirage IIIV however has been a veritable work in progress since 1962 with the original prototype being named the Dassault Balzac V which was developed from the Dassault Mirage III. The eventual finished aircraft being named the Mirage IIIV has undergone constant testing since February 12, 1965 along with pilots training on the new plane. This aircraft is capable of hovering in place and has three bright lights underneath it, one on each wing and one at the front of the fuselage to help the pilot see when maneuvering the aircraft in hovering mode. If you will all refer to the aircrafts declassified specifications document, you will also find that this plane is capable of flying at speeds of Mach 2.04 which is twice as fast as the Harrier jump jet. On behalf of the Air Force, I would like to relay my most sincere apologies to those affected by this once top secret project and can confirm that the individuals whom have sustained documented property damages from testing and training flight missions will be compensated for their losses. I yield the rest of my time to the assembly's president."[/pre][/sub][/list]

[list][spoiler=DASSAULT MIRAGE IIIV SPECIFICATIONS][sub][list][*]Crew: 1

[*]Length: 18 m (59 ft 1 in)

[*]Wingspan: 8.72 m (28 ft 7 in)

[*]Height: 5.55 m (18 ft 3 in)

[*]Weight: 12,000 kg (26,455 lb)

[*]Maximum takeoff weight: 15,875 kg (35,000 lb)

[*]Powerplant: 1 × Pratt & Whitney/SNECMA TF106 afterburning turbofan engine cruise only, 90 kN (20,200 lbf) with afterburner

[*]Powerplant: 9 × Rolls-Royce RB170 turbojet engines, 25 kN (5,620 lbf) thrust each lift only

[*]Maximum speed: Mach 2.04

[*]Flight distance: 3,335 km (2,072 mi, 1,801 nmi)

[*]Combat radius: 1,200 km (750 mi, 650 nmi)

[*]Radar equipment: Thomson-CSF Cyrano II radar & Marconi continuous-wave Doppler navigation radar[/list][/sub][/spoiler][/list]

[sub]With Général Gabriel Gauthier's undisclosed report to the National Assembly, French news outlets have gone on a frenzy once again, hoping to be the first to explain away the numerous aircraft sightings and incidents of which the Dassault Mirage IIIV is responsible for. Many Frenchmen and women who have paid attention to the news were just as shocked to learn that it was the French Air Force responsible. In a short interview with the recently compensated dairy farmer in Parville, Auguste Gusteau stated: "I didn't even think we had that kind of technology to be able to build a plane like that. I thought for sure it must've been aliens of some sort or the darn Soviets." Another more optimistic Parisian businessman said "if the Germans could do it 26 years ago and the British have just done it a couple years ago, I see no reason why France and all it's technical prowess wouldn't be able to engineer an aircraft on the same level." Now that the top secret project is out in the spotlight, the Air Force has moved forward with more cautious, but increased training and testing missions that will likely see the already proven new aircraft admitted to full service in just a few months. |[/sub]

[list]______[/list]

[list][list][pre]VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!

VIVE LA FRANCE!

VIVE L’EMPIRE![/pre][/list][/list]

[list][spoiler=[sub]𝐄𝐌𝐁𝐑𝐀𝐂𝐄 𝐅𝐑𝐀𝐍𝐂𝐄

𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘[/sub]]

Abessinienreich

Adriatican Islands

Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya

Amsterwald

Andorra-

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Astarina

Batallon De Dignidad

Brazil Toucan

Canovia

Cascadla

Connomia

Cristobalera

Earstenia

Formosa-

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Hollunde

Holy Vatican City States

Hong Kong Delta

Independent Singapore

Indonesian Federal Peoples Republic

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Lucki

Maziya

Medarc

Meerkien

Metropolitan Francais

Monaco-

Mutawakkiliti

Nasrid Algeria

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Ngiera

Nileia

Niwae

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Osivoiii

Paramountica

Paseo

Poland1St

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata

Rudnatia

Rutannia

Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia

Saudi Arabiyah

Skonhedens Land

Slipway

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Southyemen

Spain-

Starsight

Tallahan

The Confederate Prussian Empire

The Kemalist Republic Of Turkiye

The United States Of Africa

Ukreyn

United Jericho

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Victoria Harbor Ii

Vietnahm

Virnall

Zeitenwende

Zingium

[/spoiler]

The Confederation Of Northern Germany, Federated Arab Emirates, Sixth French Metropolitan Republic, Holy Vatican City States, Federated Turkey, Nasrid Algeria, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Monaco-, Andorra-, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Meerkien, Launggyet, Zingium

[list][sub]Jan. 20, 1971 — Afghan communists seize Kabul in a Revolution, overthrowing Prime Minister Daoud Khan.[/sub][/list]

[pre]T H E J A D I R E V O L U T I O N ¹[/pre]

[list][sub]PART I: KABUL[/sub][/list]

[list][sub]| Lenin is quoted as saying, "There are decades where nothing happens, and there are weeks where decades happen." Had he been born in Afghanistan, he might have said, "There are centuries where nothing happens, followed by decades where still nothing happens." In Afghanistan, little has changed since the days when eastern merchants crossed through the Hindu Kush on camel-back to trade with the west. So impervious to progress is Afghanistan that, in 1971, large portions of the country still live in complete ignorance of their King in Kabul, while they speak of the Mongol invasion as though it happened yesterday. As if to vindicate Lenin, here, in the land that time forgot, history was finally about to catch up. [/sub][/list]

[list][sub]| On January 20, 1971, the inhabitants of Kabul were returning to work and reopening their shops after lunch when they heard the news that the government of King Mohammad Zahir Shah had been overthrown. Everyone had expected a revolution in the capital. What they didn't expect was for this revolution to come from the right, from the National Revolutionary Party organized around Prince Daoud Khan, the King's cousin and Prime Minister. But this is what happened. At 1800 hours Kabul time, with the assistance of the Afghan army's officer corps, Prime Minister Daoud Khan proclaimed the Republic of Afghanistan via radio broadcast from the Arg Palace. Following an impassioned speech, Daoud Khan announced the first action of the new government: the liquidation of the pro-Soviet opposition, the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA).[/sub][/list]

[list][sub]| Unbeknownst to Daoud Khan at the time, the entire leadership of the PDPA was gathered in a private residence in the Bashte Darchi neighborhood of Kabul's 13th district, some 10 km from the city center. Hafizullah Amin, Babrak Karmal, and Nur Muhammad Taraki, each representing the main factions within the party, were present and receiving the news via radio and occasional courier. That evening, the doctrinal disputes of the previous months were washed away. For a moment, they even seemed irrelevant. The only difference of opinion now was over what to do next. Hafizullah Amin, leader of the radical Khalqists, suggested going into exile in the Soviet Union and organizing a resistance movement. Karmal, leader of the Parchamis, weighed whether it would be possible to persuade Daoud Khan to call off his order.[/sub][/list]

[list][sub]| Ultimately, Taraki would unite them as he had always done in the past: "Comrades, the right-wing nationalists have struck first," he said. "But in eliminating the monarchy, Daoud Khan has cut the branches out from underneath himself." Everyone listened intently to Taraki, who commanded respect on account of his seniority, as was typical in Afghan society—even among Kabul's communistic socialites. "The majority of the army is still with us," he continued. "All we must do is give them the order and the nationalist officer corps won't know what hit it. From momentary defeat to lasting victory, all is not yet lost." At 1930 hours, the central leadership of the PDPA voted unanimously to rally the party for immediate revolutionary struggle, thus setting in motion the Jadi Revolution, which was in fact a progressive counter-revolution to Daoud Khan's nationalist putsch earlier in the day.[/sub][/list]

[list][sub]| At the Arg Palace, Daoud Khan anxiously awaited confirmation that the PDPA opposition had been eliminated and dumped in the Kabul river, where Karmal, Amin and Taraki would join Luxemburg and Liebknecht in the tradition of martyred socialists. Alas, 1971 would be no 1918. As the hours passed and Kabul fell into darkness, Daoud Khan and his officers lost contact with one district after another. Soon, his nationalist Republic only existed within the confines of Arg Palace. At 0430 hours on January 21, a skirmish ensued outside of the Palace between loyal officers and Afghan Army companies that were descending on the city center. Greatly outnumbered and outgunned, the officers laid down their weapons almost as quickly as the fighting had started. The PDPA's forces stormed the Palace, killing none that were inside. Only Daoud Khan was critically injured when he attempted to resist and was shot in the shoulder. [/sub][/list]

[list][sub]| Finally, in the early morning the central leadership of the PDPA moved into Arg Palace. Within 24 hours, the PDPA had gone from the brink of defeat to independently commanding the government. Daoud Khan was in prison, while King Mohammed Zahir Shah had fled the country—where to no one knew, but most suspected Iran. Ultimately, it mattered little where he had gone—the King didn't lose legitimacy, for one can only lose what one has to begin with. Until now the whole drama of Monarchy, putsch and revolution had played out in Kabul. While PDPA leadership began passing resolutions to establish a new government, their revolution would move out of the city and into the ungovernable, backward countryside. Only there, in the mountains of Herat province and the Kandahar desert, could a lasting revolution be secured.[/sub][/list]

____________

[sub]¹ JADI ( جدی ) is Dari and refers to the month of January according to the Solar Hijri calendar.[/sub]

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Zingium, Caf-

[list][list]SHŌWA 46 | JANUARY 1971[/list]

[list][list]11% 安定した成長

[pre]11% GROWTH STABLE[/pre][/list][/list]

[pre] S T A B I L I Z A T I O N P L A N [/pre]

[list][list][/list][/list]

[table]

[tr] [/tr]

[tr][td][sub][pre]すべての人は海のように兄弟です

世界中に; ではなぜ風が吹くのか

そしてどこでも波が激しく打ち寄せる?[/pre][/sub][/list][/list][/td][td][sub][pre]All men are brothers, like the

seas throughout the world; So

why do winds and waves clash

so fiercely everywhere?[/pre][/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

GINZA — AFTERNOON

[sub]TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]

| Japan’s growth rate is expected to stabilize this year after a five-year economic boom, but even if the predicted stable growth materializes, the country will still have the highest rate of any Western country. This means a stabilization of the 13% annual growth rate over the last five years to a still robust rate of 11 to 12%. For economic experts, Japan’s biggest economic challenge is to readjust its industrial sector without producing adverse effects on the economy. Consumer spending, which represents nearly 50% of GNP, increased 17.4% last year compared with 1960, and few expect it to be matched. Expo ‘70 in Osaka had 64 million visitors, both Japanese and foreign, contributing greatly to increased consumer spending. The Sanwa Bank study estimated the direct and indirect demand caused by the opening of Expo ‘70 at $9.2 billion v. $7.5 billion for the 1964 Tokyo Olympics. ‘70 Expo spending totaled $3.75 billion and consumer spending reached $950 million. Wages increased 18% in 1970 compared to 1969 and department store sales increased 20% to a postwar high of $960 million. |

[list][list][pre]STABILIZATION PLAN[/pre]

▌[sub]A leveling of the capital and investment rate, which represents 20% of GNP.[/sub]

▌[sub]Drop in export taxes.[/sub]

▌[sub]Drop in demand for cars and household appliances, with the current saturation of the domestic market.[/sub][/list][/list]

| Japan’s annual per capita income, which reached $473 in 1960, making it 23rd, increased to $1,503 in 1970, rising to 14th in the world. According to a survey carried out by the Prime Minister’s Office, refrigerators, washing machines, and other household appliances are now an integral part of Japanese lives, even in lower-class families. The lives of the Japanese are increasingly linked to foreign trade due to the growing transport of food, imports of which to Japan totaled $214 million in 1969, an increase of 14% compared to the previous year. Food imports are believed to have increased by 18% last year compared to 1969. Japan’s gold and foreign exchange reserves have seen a steady increase, surpassing $4 billion at the end of last year, a gain of $700 million compared to 1969. The main reasons for the strong increase were a considerable surplus in foreign trade, the inflow of foreign exchange for investment, and high-interest rates. Both the government and bankers fear that Western nations will exert greater pressure on Japan for an upward revaluation of the yen if the growing inflow of foreign currencies continues as is. |

| Exports, an important part of Japan’s growth, increased 21% to $17 billion in the first 11 months of 1970 compared with the previous year. Although exports to the United States have declined due to American measures taken against Japanese products, efforts made by traders and manufacturers to diversify their export markets have resulted in a beneficial increase in exports to Europe and Communist countries, offsetting the decline in exports to the United States. Exports to European countries increased by 50.8% to $1.8 billion in the first eight months of 1970 compared with the previous year, while exports to Red China increased to $489 million in the first 10 months. Salary increases, the growth in personnel expenses, and the need for measures to prevent environmental disturbances have caused a decrease in company profits. The drop in exports to the United States and the decline in domestic demand for durable consumer goods forced manufacturers in the steel, automobile, household appliances, and synthetic fiber industries to reduce their production and investment programs. |

Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Launggyet, Zingium

A Look at the Haitian Economy: Makeup and Eventual Goal

Haiti despite its relatively small population (only reaching around 10.75 million people by 2024) was nonetheless the second most populous nation of the Caribbean just barely trailing behind its larger neighbor Cuba, Haiti has nonetheless experienced a degree of different economic growth. Under a system of free market state capitalism, Haiti is often pointed towards as a middle ground between the models seen in Cuba, and the total free markets of countries like Chile.

When pressured to liberalize, the Haitian government has remained steadfast in its commitment to state-owned enterprises, often drawing comparisons to Southeast Asia, or even by more hysterical conservatives, Cuba. Nonetheless, there are some key differences that differentiate Haiti from other purely free-market or purely state-owned economies.

_________________

Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises

Employment 60% of Haitians

GDP Make-up: 48%

Despite being known as a state capitalist nation, MSME’s are the majority of Haiti’s employment at around 60%, constitute 98% of all businesses, and control a 48% GDP share. Of course their makeup used to be much larger, as at the turn of the 1900’s all the way until the 70’s, MSME’s made up 90% of the given economy.

Due to this massive share, most of Haiti lacked access to creditors, or financial backing. Further, the lax trade policies of the 1900’s allowed most MSME’s to be easily taken advantage of by large foreign corporate conglomerates.

During the 1970’s-1990’s the overall share of MSME’s drastically decreased as a part of the wider policy of consolidation. Even today at their current steady share of 60%, most MSME’s are dependent on state enterprises for access to banking, and infrastructure. SOE’s and State-Influenced Enterprises play an important role in protecting MSME’s from foreign domination, and exploitation, in return MSME’s play an important role in providing the majority of Haitian jobs, GDP, and reinforce communitarian based values.

Of course, there are downsides to such a large small business economy. MSME’s are taxed less than larger enterprises, are granted a degree of leeway on hiring, and firing rules, and more exempt from wage laws. Also notable is the tendency for Micro enterprises especially to slip into gray areas of informal economy status. These informal businesses lack any government protections, and regulation.

_________________

Non-State Invested Enterprises

Employment: 15% of Haitians

GDP Share: 22% of GDP

In a nation like Haiti, the idea of a business uninfluenced by the state is considered oxymoronic. Nonetheless for a large chunk of the economy that is the case. Non-State Invested Enterprises are large businesses, in which the state does not own a sizable stake in (anything below 10%).

Most Non-SIE’s are often owned by foreign businesses, or are directly invested in, or are even subsidiaries of foreign companies. A much smaller share of Haitian companies at only .5% of all Haitian businesses, these businesses still employ a sizable 15% of the Haitian employment, and 22% of the GDP.

Oftentimes these companies are at the forefront of export, and extraction industries, as well as high tech sectors like electronics, and media.

A double edged sword, large enterprises, both foreign, and domestic exert a large amount of undue influence not only on the economy, but the government, and policy as a whole.

_________________

State-Invested Enterprises

Employment: 10% of Haitians

GDP Share: 10% of GDP

State-invested enterprises are any enterprise in which the state owns more than 5% of a company's stock, but less than 51% of ownership. These companies in which oftentimes the government is among, if not the largest share in the company, but still shy of controlling ownership, are heavily influenced by the state in their operation, and management.

As Haiti left the U.S. occupation, the Trujillo regime, and the beginning of their own economy, often new Haitian companies struggled to survive on their own. Instead of purely nationalizing, and establishing total state control over the whole economy, Haitian economists instead opted for a way in which would allow businesses access to state capital, but avoid unnecessary market domination. Direct government investment, done through the state-owned holding company Quisqueya, would trade capital for ownership shares.

Employing 10% of Haitians, and holding a 10% GDP share, SIE’s are afforded no degree of special treatment, not too dissimilar to other major companies, and MSME’s. Even so the large degree to which the state plays an active role, has often been criticized as corrosive to Haitian democracy, as it has been found SIE workers are more likely to vote for the PAA, and support status quo which has opposed any privatization of state assets, or selling off state shares.

Post-1985, new SIE’s were created as some SOE’s found themselves privatized and turned over to the market; however, many remained with a sizable state hold in their stakes.

_________________

State-Owned Enterprises

Employment: 12.5% of Haitians

GDP Share: 15% of GDP

A hallmark of the Haitian system is its SOE’s. After combining civil servants, 18% of Haitians are employed in public sector jobs, and when SIE’s are also included that number shoots up to around 28% of Haitians in some way being influenced by the state in their workplace.

Unlike many third world nations, Haiti generally attempted to avoid mass nationalizations. This was due to their proximity to the United States, but also a general anti-communist sentiment espoused by its government. Instead, the state created numerous state enterprises, and using these companies, bought up smaller competitors, collapsing U.S. monopolies like United Fruit, and any other interested mergers.

By 1985, the monopoly Haiti had created began to cause mass economic issues. As often the state does, heavy investments into SOE’s, employment over profit, and social responsibility strapped most SOE’s with crippling debt. While some called for mass privatization, instead the state began to privatize management, shifting all SOE’s into the state-holding and investment company, and erasing any unfair advantages SOE’s had been given legally, or extra-legally.

From then on most SOE’s would begin to rebound, profits would return, and SOE’s would play the free market game, the same as every other company. Nonetheless some complaints still existed about the SOE’s. Some argue that by virtue of their state ownership, SOE’s suck up more foreign investment, and business as people are comfortable with the backing of the state. More criticisms are levied by the fact most SOE’s also seem to create loyal party members, and are an artificial mechanism by which to keep the PAA in power.

_________________

Civil Servants

Employment: 5.5% of Haitians

GDP Share: 5% of GDP~

While technically, every member of an SOE, and to a lesser extent SIE’s, are members of the public sector, the government adopts a more narrowed definition of what constitutes a civil servant.

Civil servants under the states definition, are bureaucrats, police, teachers, and other public jobs that are not in for profit enterprises like SOE’s, and SIE’s.

Among the near constant snapping of those desiring to cut more state functions, introduce more SOE control, and further turn the government into a profitable corporation, the civil servants have remained. Rigidly meritocratic, and highly loyal to the PAA, it is said civil servants more so than anyone else, uphold the state’s position of power.

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Meerkien, Launggyet

[list][list][pre]| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X

| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"[/pre]

[list][list][pre]Liefde is een verhaal zo oud als de tijd,

de vloek is degene die het moet verbergen...[/pre][/list]

[pre]// 11 FEBRUARI 1971, ZOENDAG

AMSTERDAM, NEDERLAND //[/pre][/list]

Q U I D N U N Cㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤAㅤㅤM I S E R A B L EㅤㅤL I F E

[list]ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ[sub]Wolsheijner stood as a colossus in the realm of Dutch politics, a figure both revered and enigmatic, his influence reaching far beyond the borders of his homeland to permeate the very fabric of European governance. At the tender age of thirty, he wielded power and authority with a confidence that belied his humble beginnings as an orphan in the quaint town of Dordrecht. His ascent into the political arena was swift and determined, a testament to his unwavering resolve and ironclad determination. From the tender age of eighteen, he raised his voice as a member of the now-defunct Reform Nationalist Party, his impassioned speeches resonating with the masses from the outset. Yet, it was not merely his political prowess that set him apart; Wolsheijner was a figure shrouded in mystery, an enigma whose private life remained veiled in secrecy. Despite the incessant clamour of the media, he remained resolutely silent, his thoughts and feelings guarded with an almost obsessive zeal. In 1969, when he was elected to the highest echelons of power, Holland found itself in uncharted territory—bereft of a first lady for the first time in modern history. The Dutch press, ever hungry for scandal and intrigue, seized upon this anomaly with fervour, weaving tales of conjecture and speculation around the elusive figure of Wolsheijner. For him, the limelight was a double-edged sword, casting him as both a paragon of virtue and a subject of relentless scrutiny. His single status became a matter of national fascination, his every move dissected and analysed with the fervour reserved for celebrity gossip. And then, amidst the swirling maelstrom of conjecture, came the whispers of a connection—a fleeting moment captured by the lenses of eager paparazzi, as Wolsheijner found himself in the company of the Finnish journalist, Erva Hyvönen, after an interview with Yleisradio. The tabloid newspapers seized upon this revelation with glee, spinning tales of clandestine meetings and forbidden liaisons, their headlines ablaze with scandal.[/sub]

[sub]In the hazy realm of gossip magazines, where sensationalism reigns supreme, the name of Wolsheijner became a tantalising thread woven into scandal. Tabloids danced with delight at the mere hint of his presence alongside various women, concocting tales of romantic dalliances that crumbled beneath the weight of their own lack of credibility. In the eyes of many, it was nothing more than a fleeting diversion—a salacious tidbit to be discussed over morning coffee, quickly forgotten as the day wore on. After all, in a nation where the credibility of tabloids teetered on the edge of irrelevance, their claims held as much weight as a feather in a hurricane. For Wolsheijner, the ceaseless chatter was but a dull roar, a nuisance to be brushed aside in pursuit of loftier goals. With the quiet dignity that had become his trademark, he chose to turn a deaf ear to the whispers that swirled around him, instead focusing his energies on his political career. A man of principle, he refused to be drawn into the murky waters of gossip and speculation, his silence a shield against the slings and arrows of malicious tongues. To him, the relentless scrutiny was a burden to be borne, an unwanted intrusion into the sanctity of his private world. For Wolsheijner, the corridors of power were his domain, a realm where his words held sway and his actions spoke louder than any idle gossip. He had no desire to lay bare his soul for the prying eyes of millions, nor to pander to the whims of those who sought to tear him down.[/sub]

[sub]In the twilight glow of his Amsterdam apartment, Wolsheijner stood ensconced in silence, a solitary figure framed against the backdrop of the city's iconic canals and terraced houses. With a heavy heart, he lifted a cigarette to his lips, drawing deeply upon its bitter solace as he gazed out at the waning sun. Clad in a sombre ensemble of brown turtleneck and black trousers, he cut a figure of weary resignation, his thoughts a maelstrom of discontent. In his hand, the latest edition of "Entertainmentkrant Dagelijks" lay open, its pages filled with the distorted reflections of his private life splashed across its glossy surface. There, emblazoned in bold letters, was his own name—a cruel mockery, twisted and contorted to fit the narrative of scandal and intrigue. A photograph, innocent in its inception, now served as fodder for the voracious appetites of the tabloid press, transforming a simple moment of camaraderie into yet another tale of illicit affairs and rendezvous. As he stood lost in contemplation, a slender figure emerged from the shadows, his presence a jarring intrusion upon the silence of the room. With a gesture born of familiarity, the young man reached out, relieving Wolsheijner of the damning gossip that lay within his grasp.[/sub]

[sub]"Another article about you?" The younger man's voice cut through the oppressive silence, heavy with frustration as he observed the tabloid in Adrian's grasp. "Do these people have nothing but time on their hands?" His tone dripped with disdain, a reflection of the simmering anger that coursed through them both. Adrian's response was a weary nod, his chiselled features marred by the weight of his burdens. "Yes, dear, I'm afraid so," he murmured, his voice rough with emotion. Though he strove for stoicism, the relentless onslaught upon his privacy gnawed at his resolve, chipping away at the facade he had erected. "It is a picture of me with a friend, but they somehow managed to twist it to fit their own narrative. How ingenious," Adrian lamented, his words tinged with bitter irony. Despite his efforts to distance himself from the scandalous tales spun by the tabloids, their insidious tendrils reached out to ensnare him once more. The younger man reached out, gently prying Adrian's large hands away from his face, his gaze filled with unwavering determination. "You have to do something about it. This can't go on forever," he urged, his voice a rallying cry in the face of adversity.[/sub]

[sub]Adrian's frustration simmered beneath the surface as he pondered Mark's suggestion. "What can I do, Mark? Do you expect me to ban the paparazzi?" His tone betrayed a hint of annoyance, the weight of their relentless intrusion pressing down upon him like a suffocating blanket. "They have won once again, and I can't use my political power to make them stop. That would be an abuse of power."

[/sub]

[sub]Mark's response was measured, his shrug a testament to his own resignation in the face of adversity. "You are not the only person affected by the tabloids. Just say that it is for the personal privacy of all," he suggested, his voice tinged with a note of pragmatism. "You are a smart man, you can figure it out."[/sub]

[sub]"I wish it were that easy, love," Adrian sighed, his frustration palpable in the heavy silence that settled between them. "But I'm afraid they won't think critically regardless. It is the sensationalism they are after, not facts or logic."[/sub]

[sub]As the sun dipped below the horizon, casting a golden hue over the Amsterdam skyline, Adrian's mind was a tumultuous sea of thoughts, his emotions swirling like the eddies of the nearby canals. Beside him stood his lover, a silent sentinel in the gathering dusk, their presence a balm to his weary soul. In a nation celebrated for its liberalism, Adrian understood all too well the precarious nature of his position. Though Holland may embrace diversity and acceptance, the revelation of his relationship with the younger man would be met with raised eyebrows and whispered condemnations. For a leader to be entangled in a homosexual affair was, in the eyes of many, nothing short of career suicide. With a heavy heart, Adrian held his lover close, their embrace a silent testament to the sacrifices they both made in the name of love. In exchange for his career and dignity, he endured the relentless onslaught of speculation and gossip, his private life laid bare for the prying eyes of the world. Closing his eyes, Adrian pressed a tender kiss to Mark's forehead, savouring the fleeting moment of contentment that enveloped them both. For a brief instant, the outside world faded into insignificance, leaving only the warmth of their shared affection. But then, as if to shatter the fragile tranquillity of their sanctuary, the sound of a camera clicking shattered the silence. Adrian's heart sank as he realised that even in the privacy of his own home, they were not safe from the relentless gaze of the paparazzi. With a heavy sigh, he tightened his grip on Mark's hand, steeling himself for the inevitable storm that would follow.[/sub][/list]

_______________________________________________

[/list][spoiler=[sub]Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor[/sub]

de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Klingenthalerburg

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler][/list]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Meerkien, Launggyet

[list][pre]FEBRUARY of 1971[/pre][/list]

[pre]THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS

Союз Советских Социалистических Республик[/pre]

[pre]THE BATTLE LINES BETWEEN REFORM AND HARDLINE COMMUNISTS SIMMER AS GENERAL SECRETARY ALEXEI KOSYGIN VISITS WARSAW[/pre]

[pre]ЛИНИЯ БОИ МЕЖДУ РЕФОРМАТОРАМИ И ЖЕСТКИМИ КОММУНИСТАМИ ЗИММЕРА В ВИЗИТ ГЕНЕРАЛЬНОГО СЕКРЕТАРЯ АЛЕКСЕЙ КОСЫГИНА ВАРШАВУ[/pre]

| [sub]The frail tensions between the reformist and hardline conservative wings of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) had been put down with the victory of Alexei Kosygin as the party's General Secretary after the resignation of Nikita Khrushchev. Since then, numerous efforts within the party leadership had been undertaken by the Kosygin government to privately reconcile the two wings of the party in a bid for party unity amid a time of what Kosygin described as "historic importance". As he undertook his ambitious social and economic reform initiatives, the conservatives waited quietly in the shadows, not acting against nor offering their support for the reform measures. Those few who spoke out subtly were deposed from their positions, though these numbers remained few, meaning many conservatives still remained in their positions, though their influence diminished. The re-appointment of Khrushchev coup leader Leonid Brezhnev to a key diplomatic role in the Foreign Affairs Ministry marked the practical end of this reconciliation period, with the General Secretary also meeting with top hardline conservatives who had since been disgracefully removed from their positions of authority. Party unity kept intact for now despite efforts for reform, Kosygin turned his attention in early February to a developing situation in Poland.[/sub] |

| [sub]Days after the news broke of increasing internal instability in the Polish socialist republic over enhanced austerity measures, the Soviet Foreign Ministry had announced the deployment of food and financial aid to Warsaw to provide immediate short and medium term relief. Foreign Minister Anastas Mikoyan visited Warsaw for several days to meet with top Polish officials for situational briefings in the next two weeks, followed by a radio statement from the General Secretary pledging the USSR's continued support to her Polish comrades. In early February, Kosygin jetted off from Moscow for a rare visit to Warsaw to meet with Poland's top leadership and, hopefully, initiate reconciliation between the ruling PZPR's various clashing factions as well. Split into the hardline conservative "Old Guard" led by General Secretary Wladyslaw Gomulka, and the reformist "New Generation" led by market socialist Ludomil Dolinski, the PZPR was suffering from fatigue over continued private internal divisions. The reformist, more Kosygin-aligned New Generation group had previously been damaged by minor purges of its membership, but they remained in the party nonetheless, withstanding pressure from the Old Guard, whose ideology brought memories of Stalinist philosophies.[/sub] |

| [sub]Over the course of his lively state visit, characterized by assembled crowds, public speeches to Polish workers, women and students, and private meetings with government officials and local business leaders, the General Secretary, one of the most powerful men in the world, undertook to reconcile these two divided factions. First came the meetings with the hardline Old Guard led by the PZPR's General Secretary, Chairman Gomulka, and top members of his Cabinet: Interior Minister Grubich, Defense Minister Guzinski, and Foreign Minister Lyda. Despite slightly tense conversations due to differing ideologies, Kosygin emerged from the meetings cautiously optimistic. More positive and receptive meetings with the New Generation leader, Dolinski, and other reformists like Alicja Bobinska, Sebastian Kurtyka, and Janusz Podolski, took place following that. After a week in Warsaw and the surrounding provinces, Kosygin returned to Moscow, hopeful his influence could have at the very least alleviated the developing situation.[/sub] |

____

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Meerkien, Launggyet, Poland1St, Zingium

[list][pre]T H E J A D I R E V O L U T I O N ¹[/pre][/list]

[list][list][sub]PART II[/sub][/list][/list]

[list][list][sub]February 1971 — Afghan communists make concessions to tribal leaders and consolidate the revolution in the north and west.[/sub][/list]

[sub]The Jadi Revolution, initiated by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) on January 20, quickly swept across the capital, where it was able to consolidate itself and impose order via the army and police. In 1971, Kabul was already westernized and willing to accept a republican government, especially if it could preserve public order and attract foreign business. The people of Kabul were ready to accept the rule of Daoud Khan's National Revolutionary Party; now they accepted the PDPA. But Kabul was the exception and not the rule. The greater part of the country seemed stuck in the Middle Ages and was governed by informal tribal networks that neither knew nor cared about goings-on in the capital. Steeped in Islam and centuries of tradition, large swathes of Afghanistan held nothing but contempt for Kabul, let alone a secular, Marxist government. Forcibly subduing the rural population and molding them into socialist citizens was impossible; instead, the PDPA settled on exacting minimal taxes in exchange for large concessions to tribal hierarchies. The PDPA believed it could sell the revolution to the Islamic, feudal backwater by speaking the language of the post-colonial national liberation movements. More importantly, the PDPA intended to use that which already existed in Afghan society to legitimize its rule.[/sub]

[sub]Pazhman Maher was a Tajik shopkeeper from Kabul's fourth district who joined the PDPA in 1966. Over the years, he gradually took on a more active role, recruiting Tajik cadre and forming a close friendship with Babrak Karmal. Now, the revolution called upon Pazhman to work full-time for the party. In the middle of February 1971, Pazhman led a delegation from the capital to Mazar-e-Sharif and the surrounding provinces to make the case for revolution to the Tajiks, Turkmen, and Uzbeks who populated the north. Due to their proximity to their fellow countrymen in the Soviet Union, some segments of these groups found it easier to support Soviet socialism than their Hazara and Pashtun neighbors in the south. For the most part, however, the Tajiks, Turkmen, and Uzbeks were no less tethered to tradition than the rest of tribal Afghanistan.[/sub]

[sub]"The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan has overthrown the King's cousin and usurper Daoud Khan. We have foiled his attempt to invite western rulers into Afghanistan. Now our mission is to secure the country from those who wish to see us subjugated to foreign rule. The British must never be allowed to return.²" Pazhman's appeal was treated with apathy by the skeptical elders and townspeople assembled before him, who nonetheless appreciated that he was Tajik and spoke Dari. "Do not believe the slanders that have been spread about the PDPA and its program. We are here to solidify local rule according to the customs of Tajik, Turkmen, and Uzbek Afghans." The PDPA central leadership resolved, provisionally, to redraw Afghanistan's northern provinces along ethno-religious lines and guarantee semi-autonomous rule according to the Soviet model. In so doing, the PDPA hoped to win support among leadership councils in the countryside. "You are invited to nominate a representative of your village to participate in a convention in Kabul where we will adopt a national constitution," Pazhman said. A prominent village elder interjected, "What precisely is the point of this? You come here and tell us we must rule ourselves. Well, we already rule ourselves, so what difference does it make to 'solidify local rule,' as you call it?" Pazhman realized that he must first sell the idea of government before he could win support for abstract notions like semi-autonomy. "The PDPA government needs you to send a representative to inform Kabul of the infrastructural problems that exist in your town. The new government is not like the King and is interested in the welfare of all Afghanistan, not just the cities." Over the next several hours, Pazhman was inundated with requests and concerns—a water well needs to be dug, a piece of farm equipment has to be replaced. Slowly, and over many cups of chai, Pazhman Maher was assured that a delegate would be sent to Kabul, thus releasing him from his duty until he had to repeat the ordeal in the next locale.[/sub]

[sub]From Nangarhar to Herat and everywhere in between, delegations like Pazhman's were giving the same speeches and making the same promises, according to instructions provided by the PDPA central leadership. In the south, faced with a different audience, the PDPA implemented a political strategy tailored to Pashtun customs. Meanwhile, the central leadership prepared for the upcoming convention that would consummate the Jadi Revolution.[/sub][/list]

[list][pre]____________[/pre][sub]¹ JADI ( جدی ) is Dari and refers to the month of January according to the Solar Hijri calendar.

² Between 1839 and 1919, the British Empire fought three Anglo-Afghan Wars in its attempt to rule over Afghanistan.[/sub]

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler][/list]

Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Sport-Internationale, Zingium

FEBRUARY , 1971

The '1971 Revised Local Administration' Act

| [U]Minister of Labour, Local Government & Housing Ahmad Boestamam would be tasked with the creation of a new bill, that'll greatly reshape Malaysia's local government system. This was based on a report received in December/1969 on the issues of the present, local administration system. |

| The issues that are prevalent with the current local government system are:

[List][I]— A failed democracy within the local level.

[B]— Inefficient administration.

[B]— Lack of a standardised set of laws for the local administration to follow.

[B]— The proliferation of local governments.[/I][/list]

[I]Ahmad Boestamam[/I] would have to work hard to rework Malaysia's local administration to fix the mess that was first created during the British colonial administration. |

| [I]Ahmad Boestamam[/I] would draft the '1971 Revised Local Administration Bill'. This bill states that:

[List][I]Section 1: Federal Authority

[B]— The federal government, through the office of the Ministry of Housing & Local Government will officially have authority over the local government, which was something that was previously lacking under the previous system.

[B]— The Ministry of Housing & Local Government, will have the power to co-ordinate the local governments in respect of legal and policy standardisation, review all existing laws relating to local governments, including state enactments and ordinances and co-ordinating the channelling of funds from the federal government towards the local government.

Section 2: State Authority

[B]— The previous provision would however not overrun the constitutional rights of each state being the primary government body that handle matters relating to local government within the administration of the respective state governments.

Section 3: Sabah, Sarawak & Brunei Privileges

[B]— The Borneo states of Sabah, Sarawak and Brunei. Which have received certain privileges that the peninsular states have not received. Due to specific writings within the Malaysian constitution, would bar these states [Sabah, Sarawak & Brunei] from having any effects relating to Section 1: Federal Authority. To continue upholding the dignity and integrity of the constitution.

[B]— Any changes to local administration within the states of Sabah, Sarawak and Brunei. Will only happen if those three states, willingly accepts and adopts those changes.

Section 4: Local Elections

[B]— There will be a return of local elections, that was once suspended by the Tunku Abdul Rahman administration, in 1965.

[B]— If by chance, two politicians have an equal amount of votes. It'll be down to the state government to decide which politician would receive the position within the local government.

Section 5: Types Of Local Government

[B]— There will be different types of local governments that could be created by a state. The highest level of local government is the district, then within a district, there is the municipality, which is the second highest level of local government. Then within a municipality there are the city, town and villages which are collectively the lowest level of local government.

Section 6: Local Administrative System

[B]— Districts, municipalities, cities, towns and villages will all have a council to serve as it's governing body.

[B]— Within the council, there will be 4 committees. The Executive Committee, to serve as it's executive body. Then there's the Legislative Committee, to serve as it's legislative body. Then there's the Judicial Committee, to serve as it's judicial body and finally there's the Audit Committee, to serve as a body that reviews any policies being made within the council to ensure that the council is not violating both Malaysian laws and respective state laws.

Section 7: Total Councils Allowed

[B]— Within a state there can only be a total of 22 district councils, 8 municipality councils and for the city councils, town councils and village councils, there will be as many as there are cities, towns and villages within a state.[/I][/list]

When [I]Ahmad Boestamam[/I] presented his revision to the rest of cabinet he exclaimed, that:

[I]" There is still a need for a further series of acts to solidify the new system of local administration, as this current proposal isn't sufficient on the long term. "[/I] |

| The [I]1971 Revised Local Administration[/I] bill would be passed into becoming an act. Albeit with some opposition as some members of cabinet. With Deputy Prime Minister & Minister of National & Rural Development S. P. Seenivasagam being the strongest voice within the opposing members of cabinet [to the bill passage]. As they [the opposing members] proclaim that Section 1: Federal Authority places power in the position that [I]Ahmad Boestamam[/I] currently sits [the Ministry of Housing & Local Government]. |

| A temporary committee would be formed to smoothen the transition of the old local government system to the new system. This new committee would be called the 'New Local Order Committee' and their function to achieve their job is to be present within the state administration and plan out the distribution of local governments within a state, as per the rules set by the [I]1971 Revised Local Administration Act[/I]. Once every state has sorted out their distribution of local level governments, the [I]New Local Order Committee[/I] would be disbanded. Meanwhile Minister of Sarawak Affairs K. Ramasamy and the Minister Without Portfolio Bernard Sta Maria would be tasked by the prime minister Goh Hock Guan, to convince the Sarawakian, Sabahan and Bruneian state governments to undergo, adoption of the [I]1971 Revised Local Administration Act[/I] and let the [I]New Local Order Committee[/I] assist them. |

______________________________________________

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Launggyet, Zingium

THE UNION OF NORDEN - NORDENS FORBUND - NORDENS FÖRENING - NORÐRAFÉLAGIÐ

13 JULY, 1970 - Gothenburg

-----------------------------------------

HIS MAJESTY KING OLAV V, KING OF NORWAY, GREETS FOREIGN LEADERS AT HIS INVESTITURE

-----------------------------------------

The rolling hills and vast forests of Sweden passed Olav by as he rode in his Rollys-Royce Phantom to the site where he would achieve the ultimate climax of his royal career. To be invested as High King of Norden, the ceremonial head of state of the entire North, a position that countless Jarls, Dukes, Kings and Emperors had bled to achieve all throughout Scandinavian history. Yet, here he was, having achieved it by the simple signing of a piece of paper. He did not even want it. Even now, after all the begrudging preparation and expectation he still felt hesitancy at sitting on that damned throne and being flung into a life so different from his old. The Phantom entered inner city Gothenburg, thousands of people had already gathered to welcome their new King, in amongst the shouts and screams Olav could hear the tones of Swedes, Danes and Norwegians, all grouped in the federal capital to welcome him. The largest contingent of those that had came to greet him were his own people, and a sea of Norwegian flags lined public squares and off shop hangers proclaiming him to be their new sovereign. The car continued through the city, with it eventually stopping at Gothenburg Cathedral where the grand ceremony was set to take place, and where the Bishop of Gothenburg would proclaim him High King in front of the whole world. Olav was properly sweating now. The weight of the responsibility crashed down on him like an avalanche. He walked up the front steps of the Cathedral, and met a familiar face. King Gustav Adolf VI of Sweden, High King since 1960. They clasped hands in a firm handshake, the two men had known each other for many years and were familiar with each other, having to cooperate extensively in their respective roles. Olav and Gustav got on well together and the pair spoke at length while walking through the vast expanse of the cathedral, they had of course arrived early and they were set to greet dozens of important figures who would be attending the investiture. The presence of both the outgoing and incoming High King at the gates of Gothenburg Cathedral had become something of a tradition, with King Fredrick XI of Denmark having invited Gustav to his side back in 1960. Olav saw the first of the great centipede line of cars arriving. Of course Nixon's was at the front.

President Richard Nixon exited his car, a sense of grandeur and vanity yes, but also a timid humility, followed him. He walked up to Olav and the two men clasped hands "Your Majesty, an honour to be here today, my wife and I are looking forward to the ceremony greatly. We hope the United States and Norden will continue together as nothing other than best of partners." A fundamentally good man, Olav thought. The United States was vital to the security of Norden and had indeed been a strong partner in safeguarding Scandinavian naval interests in the Baltic. America was also home to millions of Scandinavian Americans, who he knew would be taking a great interest in today's investiture. "The honour is all mine Mr President." The two smiled, Nixon patted Olav on the shoulder and leant into to his ear, "We should speak later", before giving a terse smile and moving on to take his seat inside the Cathedral.

Next, Angela Vode of the Slovene Republic. A small nation, Olav thought, nonetheless was grateful they had made the effort. The President was a charming lady and the two exchanged words on their shared passion for skiing and Alpine wildlife, before she followed Nixon into the Cathedral.

President Balewa of Nigeria had graciously made the 6,000 mile journey from his homeland, and the two men struck an instant cord. Balewa spoke of Nigeria's recent advancements in tackling inflation and the country's strong economic advancements in the agricultural field. I will have to visit someday, Olav thought.

Following closely behind President Balewa, Emir Omar Muhammed Abd Al-Rahman Nasir of Algeria, a dignified gentlemen by all accounts.

Ah, here we go, Olav bemused upon seeing His Majesty King Juan III of Spain and his heir apparent HRH Juan Carlos step out of the grand state car bearing the royal ensigns of Spain. "Your Majesty and Royal Highness, the High North bids you welcome." Olav said enthusiastically. He liked Spain and the country had a lot of potential in becoming a major cooperative partner for Norden. King Gustav had told Olav on a different meeting that there were many opportunities in the tourist sector for Scandinavian business, and that Olav would be wise to visit the country in order to solidify any diplomatic ties that may be possible. He knew SAS, for one, had been eyeing up the country for new flight routes to Spanish resorts.

Following the Spanish royalty, Malaysian Prime Minister Goh Hock Guan and former Prime Minsiter Tunku Abdul. Both men were dressed in fine Malaysian traditional attire and spoke well, Olav could instantly tell they were statesman in their country, and shook both their hands. The three men spoke about fine Malaysian cuisine, which the Norwegian king had acquired a fond taste for during his time in Asia.

There was a small gap between the arrival of foreign dignitaries, and Olav was talking pleasantly to Gustav, until he looked up and saw it. The black-red-gold of the German state flag flying off a prestigious state car. He felt a cold shudder come over him. He couldn't help it. He knew it wasn't fair. They were different now. A close partner, neighbour and friend. He saw Sophie Scholl leave her car and stride confidentially towards him hand extended, Olav shut his eyes for brief moment. The howling screech of a Luftwaffe Messerschmitt appeared in his mind as he ran clasping his father's hand through the Norwegian forest to a bomb shelter, followed by their security detail. He heard something else as well, the vague but rasp voice of Vidkun Quisling, that fascist traitor, over the radio calling for Norway's surrender. He opened his eyes. "Your excellency, a privilege and honour to have you here today. Germany is undoubtedly one of our greatest allies". He knew he had to move past these childhood memories, the trauma of the war. Germany is a vital trade and military defence partner, whose good relationship with Norden would prove vital in the years to come. He smiled at Chancellor Scholl kindly as they parted, it was not her fault by any imagination. Though when he saw King Gustav's jovial attitude to meeting her, smiles and grovelling flattery, he thought it ironic. A Swede wouldn't understand.

Following the Germans, Cardinal John Edward Taylor greeted Olav with a bow, breaking from the usual handshake of foreign dignitaries. The Bishop of Stockholm was perhaps the most important man in the entire Scandinavian Catholic community. While all three countries, Denmark, Norway and Sweden had been officially Protestant for hundreds of years, they still all had notable and sizeable Catholic communities. Norway particularly having a strong tradition with the Church of Rome, with many of the greatest Norwegian kings of old being devout Catholics. Indeed, not a single Norwegian grew up without knowing the name of St. Olav, the man who converted Norway to Christianity by way of blood and iron.

Next, the Indonesian delegation, and their excellencies President Surhato, Prince of the Yogyakarta Sultanate, Raden Mas, and the Duke of Pakualam, Paku Alam VII. The largest delegation of all nations in attendance, Olav thought as he smiled to himself. Indonesia was a nation he had great respect and admiration for, he had followed the war for independence closely and was incredibly pleased when Indonesian forces proved victorious over their Dutch oppressors. It reminded him of Norway's long history of foreign oppression and subjugation. "Mr. President, your Excellencies, an honour to have you here, I know you have travelled far to be at my investiture and I am incredibly humbled by this. Indonesia and Norden have a great amount of potential to develop a very strong relationship, two regional powers on different continents, united by cultural diversity and a love for the sea." The three men were articulate and full of wit, and Olav suspected as they walked up the steps of the Cathedral that he would be wheels down in Indonesia himself before too long.

Ah, a familiar face, Olav thought, as Zalman Shazar, President of Israel, appeared in a fine suit from his car procession. Norden and Israel had long been close friends, with Scandinavian ties to the Jewish people turning a new chapter when both Denmark and Sweden saved thousands of Jews from the horrifying reality of the European Holocaust. Swedish Jews have since advertised their adoptive homeland to the establishment back in Jerusalem and ties between the two newly formed nations have been incredibly strong since, with cultural and economic links serving to reinforce the relationship. Many Scandinavian Jews have been prominent in academia, business and politics and continue to underpin the bond between the Middle Eastern country and the High North. A lot to be gained from developing this further, Olav pondered, as he complimented President Shazar's stylish Nordic-themed Kippah.

Prime Minister and Jaques Chaban-Delmas and Foreign Minister Maurice Shumann of France strode up to Olav and successively shook his hand. Olav had great personal affection for France, and was delighted at the prospect of being able to practice some of his middling French. He had often holidayed in the soft sun of Corsica and Marseille and took great joy in appreciating French architecture and cuisine. France was also a vital geo-strategic partner for Norden whose military prowess would be capable of defending Europe's Northern flank on land, air and sea. "Monsieur le Premier Ministre et Ministre des Affaires étrangères, un grand privilège de vous avoir parmi nous aujourd'hui." He said in broken French. The two gentlemen did not seem to mind however, and the three made hearty conversation about wine, with Olav noting how France had made leaps and bounds in its wine production, under the directory of the Ministry of Finance. Certainly, he must visit again and sample some of it, Olav thought with a boyish grin across his face picturing his past vineyards.

Next was President Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. of the Philippines. Olav was fascinated by the Philippines as a country, and immediately engaged the President with questions on its history under Spanish colonial rule and its resultant Catholic faith when otherwise completely surrounded by Islam and Buddhism. He felt particularly pleased that President Marcos had decided to attend the investiture himself, as Norden and the Philippines had seldom diplomatic engagement with each other prior to this point. Perhaps the start of a new relationship, Olav wondered?

Ah, yes, the Dutch. Our distant cousins. Olav greeted Queen Beatrix fondly, the two had met on many occasions prior and had come to know each other reasonably well. "Your Majesty, I was delighted to discover you were planning on attending. The Netherlands are family to Scandinavia, as we have been for thousands of years." Olav turned to shake the hands of the Prime Minister, Wolsheijner van Delta, and the Dutch Ambassador to Norden Giel Kleinlugtenbelt, both of whom were well dressed and polite gentlemen who led the conversation immediately into the political sphere, particularly concerning Dutch-Scandinavian oil cooperation and protection in the North Sea. Despite having long past its erstwhile days of glory, the Dutch navy was certainly still a force to be reckoned with and Olav was sure that strengthening economic and political ties could only work to Norden's advantage in the long term. Perhaps a free trade agreement? Freedom of movement? These things would technically be possible but are complicated by the EEC. That organisation was a topic Olav did not want to discuss today, he thought, smiling at the Dutch delegation as they walked through the Cathedral doors.

Lastly, but most certainly not least, the familiar glint of the Union Jack sped down the roads of Gothenburg as the crowd became ecstatic upon spotting it. Out stepped, with an unmatchable aura of grace and delicacy, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II and her husband His Royal Highness, Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh. Olav positively beamed. In a rare instance of breaking of protocol, the two exchanged kisses on the cheek in Royal fashion. They were after all, first cousins, and shared a familial bond. A firm handshake and warm smile from the Duke of Edinburgh, who was stood as tall as a lamp-post and had attended in his naval uniform endowed with his various medals and orders. "My dear cousin, I am delighted you could have made it. Nothing will please the family more than your visit, Prince Harald always speaks fondly about your kindness and his time in Buckingham Palace as a young boy. We've always had a good relationship during my time as King of Norway, I hope we will carry that forward in my new role as High King. Yourself, Philip and all other members of the family in Britain will always be welcome here in Gothenburg." Apart from the love Olav had for his family, he knew the importance of the Anglo-Scandinavian relationship all too well. Britain was still one of the most powerful countries in the entire world, with an army and navy few could hope to match. It was also a country close to the hearts of millions of Scandinavians. The UK and the Scandinavian countries had always had close ties, with shared history spanning back millennium upon millennium and a sense of brotherhood that stretches across the North Sea. Britain was going to a be a vital partner in the coming decade, particularly in the military and economic sense. Perhaps also in the cultural as well, with Norwegian and Swedish death metal bands gaining a surprising amount of popularity in the country. Olav quickly dismissed these thoughts, Elizabeth and Philip had been the last of the invited foreign guests. It was time.

He and King Gustav prepared to walk down the Cathedral's steps, and go in the south entrance to begin the ceremony. "Wait" Olav said. He paused momentarily and looked down the road. "What is it Olav, you don't want to be late to your own investiture do you?" Gustav said with a slight laugh. Olav ignored him. No one from the Soviet Union had came. Not even the Ambassador in Gothenburg. He was disappointed at this. He remembered the Soviet soldiers who helped liberate Northern Norway during the war. Even though there had been differences between Norden and the U.S.S.R. in the time since, he had expected someone. "Nothing" Olav said. Gustav picked up on the disappointment in his voice but elected to ignore it, he did not have time to pry.

The two men walked as the ceremony inched closer and closer to its start.

The time was now. Olav's life would never be the same again.

He was about to become the most important man in all Scandinavia.

ALT FOR DEN NORDISK FEDERLAND!

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Indonesian Federal Peoples Republic, Spain-, Zingium

Post self-deleted by Abessinienreich.

is way on February 8, 1971?

[list][spoiler=​🇵​​🇱​​🇦​​🇾​ ​🇲​​🇪​ ​🇫​​🇴​​🇷​ ​🇦​​🇲​​🇧​​🇮​​🇪​​🇳​​🇨​​🇪​⦂ ꜱɪᴍᴘʀᴇ ᴀᴅᴇʟᴀɴᴛᴇ]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0do3IlOXdT0[/spoiler][/list]

[list]░░ 𝐀𝐃𝐄𝐋𝐀𝐍𝐓𝐄 𝐏𝐔𝐄𝐁𝐋𝐎, 𝐄𝐂𝐇𝐄𝐕𝐄𝐑𝐑𝐈𝐀 𝐄𝐒𝐓𝐀 𝐀𝐐𝐔𝐈

[sup]𝐒𝐢𝐠𝐥𝐨 𝐗𝐗 - 𝟏𝟗𝟕𝟎 | 𝙴𝚂𝚃𝙰𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝙼𝙴𝚇𝙸𝙲𝙰𝙽𝙾𝚂[/sup][/list]

[sup]With the arrival of December, the new president-elect of Mexico, Luis Echeverría Álvarez, officially assumed the presidency on the first day of winter. The first day of the new Mexican president is filled with all the customary fanfare of ceremonies and political rituals. The first and most important was the inauguration ceremony at the National Palace, where the President is received by all the important players of the bureaucracy and, of course, the plebs who come to gawk the new man in the seat. Last but not least, the President is given military honors, and a speech from the palace balcony is delivered to the masses to part some words of inspiration for the next six long years ahead. Unlike his predicesor, Díaz Ordaz, who had all the charisma of Nopal and the temper of a mule, Echeverría made sure to market himself as an empathetic populist who was here to serve the people. Well, that image rested on his ability to deny any sort of connection to the student massacre of 1968. To help keep that image clean, Echeverría's first act as president was to grant amnesty to all those arrested during the 1968 protests. His second immediate act was to increase the budget of the UNAM by 16% to build back relations between the government and the university students. While the day-to-day person would be inclined to look at these acts favorably, the students were less inclined to do so since they were the ones getting beaten, arrested, and shot at by the government during those protests. The most vocal dissidents were coming from the various leftist movements, which saw it as nothing more than a cynical political move by the regime to save face. Since the 1960s, there has been a slow but steady growth of opposition groups to the PRI political hemogy. The biggest of these stems from the PRI's main political opposition, the PAN, and the ever-growing nuisance of leftist groups within the rural-urban revolutionary worker organizations. These groups have gained momentum in recent years, particularly among younger generations who are disillusioned with the PRI's long-standing rule and its perceived failures to uphold the ideals of the Mexican Revolution. The bulk of which is found in university groups, similar to what is seen in many western European countries. The original policy under ex-president Ordaz was to simply censor, arrest, and occasionally kill these opponents. However, with the 1968 massacre still in memory, Echeverría forumulated a new plan to deal with the problem. Instead of approaching the issue with the grace of a drunk bull in a china shop, Echeverría would play the long game of assimilation. The idea was simple: turn the enemies of the state into your biggest shills. How was this to be accomplished? By simply giving small concessions to the right people and a little bullying to the weakest links.[/sup]

[list][list][spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Launggyet

[list][list][list][pre]RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE

FRENCH BUREAUCRACY

MINISTÈRE DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE[/pre][/list]

______

MINISTRY OF NATIONAL DEFENSE: FRENCH SPACE PROGRAM HELPING TO IMPROVE BALLISTIC MISSILE RESPONSE CAPABILITIES

[sub]VTH FRENCH REPUBLIC | PARIS, FEBRUARY 1971 [/sub][/list]

[sub]| HELM OF WARFARE, MINISTÈRE DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE, FRANÇAIS RÉPUBLIQUE - | The official French space program began in 1946, when the Laboratoire de recherches balistiques et aérodynamiques (LRBA, Ballistic and Aerodynamic Research Laboratory) was established in Vernon, just after World War II. The laboratory's goal was to develop the next generation of rockets, partially by utilizing the German development of the V2 rocket. Large teams consisting of between 150 and 200 members were initially tasked with researching ramjets, turbomachinery, and liquid and solid propellant rocket engines. Specifically, ONERA launched its Stataltex ramjet in 1951 from Hammaguir, Algeria. For several years it continuously held the world record for target device speed and altitude, reaching Mach 5 at 38 km.[/sub]

[sub]Two years prior, in March 1949, production of the Véronique type rockets was put into motion. The project's main goal was to provide a flying test vehicle for the development of liquid rocket engines; high-altitude research payload launches was its secondary goal. The Laboratoire de recherches balistiques et aérodynamiques (LRBA) was in charge of manufacturing. On 20 February 1959, the first Véronique launch was performed, although it was recorded as a failure. One day later, the second launch took place, which attained an altitude of 84 miles (135 km). The program was eclipsed by new rockets, such as the wholly indigenous Diamant launcher which was the first exclusively French expendable launch system and at the same time the first satellite launcher not built by either the United States or USSR. ONERA organized numerous in-flight rocket and craft test campaigns, with all means necessary in terms of measurement, telemetry and trajectography. One worthy of mentioning is the launch in 1959 of the Antares four-stage rocket, the first French space rocket for the systematic study of phenomena related to reentry. Then came the Bérénice rockets for testing at speeds of Mach 12. The first stage, a SEPR-739 Stromboli, was stabilized by four SEPR-P167 rockets producing 34 kN (7,600 lbf). The second stage consisted of a SEPR-740 Stromboli, almost identical to the first stage. The third stage was a SEPR-P200 Tramontane and the fourth stage comprised a Mélanie rocket and payload. Since the beginning of France's space program the Ministry of National Defense has been the parenting organization behind all of it's operations and steering its overall agenda. With a keen interest in advancing France's ballistic missile early warning system capabilities, the Ministry of National Defense tasked the space program with launching a series of 12 early warning launch detection satellites, similar to the U.S. Vela satellites which can detect gamma rays, neutrons and X-rays that are the signature of nuclear launches. These satellites will send additional signaling to early warning radar detection and command centers on the ground, giving French authorities more time to react and retaliate with the Force de frappe (strike force) nuclear triad.[/sub]

[sub]The Ministry of National Defense has also teamed up with the space program to begin building and testing a new series of ground based interceptor missiles similar to the U.S. Nike Zeus missiles which are the first anti-ballistic missile to achieve hit-to-kill, physically colliding with the incoming warhead. The French interceptor missile is named Tibère and will be able to reach speeds of Mach 7, having evolved from its predecessor, Bèrènice. The Tibère ballistic missile interceptors consist of a boost vehicle and an exoatmospheric kill vehicle (EKV). The first planned testing of the new interceptor missile is scheduled for February 23, 1971 in the French Pacific islands of Polynesia at the Pacific Experimentation Centre on the Mururoa Atoll. Provided that at least 8 out of the 10 scheduled intercept tests are successful, then the Ministry of National Defense will agree to purchase a total of 68 Tibère ballistic missile interceptors. |[/sub]

[list]______[/list]

[list][list][pre]VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!

VIVE LA FRANCE!

VIVE L’EMPIRE![/pre][/list][/list]

[list][spoiler=[sub]𝐄𝐌𝐁𝐑𝐀𝐂𝐄 𝐅𝐑𝐀𝐍𝐂𝐄

𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘[/sub]]

Abessinienreich

Adriatican Islands

Afghanistan Dra

Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya

Alwaynia

Amsterwald

Andorra-

Arcanda

Astarina

Batallon De Dignidad

Brazil Toucan

Canovia

Cascadla

Connomia

Cristobalera

Earstenia

Formosa-

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hollunde

Holy Vatican City States

Hong Kong Delta

Independent Singapore

Indonesian Federal Peoples Republic

Israelli

Kotakuan Ii

Litaurum

Lucki

Luralsk

Maziya

Medarc

Meerkien

Metropolitan Francais

Monaco-

Mutawakkiliti

Nasrid Algeria

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Ngiera

Nileia

Niwae

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Osivoiii

Paramountica

Paseo

Poland1St

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata

Rudnatia

Rutannia

Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia

Saudi Arabiyah

Skonhedens Land

Slipway

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Southyemen

Spain-

Starsight

Tallahan

The Confederate Prussian Empire

The United States Of Africa

Ukreyn

United Jericho

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnahm

Virnall

Zeitenwende

Zingium

[/spoiler]

The Confederation Of Northern Germany, Federated Arab Emirates, Sixth French Metropolitan Republic, Nippon-Nihon, Holy Vatican City States, Federated Turkey, Nasrid Algeria, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Monaco-, Andorra-, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Meerkien, Launggyet, Zingium

11 , FEBRUARY , 1971

Results Of The Agrarian Reforms

| In the Malaysian farming industry, things were not going well after the passage of the [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55456057]'Agrarian Production Incentive Act'[/URL] despite being in its first month of implementation. Gripes with the system were already forming. |

| Reports were coming into state government knowledge on farmers intentionally reducing their workload as if to not have their tax on food production increased. Alternatively some farmers have attempted [I](albeit not successfully)[/I] to hide their actual balance of food to artificially keep their tax on food production low. Meanwhile in the communal farms established by the [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55413368]'Farmland Redistribution Act'[/URL] most of them were not even worked on or saw hardly any work despite there being 8 families who are supposed to work on it at their own freewill or time. There was also reports by the Roughneck Committee that some of the families within a singular farming unit, would band together and force the [I]Roughneck Committee[/I] to have to abandon doing their function. |

| These collection of reports on farmers reduced 'drive to work' were sent to the federal government for their decision making to handle the issue. When it entered cabinet, the first one to series of reports was prime minister Goh Hock Guan who evaluated its contents and written a few notes of paper and slipped it into the file, before handing it over to the Minister of Agriculture & Cooperatives Abdul Rahman Yunus for him to read and figure out what should be the federal government's next course of action. |

| Eventually [I]Abdul Rahman Yunus[/I] would complete his diagnosis of the file. After informing [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I], a cabinet meeting was held. [I]Abdul Rahman Yunus[/I] would explain that under the current circumstances that if the reports are true and not exaggerated, potentially in a few months to a couple of years. Malaysia could be hit with a famine. Depending on if the farmers decide to pick up the pace regardless of the tax [on food production] or if they choose to continue neglecting their duty and ignoring government authority.

[I]Abdul Rahman Yunus[/I] would then present his solution. Which was the 'True Agrarian Incentive' Bill. Which exclaimed that the government instead of using a progressive tax on food production, should instead use a very small fixed tax on food production, so that the farmers will be pressured to perform their duties if they find themselves unable to pay the tax since it's fixed and not fluctuating and that if they can't pay by the time they have to pay their taxes, they instead could use hard currency to pay back the government. |

| However the bill would not receive passage in cabinet, as cabinet members fight over what the solution should be. Some advocated for the fixed tax solution, some wanted to completely discard the [I]'Agrarian Production Incentive Act'[/I] under the justification that the communal center farm already does the function of collecting agrarian goods for the government to use, so the tax on food production isn't a necessity. Some cabinet members just wanted to instead maintain the [I]'Agrarian Production Incentive Act'[/I] but increase the number on the balance that increases their respective tax on food production. Instead of a system of 100 increase in balance, there would be a system of an increase of 2000 in balance which would increase their tax on food production.

However not one solution was made that day and [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] would pressurise [I]Abdul Rahman Yunus[/I] to make a solution that all parties can agree on before the nation witnesses a potential famine. |

______________________________________________

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Indonesian Federal Peoples Republic, Spain-, Launggyet, Zingium

The Three Princes

| Scene II, Act III |

| Attacks is the Best form of Defence |

______________

[sub]Febuary, 1971[/sub]

The aftermath of the Odasea Report was tough to take for President Balewa and his government. Consistent pressure placed upon senior government positions, the resignation of over 10 low-level ministers and a dozen senior civil servants didn't help, but the report had been quickly weaponized by Gowon, who not only endorsed the report but called for the President himself to resign, making it seem almost like the former general had pushed forward this. But the veteran couldn't give in to the political factionalism which had divided his government in previous years. Attacking Yakubu would be exactly what he wanted, diving into the political battle for which had nearly seen his ousting from within, and so needed to remain strong and forward towards continued and consistent reform. To this, the issuing of a government-wide corruption investigation following the report's publishing was enough to get the media off him, even if the damage had already been done, but now needed to go one step further if he wanted to halt the supposed offensive from the NRP and Gowon.

As the report slowly went cold, although still at the centre of the public eye, President Balewa would announce a restructuring of regional and local bodies, which had some political motives in shaking off what had been the story for weeks and an attempt to reduce Gowon's influence. He established the United Regional Body for Reform (URBR) which would incorporate the Commission for Finance and Commerce and that of other commissions which had been introduced in the early years of Nigerian democracy. Not only did this reduce the chances for what had occurred, but allowed elective bodies to be much more effective in implementing policy without the obstruction of unelected commissions or non-government bodies from blocking it. The URBR would not only have strict regulations on membership but also ban any political affiliation. It was to act as a commission which would advise and criticise the government on national policy, from foreign to agricultural policy, but unlike commissions, voting members could not have any affiliations and would be voted by the Nigerian Supreme Court.

This was a stroke of genius from President Balewa and his numerous advisors. Not only did it prevent any further weaponisation from Gowon and his party, but new regulations on membership and affliction allowed a much more neutral tool of criticism. With these new structural adjustments to public bodies, he would also announce 2 separate reforms connected to such, aiming at reducing government waste and reducing all-round corruption. To both the genuine want to reduce high and low-level corruption and the want to be victorious in the upcoming summer elections, the President announced a 2-year freeze on any increased central ministerial spending and the creation of a new department - Department of Justice and Anti-Corrption. Differing from a ministry, it would act as both an arm of the central government and the Supreme Court and have the judicial power to produce more low and medium-level corruption for which the Supreme Court doesn't have the manpower to do so. Not only this, the department would have strict regulations concerning those involved concerning previous affliction and prevent it from being politically weaponized by a party or group.

Despite the setback, the new measures put in place not only stalled the NRP's attack in the meantime but have indulged in the popular need for anti-corruption reforms, promised and now fulfilled by the President. The creation of a new department of justice and corruption further legalities the reforms and now takes the heat off the Odasea report for a while. Whether these reforms will come to bite him back is another issue, but certainly, in the meanwhile, the President and his government are set to remain on the front of reform, even with their dip in the polls and growing popularity for the NRP. Confidence is still high. Key regional elections are in just a few months as the Nigerian Democratic Party look to find the fruits of their reforms via elective successes this summer.

[spoiler= February 1st - 7th February, 1971 Polling]

[list][*]Nigerian Democratic Party - 41% [-3]

[*]Socialist Party of Nigeria - 17% [+1]

[*]Nigerian Renewal Party - 13% [+2]

[*]Nigerian Liberal Party - 12%

[*]Nigerian Social Democratic Party - 10%

[*]Christian Alliance Party - 4%

[*]Biafra Nationalist Party - 3%[/spoiler]

Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Launggyet, Zingium

West Indies Federation - February 1971

The Grand Diplomatic Trip - Part I

Eric Williams was always a man of the "Non-Aligned" movement as was much of the Caribbean's leading politicians and scholars. Believing staunchly that becoming subservient to the US or USSR would go against the ideas of true freedom and independence, he now sees the recent shift in federation politics as the right time to extend the reach of federation diplomacy into the iron curtain. Going personally on a diplomatic round trip, the Prime Minister will make visits to Haiti, Cuba, Britain, France, Yugoslavia, the USSR, PRC and Japan to establish or strengthen diplomatic and economic relations between them.

Freedman to Freedman - Haiti

Landing in Haiti to the cheers and welcoming of the Haitian people and government, Williams met with his counterpart Paul Magloire, shaking hands and exchanging first words. Williams admired Haiti for its historical position in the revolutionary history of the Caribbean, there was no nation like it, one formed from freed slaves. His primary thesis and famous work Capitalism and Slavery stressed just how instrumental the Haitian Revolution was in the history of the region, “Every white slave owner in Jamaica, Cuba or Texas,” Williams wrote, “lived in dread of another Toussaint L’Ouverture,” the most important man in the enslaved world. With the Prime minister, his wife and his companion for the trip Michael Manley attending to state dinners and negotiations with the Haitian government, the two nations have worked through agreements for the establishment of mutual embassies within their capital cities and allowing access into their respective markets.

The trip to Haiti would be productive, however short it was in terms of time, for soon the PM was headed off the tarmac towards the second and far more controversial stop on this trip, the imprisoned isle of Cuba.

Revolutionary to Idealist - Cuba

Arrival in Cuba was met with the wide pomp and applause of the Cuban people and their president, Fidel Castro. Though not a man who believed in the merits of violent revolution, Williams never saw Castro as a threat to the Caribbean. Cuba, however different their systems are, is a member of the region and should be respected and given the rights and means that every other state has to affiliate and trade with whom they please. Williams understands that if America can choose to embargo Cuba and starve its people, it can and will do so to any other nation in the Caribbean. As proper negotiations commenced between the two, the PM had at his disposal a man who could more than easily engage with Castro on a ideological level, Michael Manley. Vocal in his calls for democratic socialism on his home island of Jamaica, Manley and Castro share many beliefs and both could talk for hours on the works of men before them. This rapport was important in order to truly show that Cuba and the West Indies were one and the same in their predicament as developing Caribbean states.

The deals struck between the two men is sure to make men like Nixon, so determined to shatter Cuba, turn their heads. Not only would the two nations establish embassies, they'd openly establish links in the trade of Cuban resources and West Indian goods. Cuba would have access to a market for export and the West Indies a land that would readily import oil and products that they could not attain. Trade between Cuba and the West Indies will be mutually beneficial in the development of both nation's rapidly expanding economies. It was clear to any observer that relations between Cuba and the West Indies Federation were not just cooling, they were rapidly melting the divide in the two states.

Cuba and Haiti were the first steps in a far larger journey, and showed the commitment that the West Indies had in this venture to establish relations with both sides of the cold war. Next for the Prime Minister are the United Kingdom, France and Yugoslavia.

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Launggyet, Zingium

[list][pre] T H E J A D I R E V O L U T I O N ¹[/pre][/list]

[list][list][sub]PART III[/sub][/list][/list]

[list][list][sub]February 1971 — Afghan communists adopt the People's Jirga system to sway the Pashtuns.[/sub][/list]

[sub]Until now the Jadi Revolution had consolidated itself in the Afghan capital as well as—on a weaker footing—in the northern and western provinces. At the same time as party officials like Pazhman Maher were making promises to Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmenis, People's Democratic Party (PDPA) delegations traveled to the central highlands and the southern Kandahar desert to further spread the Jadi Revolution. The most important tribal institution among the Pashtun—who populated these regions—was the Jirga, an assembly of leaders that makes decisions by consensus according to Pashtunwali, the Pashtun social code. Throughout the modern history of Afghanistan, national Loya Jirgas have been convened to make major decisions, such as to confirm the accession of Mohammed Nadir Shah to the throne (1930), to declare neutrality during World War II (1941), and to approve the constitution (1964). Following the Jadi Revolution, the PDPA sought the approval of such a Loya Jirga to adopt a new constitution and legitimize PDPA rule. More significantly, the PDPA believed it could reform the Jirga system to resemble the Soviets of Workers and Soldiers Deputies that arose before and during the Russian Revolution of 1917. Thus were born the People's Jirgas, unique to Afghanistan's conditions and stage of development (or so reasoned Kabul's intelligentsia), which henceforth were to exist as permanent, communal institutions at the local and national levels.[/sub]

[sub]"All power to the People's Jirgas," declared PDPA activists in every town and city from Ghazni to Zaranj. "Afghans govern themselves," they shouted. "Afghan institutions for Afghan people." Much like in the northern provinces, such appeals often fell on deaf ears. The Pashtuns knew their social code and customs, but who were Marx, Engels, and Lenin, and what did they have to do with Pashtunwali? "Lenin preached Islam and national liberation to his people. We must learn from his example. All power to the People's Jirgas!" The westernized, secular, Marxist nucleus of the PDPA in Kabul knew about some of the lies and fanciful tales that newer, hastily educated party members were spreading in the provinces. The central leadership was constantly drawing up excuses and even praising these messages as effective agitation and propaganda. Consequently, as the Jadi Revolution spread across Afghanistan, it took on a more conservative and Islamic character, and it began to accommodate rather than overcome the differences between city and countryside. It failed, at least for now, to fundamentally transform Afghan society in a revolutionary way.[/sub]

[sub]Thus, by the second month of the Jadi Revolution, the PDPA had entered into a devil's bargain with the Afghan people. By admitting undereducated and undisciplined cadre, and by accommodating the tribes in all their backwardness, the revolution lost something of its original character. The effects of this loss would not felt immediately, least of all in the capital, nor was this development fated to go on and completely subvert the revolution. However, like so many times in history, the price of victory was compromise and the loss of ideological clarity. The PDPA was now in a precarious position, but it ultimately got what it wanted out of this devil's bargain: the support of most provinces and countless tribal Jirgas all around the country, which would now enable the formation of a Loya Jirga in Kabul. In due course, a new constitution would be adopted.[/sub]

[/list]

[list][pre]____________[/pre][sub]¹ JADI ( جدی ) is Dari and refers to the month of January according to the Solar Hijri calendar.[/sub]

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler][/list]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Zingium

★ 𝚃𝙷𝙴 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝚃𝙴𝙳 𝙰𝚁𝙰𝙱 𝚁𝙴𝙿𝚄𝙱𝙻𝙸𝙲 ★

[list][list][list][pre]

"𝖥𝖾𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗌, 𝖨 𝖻𝖾𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗏𝖾, 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍 𝖾𝖿𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗈𝗅 𝗂𝗇 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗒𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗅 𝗈𝖿 𝖺𝗇 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗅 - 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗅 𝗈𝖿 𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗅𝖾."

ANWAR EL-SADAT

[/pre][/list][/list][/list]

_________________

[list][sub]𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐘𝐀𝐍 𝐏𝐀𝐑𝐀𝐃𝐎𝐗[/sub]

[sub]C H A P T E R 3[/sub]

[sub][sup]FEB 1971 - LIBYAN ARAB REPUBLIC[/sub][/sup]

[list][sub]The Libyan Arab Republic has no doubt been overshadowed by its much larger neighbour ever since the disputed annexation of the territory following the second World War. While much advancement has been made in the decades since in terms of equal representation, there has been certain sentiment that there were still ways to go. The now almost symbiotic relation the region has with the Egyptian PetroNasr which is the primary exploiter of oil in the country and has been undergoing an investment drive in the country ever since its transformation to a holding investment country has been the most outward expression of the complex relations the two countries have with each other.[/sub]

[sub]However a more immediate concern was more so the continued existence of the Tripartite Council, a three-man ruling body that has acted as the governing entity in Libya since reforming the United Arab Republic Structure. The Council alongside the country's cabinet form the legislative and executive arm of the country, a far cry from the existence of a dedicated national assembly and presidency in the Egyptian republic. Long accused as being a way to control Libya from Cairo, the Tripartite council has enjoyed something of a bad reputation as of late and been a cause of discontent especially as it has been deadlocked with infighting amongst its factions. With the ascension of Sadat however, the new President of the United Arab Republic gave the greenlight for a comprehensive reform in Libya.[/sub]

[sub]Thus, the National Progressive Party took the task of dissolving the council and forming a transitionary government made up of prominent NPP-Libyan members before a scheduled referundum was to be held to elect a NPP nominated Presidential candidate, such as its done in Egypt. The question of who to lead the new country was complex, Libyan politicians were for various reasons, mostly not been tested or belonged to a conservative old guard. Largely a failure of Egypt in grooming a sufficiently active political scene in the Libyan regions. Eventually however the decision fell on Muhammed Osman Said, a highly regarded technocrat who had served in several positions in Libya since the 1960s, such as Minister of Health and Minister of Finance. As expected, Said was elected with approval, thus being inaugurated as the first President of Libya. [/sub]

[sub]This move was generally received well throughout the Libyan Republic, given Said's record as minister and his non-factional status. He was also an acceptable candidate to both the Libyan military officers and Libyan businessmen. For Said, his most important task was kickstarting the transformation of Libya to the 'Jewel of the United Arab Republic' as he put it in one of his post-election interviews. [/sub]

[sub]Under the surface the real task of President Said was to juggle the various factions reaching for power in Libya. The range of autonomy given to the region ever since the 1964 reforms have meant that the country has developed its own rivaling factions independent of Cairo, something that Said knows well as a long time member of government. Its up to the new President to tip toe around the thin line that divides the factions.[/sub]

[/list]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Afghanistan Dra, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Launggyet, Zingium

SUDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNG

[sub]A Nation of Truth[/sub]

NATIONAL HEADLINE - SZ

CONSERVATIVE HANS KARL FILBINGER SUCCEEDS IN LEADERSHIP CONTEST AGAINST DEFENSE CHIEF MISCHNICK, SETTING POSSIBLE NO CONFIDENCE VOTE

| (BONN, FEB 1971) SHOCKWAVES reverberated through the halls of power in Bonn today as conservative-leaning former CDU member Hans Karl Filbinger was confirmed as the Free Democratic Party of Germany's new party leader, after he narrowly prevailed in a leadership contest against current party leader Wolfgang Mischnick, who is the current Minister of Defense and the appointed successor of liberal party bastion Erich Mende. Receiving 48.31% of the vote, against 47.88% for Mischnick, with 3.79% abstaining, Filbinger successfully completed the conservatives' takeover of the Free Democrats, which since the early Sixties have been overwhelmingly liberal-leaning under the leadership of Erich Mende, the former vice chancellor. Filbinger ran on a platform of restoring "moderate, sensible, centrist conservatism" to the FDP, arguing that if the party were to continue its leftward drift, it would continue to support 'lackluster government after lackluster government'. Reports also indicate that on the secret ballot, up to 40% of sitting FDP deputies backed Filbinger's leadership bid, which was voted on by the party membership from January 30 to February 4 across the nation. |

| The possible ramifications of this change in leadership cannot be understated enough. Filbinger now joins the leadership of the liberal "traffic light coalition" with the Social Democrats and the Germany for the People party of Chancellor Sophie Scholl. During the campaign for FDP leadership, he asserted that he had "no intentions" of forcing a snap election, but was non-committal on whether or not he would support a vote of no confidence in the Chancellor's government, saying that "if the time comes for her to go, then she will go". Christian Democratic deputies, motivated by recent polling showing the CDU rapidly approaching the possibility of an outright majority in the Bundestag, as well as more than 50% of the popular vote, have signaled to conservatives within the FDP that the possibility of a no confidence vote is "increasing by the day". The FDP are a crucial coalition partner to the SPD and DFV, and their total withdrawal from the government would deprive them of the votes necessary to sustain a legislative majority given the instability within the Social Democrats as well. |

| However, in the event of a no confidence vote, Filbinger is unlikely to receive the support of the FDP deputies necessary to usurp the government from power and its majority. Several top FDP leaders in the Bundestag have publicly come out against Filbinger's conservative policies, and pledging to uphold the FDP's "unwavering commitment to liberal and progressive values". The Social Democrats continue to waver as well, though, and this could be the death knell for the Scholl government. While the SPD leadership under former chancellor-turned-vice chancellor Willy Brandt continues to stand firmly behind Scholl's government, SPD backbenchers (potentially as many as a dozen) are reportedly "aghast" with the way the coalition is being run, warning that its continued governance could lead to "the permanent disabling of the German left for decades to come". As Scholl continues to pursue a radically progressive agenda which includes the enshrining of abortion rights and union rights into federal law, support from the SPD and FDP are more necessary than ever lest the Chancellor suffer an embarrassing legislative defeat that could lock in the results of the next election as a Christian Democrat victory. |

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

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[/spoiler]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, Maziya, Spain-, Launggyet, Zingium

Post by Banana Monke suppressed by Paramountica.

Banana Monke

idgaf what roleplay yall doing but ima monke and whats your favorite type monke answer of be etternally cursed by the monke gods

[table=noheader][tr][td]

[list][sub]ADDIS ABABA ✧ THE ETHIOPIAN EMPIRE ✧ JANUARY 1971[/sub][/list]ᴍᴇɴɢɪꜱᴛᴜ ʜᴀɪʟᴇ ᴍᴀʀɪᴀᴍ ɪɴᴀᴜɢᴜʀᴀᴛᴇᴅ ᴀꜱ ᴘʀɪᴍᴇ ᴍɪɴɪꜱᴛᴇʀ ᴀꜰᴛᴇʀ ɢʀɪᴅʟᴏᴄᴋᴇᴅ ᴇʟᴇᴄᴛɪᴏɴ

ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ[sup]䷀ መንግስቱ ሀይለማርያም ከምርጫው ውድድር በኋላ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ሆነው ቃለ መሃላ ፈጸሙ። ䷀ [/sup]

[/tr][/td][/table]

[list]ㅤㅤㅤ | Since 1954, the Ethiopian Empire has been gripped by an unrelenting political tensions. Relieved to have managed to avoid the horrors of civil war, former PM Habte-Wolde was the first Prime Minister to be elected by the people. The political situation deteriorated alongside the economy due to a combination of strikes, uncertainty, and political instability. Habte-Wolde’s own controversial presidency ended with the election of Abebe Gebremariam, a populist who became extremely popular in Ethiopia with his new Vanguard Party. He attempted to position himself as a revolutionary candidate that would completely change Ethiopia, however he was greatly overrated. The election of former PM Gebremariam in 1960, while initially promising, failed to reverse the decline of the socio-political situation in the Empire. This has fueled the rise of sectional and radical politics in Ethiopia that comprises the far-left All-Ethiopian Socialist Movement, the populist Vanguard Party, and the far-right militaristic Democratic Nationalist Party, and the Center-Right monarchist Imperial Union. Over time these political factions have become completely opposed to each other, however between the all four factions the Left-Right divide is very prevalent. By the end of Gebremariam's tenure, his premership was often dubbed as the "ሰጉ ስልሳዎቹ" [segu silisawochu], or in English, The Fearful Sixties. Polarization and sectionalism has induced Ethiopia into increasingly divisive politics that is even crossing ethnic lines, with the Vanguard Party pandering towards Oromos while the Imperial Union became an Amhara proxy. |

| Despite Gebremariam’s promises for a "revolution" he was unable to get much done since it was, in his own words, "like a f*cking swamp". Despite his shortcomings, he was able to deliver as much as he could in his first term thanks to his majority in senate [Formation of the Imperial Supreme Court, the Imperial Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission, the Labor Relations Act, and the formation of the OAU and conducting a world tour establishing various collaboration and treaties with various nations.], however the midterms would kill any hope for the continuation of his premiership after his second term. He ultimately did little to help and eventually joined in the "escalation-bandwagon" as the Empire kept spiraling into an even worse state than before. Furthermore the growth of Ethiopian Socialism became increasingly extreme as workers became increasingly radicalized, the centerpiece being the Meskel Bombings where Communist terrorists attempted to assassinate the Emperor and have claimed the lives of many innocents. After the Meskel Bombings it was a complete reroute for the Gebremariam administration, he took a more hardball approach against all his opponents, even the royal family itself during the succession crisis between the Crown Prince and the Prime Minister when the Emperor was unconscious for a surgery. Gebremariam then allied with the Imperial Police and took direct action against his opponents paramilitaries and militias, leading to brawls and shootouts, with the largest being the September 15 incident that had left 10 innocents dead. While this is happening the Vanguard party increasingly teetered towards the left as it continued to increasingly counter the right wing banter and fill up the left-wing void in the conventional politics of Ethiopia. During the end-stages of Gebremariam’s premiership, former Deputy PM and National Security Council Chief Advisor Mengistu Haile Mariam had entered into the political fray with his Society for National Rejuvenation. Since its inception he has already gained immediate massive support thanks to his immense popularity during the Eritrean War. He condemns Ethiopia’s current political situation as "Western democracy" and "parliamentary politics" and pledges to restore Ethiopia under his "the fourth political theory". |

| The campaigning between the Vanguard Party, Democratic Nationalist, and Imperial Union has grown so volatile that none apparently dare to campaign in the strongholds of the others. There has been reported fights, riots, and even lynching of Ethiopians that have had conflicting views, during the last few months before the election, the Imperial Police would only protect Vangaurdist supporters leaving many unfortunate in the dust as violence increased. While Gebremariam was known for his extremely charismatic and likable character, Mengistu was also beloved by the public, giving his premiership an actual threat. While conventional speeches and rallies were often employed by Gebemariam and his adversaries, Mengistu explored the effects of mass media and politics in the west, and decided to field it in Ethiopia himself. Thanks to his connections within the Military and Government he was able to gain access to the Ethiopian Broadcast Authority, which enabled him to air his campaign over the radio and television. The Ethiopian Broadcast Authority was under the Ministry of Information, and thus under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister. When Gebremariam was reportedly tuning up the TV to watch Star Trek only to find a lengthy political Ad by Mengistu slandering his name. He promptly shut it down but the EBA then refused the authority of the Prime Minister and soon enough the EBA building was guarded by militia forces aligned with the SNR. The EBA Standoff escalated when Gebremariam ordered the Imperial Police to drive them out. The SNR militas remained adamant and even threatened to shoot the police as they approached the building. SNR militias have also surrounded the EBC HQ, various radio stations to protect it from being seized by the Imperial Police. Despite Gebremariam's orders to clear out the building, General Tadesse Birru, Superintendent of the Imperial Police, did not want to escalate the situation and refused to open fire. After a tense week of standoff, a remarkable shift occurred as individuals from both sides started tentatively crossing the invisible barrier, drawn together by camaraderie, eventually many end up going together to the bar later. The cracks of Gebremariam's administration began to gauge open as Mengistu had very deep influence in the Government and Military. During his tenure, he was one of the youngest high rank officers in the Military, beloved by the Imperial Armed Forces, often dubbed as the "Desert Lion". After the Eritrean War, he briefly became a Senator in the Imperial Shengo, and resigned after the Witireti Crisis [When Ethiopia transitioned to a paramilitary democracy] during a heated conflict against the ruling Democratic Nationalist party. Dispite his break from Government and the Military, he had deep connections in Addis that were not fully realized until now. |

| Soon enough, before the elections, Mengistu's political ads were often aired before highly viewed/listened to shows in the TV/radio, essentially getting one advertising slot for free on every government-run channel, when Gebremariam requested for one, the EBA refused after the "outrageous character" shown by himself. Mengistu also somehow managed to get a headline in the Emperor's newspaper "Addis Zemen", which was a slogan often used by Gebremariam during his tenure. It slandered the former PM saying, "እውነተኛው አዲስ ዘመን በመንግሥቱ ሥር ይሆናል!" [The real New Age will be under Mengistu!]. After this humiliation Gebremariam took things into his own hands...he reached out to influential figures in the business class of Ethiopia, hosting balls at Sheraton to converse with the various barons and nobles, and was able to get access to various private newspapers and two privately-owned radio channels, on one of them he was able to air his entire campaign. Furthermore, he used his own wealth, advertising campaign posters across Shewa and Gondar, and holding large rallies as he toured major cities. Mengistu gave a swift response and began producing zines and pamphlets not, not champagning for himself but to slander Gebremariam, as long as it said that Mengistu said so, it was perfect. Much like how The Beatles, Elvis Presley, and Muhammad Ali are all household names in the west, "Mengistu Haile Mariam" was so for the Empire. The rivalry of Mengistu and Gebremariam has largely pushed away the older parties such as the Democratic Nationalists and the Imperial Union have began dispersing as most of the military directed their support to Mengistu and abandoned General Tafari Benti's Democratic Nationalist Party, leaving him without his primary form of support. The Imperial Union, while pro Monarchist, has been overshadowed by Mengistu, whom was also a pro monarchist. Eventually the elections were a month in, and election locations were being opened...As the month of elections dawned upon Ethiopia, anticipation crackled through the air like static before a storm. Every politician, orator, celebrity and businessman urging voters to cast their votes and champion their cause. Polling stations sprung up coming in hastily erected tents, hospitals, governments buildings, and terminals. Ballot boxes stood sentinel, waiting to receive the verdict of the people. By November 15th the election results were out. [Elections were on November 7th, with inauguration on January 30th] |

[list]BREAKING NEWS: 𝗗𝗘𝗔𝗗𝗟𝗢𝗖𝗞 𝗜𝗡 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗘𝗠𝗣𝗜𝗥𝗘 ! 𝗗𝗘𝗦𝗣𝗜𝗧𝗘 𝗘𝗫𝗧𝗥𝗘𝗠𝗘 𝗣𝗢𝗟𝗜𝗧𝗜𝗖𝗔𝗟 𝗜𝗡𝗦𝗧𝗔𝗕𝗜𝗟𝗜𝗧𝗬 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗡𝗔𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡𝗔𝗟 𝗘𝗟𝗘𝗖𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡𝗦 𝗪𝗘𝗡𝗧 𝗙𝗢𝗥𝗪𝗔𝗥𝗗, 𝗕𝗨𝗧 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗩𝗢𝗧𝗜𝗡𝗚 𝗥𝗘𝗦𝗨𝗟𝗧𝗦 𝗔𝗥𝗘 𝗗𝗜𝗦𝗣𝗨𝗧𝗘𝗗 - 𝗡𝗢𝗕𝗢𝗗𝗬 𝗪𝗢𝗡 𝗪𝗜𝗧𝗛 𝗔 𝗖𝗟𝗘𝗔𝗥 𝗠𝗔𝗝𝗢𝗥𝗜𝗧𝗬. 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗘𝗟𝗘𝗖𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡 𝗥𝗘𝗠𝗔𝗜𝗡𝗦 𝗗𝗘𝗔𝗗𝗟𝗢𝗖𝗞𝗘𝗗 𝗔𝗦 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗜𝗠𝗣𝗘𝗥𝗜𝗔𝗟 𝗦𝗛𝗘𝗡𝗚𝗢 𝗙𝗔𝗜𝗟𝗦 𝗧𝗢 𝗔𝗣𝗣𝗢𝗜𝗡𝗧 𝗔𝗡𝗬 𝗖𝗔𝗡𝗗𝗜𝗗𝗔𝗧𝗘 𝗧𝗢 𝗣𝗥𝗜𝗠𝗘 𝗠𝗜𝗡𝗜𝗦𝗧𝗘𝗥. 𝗪𝗜𝗧𝗛 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗨𝗡𝗖𝗘𝗥𝗧𝗔𝗜𝗡𝗧𝗬 𝗢𝗙 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗢𝗨𝗧𝗖𝗢𝗠𝗘 𝗟𝗜𝗡𝗚𝗘𝗥𝗜𝗡𝗚, 𝗣𝗔𝗥𝗔𝗠𝗜𝗟𝗜𝗧𝗔𝗥𝗜𝗘𝗦 𝗔𝗡𝗗 𝗠𝗜𝗟𝗜𝗧𝗜𝗔𝗦 𝗔𝗥𝗘 𝗥𝗜𝗢𝗧𝗜𝗡𝗚 𝗜𝗡 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗦𝗧𝗥𝗘𝗘𝗧𝗦 𝗔𝗡𝗗 𝗗𝗘𝗠𝗔𝗡𝗗𝗜𝗡𝗚 𝗧𝗛𝗘𝗜𝗥 𝗖𝗔𝗡𝗗𝗜𝗗𝗔𝗧𝗘 𝗕𝗘 𝗦𝗘𝗟𝗘𝗖𝗧𝗘𝗗.[/list]

[list][list][table][tr][td]1970 𝗚𝗘𝗡𝗘𝗥𝗔𝗟 𝗘𝗟𝗘𝗖𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡[/td][td]𝗣𝗘𝗥𝗖𝗘𝗡𝗧𝗔𝗚𝗘[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Society for National Rejuvenation [SNR][/td][td]32.5%[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Vangaurd Party [VGP][/td][td]26.7%[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Democratic Nationalist Party [DNP][/td][td]18.3%[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Imperial Union [IU][/td][td]11.8%[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party [IHAPA][/td][td]7.0%[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Ethiopian Democratic Union [EDU][/td][td]2.2%[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Ethiopian Oppressed People's Revolutionary Struggle [ECHAT][/td][td]1.4%[/td][/tr]

[tr][td]Others [Independents, Minor Parties, etc][/td][td]0.1%[/td][/tr]

[/table][/list][/list]

| The election process in itself was a disaster, with a low voter turnout of 45% of the eligible voting population, polling locations were poorly prepared, and violence near these locations was frequent. Many have increasingly lost faith in Ethiopian democracy, less than half of the country voted despite massive campaign efforts. Addis Ababa quickly became a hotbed of tension as many feared for the worst. The 1970 Election Crisis came into fruition as for the first time in a decade the Kebur Zebunga was removed from palace guard duties and ordered to protect downtown Addis and vital government buildings. A vast portion of the military sided with Mengistu, some with Tafari, and other parts of the military declared neutrality. Various militias and paramilitaries clashed in Addis with violent shootouts and riots that have resulted in 55 deaths. The Imperial Police initially backed Gebremariam, but after a week Tadesse Birru declared that his forces would work alongside the Kebur Zebunga to “keep the peace”. Much like during the Witireti Crisis, the Kebur Zebunga had its hand forced into politics once more and formed the Designated Transitionary Council by mid-December. It was poised to form a new government before the inauguration date of January 30th. The transitionary council held multiple meetings with various party leaders, and members of the crown council to decide the most optimal candidate for Prime Minister. Dejazemach Germame Neway, brother of Mengistu Neway, commander of the Kebur Zebunga introduced a compromise where the DNP, IU, and EDU would give their votes to the SNR, with IHAPA and ECHAT giving their votes to the VGP. Gebremariam pointed out how obvious this deal wanted the SNR to win, and his brother opposed it himself, proposing that a "similar ridiculous deal" that Gebremariam should stay in power until the next General election. The DTC brought out more serious proposals introducing three candidates: Crown Prince Amha Selassie as acting PM, transition government under the Kebur Zebunga, and a general election based on the crown council. However, Germane's initial proposal gave the conservatives of the IU, EDU, and DNP an idea and proposed to form a coalition government with the SNR. At first Mengistu Haile-Mariam rejected the proposal, but in January 7th, he agreed to the coalition as if it was "Ethiopia's Christmas gift". [Ethiopian Christmas is celebrated on 7 January as the day of Jesus' birth, alongside the Russian, Greek, Eritrean and Serbian Orthodox Churches.] The Coalition for the Salvation of Ethiopia was formed and the Neway brothers with their DTC approved the notion and recognized it as the official government following the inauguration date. The election crisis came to a close as the VGP, military, and various others recognized the government. Although his victory was expected by some, Mengistu reigned in the Premiership like a dark horse, now Ethiopia his "vision". |

╒═════════════════════════════════════════════════════

[list]

“Today is the end of the regimes that acquiesced to disorder. Today is the end of the regimes that brought Ethiopia backward. Today is the end of the regimes that refused to recognize God's covenant with our nation. AND, today is the start of an Ethiopia...REBORN!

....Today this fierce movement which we have built, upon which we stand will bring an end to instability and violence that plagues our nation. The instability and violence that have murdered our women and children in the streets. The instability and violence that have corrupted our youth...

...Today we stand at a crossroads. We have endured years of chaos and confusion. Those who have stood in the way of progress, those who have resisted the will of the people, they all will be eliminated...

...Our beloved Empire, once a beacon of hope and prosperity, has been led astray by weak leaders and corrupt politicians. No more. As your Prime Minister, I shall bring peace. Under my guidance, the Empire shall prevail, and our enemies will tremble in fear. We will show no mercy to those who challenge us, and we will not rest until every corner of our rightful land is united under the Imperial banner...

...Let this be known, beloved citizens of the Empire: the time for compromise and weakness is over. The time for action has arrived. GOD BLESS THE EMPEROR, GOD BLESS ETHIOPIA, AND GOD BLESS YOU ALL!”

━ Ending Excerpt of PRIME MINISTER - MENGISTU HAILE-MARIAM Inaugural Address.

[/list]

╘═════════════════════════════════════════════════════

| Mengistu's inaugural address was already alarming for many of his opposition, it is said that half of his speech was devoted to slandering and threatening the other side. He made numerous references to the "enemies of the Emperor" and to the need to "eradicate" them, implying that those who did not follow his lead would be dealt with harshly. It was clear that Mengistu's inaugural address was a declaration of war against his opponents but also a massive kneel to the other parties within his coalition. In his speech, he did not mention much about SNR positions and heavily pandered into Democratic Nationalist and Imperial Union rhetoric, with a fervent twist to it. The Democratic Nationalist Party has also officially changed its name to the Peoples Nationalist Party, it has been a proposal going about since the Gebremariam administration but now with a new agenda head, it seemed appropriate for a name change, and furthermore it was to reduce confusion with the Ethiopian Democratic Union. Despite the alarming rhetoric, Mengistu also acknowledged the need for cooperation between the "the good" political parties and the need to work together for the betterment of the country. He also mentioned that he was committed to maintaining a healthy relationship with both the East and West. As for the Horn of Africa, Mengistu has already threatened both Somalia and Eritrea, declaring that "their days will come to an end."|

[list][sub]“God Save Ethiopia...for no one else will...”[/sub]

[list]― ...

[/list][/list]

____________________________________________________________

[list][spoiler=[sub]𝑺𝑼𝑩𝑳𝑰𝑴𝑬 𝑺𝑶𝑳𝑶𝑴𝑶𝑵𝑰𝑪 𝑺𝑻𝑨𝑻𝑬

𝑪𝑶𝑴𝑴𝑶𝑵𝑾𝑬𝑨𝑳𝑻𝑯 𝑶𝑭 𝑳𝑰𝑩𝑬𝑹𝑻𝒀[/sub]]

Abessinienreich

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Alwaynia

Amsterwald

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Arcanda

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Formosa-

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Zingium

[/spoiler]

Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Meerkien, Launggyet, Zingium

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MARCH , 1971

The Rushed 'Agrarian Solution' Act

| After rereading a series of [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55497803]reports[/URL] on the agrarian reforms. Which became collectively known as the "Failed First Agrarian Reforms File" within cabinet. A result of the happenings that were recorded and placed into the [I]Failed First Agrarian Reforms File[/I], the Malaysians GDP has dropped from what was once 3.91B [USD] by the end of 1970, down towards 3.88B [USD].The minister of Agriculture & Cooperatives Abdul Rahman Yunus would rush to create his solution to the failure of the "First Agrarian Reforms". Calling it the "Agrarian Solution Bill", before the agrarian issue gets worst. |

| The [I]Agrarian Solution Bill[/I] would entail:

[List][I]Section 1:

[B]— There will be a fixed tax on food production that is paid in kind. This fixed number is a small 6% of the total balance a farmer possess.

Section 2:

[B]— Every farmer when working on their personal farm and not the communal farm. Has the right of ownership of their production and what they will do with it.

Section 3:

[B]— A singular farming unit is defined as the 8 personally owned farms which are owned by 8 different families and the 1 center communal farm. Each farming unit is a 'informal firm'.

Section 4:

[B]— The profits earned by a informal firm, doesn't go towards the state unless it's to pay taxes. But instead towards benefiting their 'local society' by using the profits earned by each family to fund the needs of their local society.

[B]— If a family or farmer refuses to help the local society financially. Once reported that family or farmer is eligible to receive a sharp increase of 44% on all of their taxes, except their tax on food production.

Section 5:

[B]— There'll be an establishment federal support organisation called the 'Agrarian Production Factor Association'. This organisation will sell any agrarian factors of production. Excluding land. To any farmer who approaches the organisation seeking support from the federal government.

Section 6:

[B]— Profits earned from the Agrarian Production Factor Association would be split as even as possible between all farmers within a selective state per year. Providing additional income to farmers.

[B]— Farmers who would be excluded from receiving this yearly additional income are those who have a history of not supporting their local society.

Section 7:

[B]— There would come a reworked Communal Center Councils system for how it would operate. The new system would have the Communal Center Council become a head of the informal firm. With the Communal Center Council being the representative figure of a informal firm, with each member of the council being democratically elected by all 8 farmers/families with each member of a household being allowed to vote.

[B]— The council would oversee the informal firm success and whenever a directional shift in how the informal firm should be operated or selling. Each member of the informal firm has a voice in shaping the new path.[/I][/list]

With much banter in the halls of the cabinet meeting, the [I]Agrarian Solution Bill[/I] would be passed into becoming an act. Albeit with [I]Abdul Rahman Yunus[/I] exclaiming that there needs to be more acts to solidify the system of agrarian community administration. |

| There was much worry in the cabinet for if the solution would be successful, due to what a radical shift it would cause in the system. But some like Ahmad Boestamam see's it as the solution to bring about an end to the potential crisis. Some went as far as to file a motion to have prime minister Goh Hock Guan remove [I]Abdul Rahman Yunus[/I] from his position as a federal minister. |

______________________________________________

Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Zingium

Revolutionary Internationalism - Cuba Intervenes in Congo-Kinshasa and Northern Ireland

[sub]1 de marzo de 1971[/sub]

Havana Harbor, Cuba’s lifeline to the world. The port, built by the Spanish as early as the 17th century served as the main port for Cuban goods leaving for Spain. Since then, the harbor has expanded and grown, transforming itself into one of the largest and most modern in the Caribbean. Nestled within Havana Bay, the port served as the workplace for over 1,000 laborers who worked 8-hour shifts day and night. Indeed, even when the sun set over the horizon of Cuba’s capital, the port never stopped functioning. Freighter ships were serviced around the clock every day, with containers filled with goods from friendly nations being emptied and refilled with Cuban goods, ready to be exported to other countries.

Among those workers was one David Rojas, a married man and father of four living in the capital who worked the graveyard shift at the port. As he usually did, he arrived by bus at around midnight and showed his ID to the port guard, one Gerardo Méndez who merely smiled and waved at him. The two men knew each other very well, having worked at the port since they were teenagers. Adjusting his coveralls, David moved on beyond the gate and began to head toward the main office to clock in. On his way there, David stopped abruptly, his eye catching something that was out of place.

A fence. A wire link fence that now stretched the width of most of the port and the third crane used for loading and unloading cargo from freighters coming in and out of Havana harbor. Taking a brief glance at the office building just a few steps away, curiosity overcame work ethic and David began to walk toward the freshly installed fence. He walked past a pair of trucks, a small group of his co-workers conversing while having a small break and a set of crates stacked on top of one another, ready to be loaded and shipped into the country, all of them marked ‘CCCP’. Stepping up to the fence, Rojas looked up and down the length of it. It had been installed recently and hastily, he figured, judging by the fact that it was merely drilled to the ground. It reached the very end of the port and stretched parallel to the main office building, past a warehouse and beyond, closing off a set of additional warehouses and an entire berth and crane. Beyond the fence he saw an even stranger scene. Green, unmarked trucks were parker near the warehouse and he saw what he looked like soldiers in olive fatigues guarding it. Rojas immediately knew what was going on, and before anyone saw him he had turned around and headed into the office building, ready to clock in.

However, rarely does curiosity ever fade away so easily. Rojas was distracted throughout the night, moving on with his work while simultaneously shooting glances at what was going on behind that fence. He saw more trucks arrive after midnight, and by 2 am, a smaller cargo ship with no discernable markings or even a Cuban flag arrived, with another ship tailing it. During his break, Rojas watched the soldiers load crate after unmarked crate onto the ship, which he soon realized was called the “Carmen”. The pennant number didn’t match any ship Rojas had ever seen and even stranger was the fact that the crew soon unfurled a Venezuelan flag from the stern. Coffee in hand, he watched intently from the office building as more crates arrived and soldiers unloaded them.

Suddenly, one of the soldiers tripped on his own step and fell, taking his friend with him along with the crate they carried. The lid on the crate fell off and protective stuffing fell out along with boxes of cigars. That had caught Rojas’ eye. Why on Earth would the military want so much security around bundles of cigars? It made no sense, after all, Rojas and the other workers loaded cigars and tobacco products onto ships all the time. What was so different about these cigars? The curious worker soon got his answer. Among the fallen wooden boxes were metal parts that didn’t exactly fit an ordinary cigar crate. Upon closer inspection, Rojas realized what those soldiers were carrying. Hidden under the protective stuffing and boxes of cigars were weapon parts. Disassembled Kalashnikovs and Makarovs, both recognizable by Rojas who had served briefly in his youth as part of Cuba’s mandatory service requirements. Curiosity kept Rojas glued to the window, watching as these soldiers carried smaller crates by hand and larger crates in carts. This was a weapons delivery, though where exactly it was headed eluded the port worker who was soon called back to work and pulled away from his desire to continue watching.

“¡P*ndejo! Now look at what you’ve done!” Shouted one of the soldiers as he hastily fell to his knees and gathered up the scattered weapon parts on the floor. His compatriot did the same, gathering up the scattered cigar boxes. “You lather up your hands in butter or what?”

“Sorry man, I tripped.” The younger soldier defended himself, genuinely sorry for his clumsiness.

“Just help me clean this up before the commander sees or we’ll be in latrine duty.” Despite the clumsy accident, the pair were able to gather everything, stuffing and all, and put it all back together as it was. And all just in time as their commanding officer approached them as they neared the ship.

“Spring in your step, come on.” Their commander, an older man with a thick, graying mustache, an olive cap and a cigar between his lips stood on the wooden ramp leading up to the ship. “Was expecting this crate an hour ago.” That wasn’t remotely true, but it had certainly gotten the two soldiers to move just a bit faster. As they moved close, the officer stopped them and without warning slipped his fingers beneath the wooden lid, lifting it. “F*cks sake…” He grumbled, pushing more of the protective stuff to the corner, noticing one of the rifle barrels sticking out from beneath one of the cigar boxes. “This has to make it past the Yanquis. Get your d*cks out of your hands and pay attention. Go!”

There was no protest, not that there could be any. Merely a “yes, sir” and the pair continued moving, setting the crate on the top deck alongside dozens of others. The Carmen, and its sister ship, a Soviet-built cargo ship renamed the Alejandra, were destined for shores far from Cuba. Both vessels were cleverly disguised as genuine ships, carrying cargo manifests, registration, and of course, plenty of cargo to be inspected in the event that were to occur. While the smaller weapons could be hidden beneath bottles of rum, packs of cigarettes, dried corn and cigars, the larger ones were hidden in compartments deep beneath the lower sections of the ship. Thousands of rounds of ammunition, machine guns, grenades, and other ordinance. Finally, both ships carried large crews, half of which consisted of members of the FAR with guerrilla warfare experience.

For the Carmen, a ship disguised as a Venezuelan-registered cargo ship with Cuban goods on board, it was destined for a place where discovery was more than likely. Northern Ireland. There, the goods would be unloaded by the crew alongside the people this was ultimately destined for. The Irish Republican Army, a paramilitary fighting for the unification of Northern Ireland with the rest of the Republic of Ireland. The arms delivery was a sort of gift from Castro, who wholeheartedly believed in the righteousness of their struggle against the British.

The Alejandra on the other hand carried more overt cargo. It was Cuban-registered and had an entirely military crew. Its destination was Pointe-Noire, the port city in the Republic of the Congo, where they would be happily received by the friendly government in Kinshasa and ultimately delivered to the rebels in the northern Democratic Republic of the Congo and the FLNC. Unlike the Carmen, the Alejandra carried rocket-propelled grenades, disassembled M-30 artillery and a pair of BTR-152’s, alongside plentiful small arms, radios, medical supplies, and spare parts.

All of this and more was destined for conflicts thousands of miles away from Cuban shores and all of it came courtesy of Castro himself, who wished to support the struggle of international groups seeking liberation from oppression just as Cuba had a decade ago. The Carmen and the Alejandra were just the first wave of what was intended to be semi-regular arms transfers to the FLNC and the IRA, all part of Castro’s “Revolutionary Internationalism.”

Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Zingium

Post self-deleted by South Abrada.

West Indies Federation - March 1971

The Grand Diplomatic Trip - Part II

The first third of the grand trip had seen Eric Williams open, if a bit rocky, relations with Haiti and forge a strong starting link between the Federation and Cuba. The next section of the tour will take him now to the former colonial heart and a first step into the eastern bloc with the nations of Britain, France and Yugoslavia.

Servants to Equals - Great Britain

Upon his arrival at London Heathrow, the Prime Minister was met with the cheers of not just the average Londoner but the vast Caribbean community of the city. As he was escorted through towards 10 Downing Street the sides of avenues were lined with Trinidadians, Jamaicans, Grenadians and Guyanese. His reception with the Prime Minister was cordial and ever public until they stepped behind the door, then the true negotiations commenced. The needs of the Federation at this time in expanding foreign investment amidst nationalization and the changing requirements of the Defence Forces meant there was a lot to discuss, and the tag-team of Manley and Williams were in turn an open and amicable British government. The agreements put in place as a result ensured British commercial security within the West Indies, provided of course within national legality, and secured for the WIDF purchases of modern British equipment to modernize the regiments.

With negotiations concluded, it was on to Buckingham. The state of racial tensions inside of the UK was not something that had been lost on the PM during his initial tour of London, graffiti under the bridges or on the walls ranged to and against recent civil rights legislation. It was for this reason that he and his British counterpart needed to highlight unity within both camps, the Black Power movement had not massacred the whites in Trinidad, and White Power shall not do so in Britain. At every opportunity they had the Prime Minister was seen cordially with Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip, along with his wife and the wife of Manley. By the end of his time in the UK, the West Indies and Britain had restated their commitment to cooperation within the Commonwealth and a mutual understanding to bury the colonial past.

Stepping Stones - France

Arrival in France was met with similar cheer from the citizens of Paris, meeting with the French President at the airport and touring through the ever-regal Parisian downtown, negotiations with the French would be quicker than in London. With talks centering around French-West Indian business cooperation within the region and connection between the federation and the French Caribbean, as well as movement between the colonies. Mostly, talks in France were a preliminary step for future discussions to build off of.

Friends in Faraway Places - Yugoslavia

Yugoslavia was the birthplace of the Non-Aligned Movement that the West Indies is now earnestly a part of. Marshal Tito's open cooperation with nations such as Haiti in the region shows that the country is more than willing to play an active part in development of the Federation. Williams and Tito shared much in common, and though no major breakthroughs in economic deals were made during the meeting of the two leaders, both have shown commitment to furthered ideals of middle-path diplomacy between the USSR and USA. Both nations drew from their historical ties since the creation of the Federation in 1958, where a Yugoslav representative was immediately present to present his credentials to the new nation. Yugoslavia and the Caribbean have decided to take a path down the route of non-alignment, one that means they and every other member of the movement will need to cooperate.

Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Zingium

The icy wind whipped off the Narva River, clawing at Jaan's exposed cheeks as he surveyed the port from their vantage point in the crumbling ruins of a warehouse. February's grip on Estonia was unrelenting, but the cold couldn't dampen the inferno of determination burning in Jaan's chest. The Forest Brothers were back, a phoenix rising from the ashes of Soviet oppression.

Gone were the sprawling bands of the 1950s. Now, their numbers were leaner, honed by years of brutal lessons learned. Operational security was paramount. No loose lips, no KGB infiltrators this time. Jaan, a bear of a man with a steely glint in his blue eyes, had meticulously planned this operation for months. Their target: the Narva docks, a vital artery feeding the Soviet war machine. Tonight, they would deliver a crippling blow.

By his side stood Mikk, his ever-reliable second-in-command. Years of fighting together had forged a bond as strong as Estonian steel. Behind them, huddled in the shadows, were three new faces. To Jaan's right stood Marek, a young man barely out of his teens. His parents, both prominent dissidents, had vanished into the Soviet gulag when he was a child. Vengeance burned in his eyes, a fire Jaan tempered with years of his own experience.

Then there was Valdur, a former Estonian sailor forced into service with the Soviet Navy. Disillusioned and disgusted, he had deserted, bringing with him invaluable knowledge of the port's layout and security protocols. Valdur was their ace in the hole.

Finally, there was Aino. A quiet woman with eyes that held the steely resolve of a Siberian winter. Her husband, a teacher, had been dragged away by the KGB for daring to speak his mind. Aino, a former librarian with a surprising aptitude for explosives, had become their bomb-maker. Her silent fury was a weapon as potent as any they possessed.

Jaan scanned their faces, each one etched with a different story of hardship and defiance. They were a microcosm of Estonia itself, a nation bruised but not broken. With a curt nod, he outlined the final details of the operation, his voice a low rumble barely audible over the howling wind. Tonight, the Forest Brothers would strike a blow for Estonian freedom, and the docks of Narva would burn.

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, Maziya, Zingium

[list][list][list][pre]STATUS CIVITATIS VATICANAE

VATICAN CITY STATE

THE HOLY SEE[/pre][/list]

______

SECRETARY OF STATE OF HIS HOLINESS: POPE PAUL TRAVELS TO NORDEN FOR ST. OLAV'S BISHOP CONFERENCE

[sub]VATICAN CITY | ROME, MARCH MCMLXXI[/sub][/list]

[pre] BREAKING THE SILENCE ON ECUMENISM [/pre]

[list]NORDEN — UNION OF THREE CROWNS[/list]

[sub]"May the Lord bless everything you do for the case of Christian Unity." — Pope Paul VI to the World Council of Churches[/sub]

[sub]| SECRETARIUS STATUS SANCTITATIS SUAE - | Nearly 1,000 years ago Olav Haraldsson, much later known as Saint Olav and Olav the Holy, became King Olav II of Norway. The saintly king was instrumental in the spreading of Christianity throughout the pagan arctic regions of Northern Europe and Scandinavia. In 1164 Pope Alexander III confirmed King Olav's canonization and made him a recognized saint within the Catholic Church. Over the years that followed, King Olav's sainthood persuaded many of Scandinavia's Vikings and Norsemen to convert to Christianity as his legacy had become central to Norway's national identity and pride. Even through the Reformation, the sainthood of King Olav continued to be recognized by the various Lutheran and Anglican communions.[/sub]

[sub]While Catholicism is no longer the leader of the pack that makes up Norden's great religions, it still remains respected and influential among many. When Pope Paul VI announced his planned trip to Norden this month, it came as no surprise as Norden had just crowned it's new High King, Olav V. The primary purpose of Pope Paul's visit was what many referred to as the St. Olav's Bishop Conference in Gothenburg which was to be attended by all three Roman Catholic Archbishops of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark. The crowds were remarkably vast in Oslo when His Holiness finally arrived on the 1st of March. A papal motorcade had been arranged to transport the Pope and his security detail from the Oslo Airport in Fornebu to Oslo Central Station where His Holiness linked up with Archbishop John Willem Gran of Norway and boarded a private train car destined for the northern city of Trondheim where Pope Paul would make a special visit to the Nidaros Cathedral where Saint Olav is said to be buried. Despite it being an overall dreary and clouded day, there awaiting the Pope and his entourage was a massive group of press agents from all over and thousands of Christian worshipers, Catholic, Lutheran, and Anglican alike. One Swedish reporter from the Göteborgs-Posten (Gothenburg Post) stated that "His Holiness transcended the large crowd outside the cathedral that had been waiting for him and upon entering the nave, the sun peaked out from behind the clouds and shown so brightly that the large stained glass windows of Nidaros shimmered as if being illuminated by Saint Olav himself or perhaps even the Holy Spirit. Truly a miracle to witness." Pope Paul's procession into the cathedral stopped at the alter where he knelt to pray quietly. Once finished he took his seat; a tall white armchair next to the Bishop of Trondheim and Apostolic Vicariate of Central Norway, Johannes Rüth. A special mass was delivered in honor of Norway's patron saint and former king followed by the rest of the days festivities to mark the Pope's visit which included a special group prayer, Pope Paul offering his blessings, and enjoying a feast complimented with Norwegian traditional dishes. His Holiness made the night in the Archbishop's Palace of Trondheim before continuing his journey the following day.[/sub]

[sub]On March 2nd the Pope reboarded a train with Archbishop John Willem Gran which set off for the city of Gothenburg, Sweden. Pope Paul's arrival at Gothenburg Central Station was greeted by several thousand Swedish Christians, all eager to catch a glimpse of His Holiness. There waiting to greet him was the Archbishop of Stockholm John E. Taylor as well as the Archbishop of Copenhagen Hans Ludvig Martensen whom had traveled from there the previous day for the St. Olav's Bishop Conference. Another papal motorcade had been arranged to transport the four of them from the train station to Gothenburg Cathedral. There waiting was a group of 40 Bishops from Norden's Lutheran Diocese' to include the Church of Sweden, Church of Norway, and Church of Denmark; all of which adhere to Lutheranism. A further 159 priests, 31 deacons, 96 brothers, 173 sisters, and 9 seminarians of the Catholic diocese in Norden were present to greet Pope Paul VI and sit in on the discussions of the conference. As the papal motorcade came around, pulling up in front of Gothenburg Cathedral, King Olav V was standing proud and ready to greet His Holiness. The Pope and three archbishops exited their motorcade and approached the top of the steps where the Pope and the King shook hands in front of the press cameras. More people yet had been gathering outside the cathedral since the early morning hours in anticipation of their King and the Pope arriving for the big conference of Norden's most important religious officials. As everyone gathered inside the cathedral and finally took their seats, with the primary heads of Norden's churches sitting up near the alter, flanking the sides of both the Pope and King Olav V who were seated front and center. The rest of the individuals to include the press, priest, deacons, and lay people took seats among the rows of church pews. A further 500 special guest crammed into the remaining pews as the conference opening ceremony began with Pope Paul VI giving the opening speech:[/sub]

[list][sub]"Signore e signori (Ladies and gentlemen), brothers and sisters, esteemed guests, friends...today we mark the beginning of our renewed bond with one another through our faiths in Jesus Christ. While these bonds never truly left us, over the last 377 years it seems we simply forgot about them. The Reformation which took place here all those years ago in 1593 turned friends, business partners, and even relatives against each other. In todays rapidly changing world it is important not only to ourselves, but to GOD that we reconcile with our differences; and not just in faith, but in politics and daily life itself as well. We must love each other because he first loved us just as it says in the Book of John chapter 4, verse 19. And in Galatians he tells us: There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is no male and female, for you are all one in Jesus Christ. Today we come together knowing that while our faiths may seem different in some ways, we are all still one in our belief in the same true, righteous and just God. We even share countless venerated figures to include Saint Olav in our separate faiths with this conference bearing his namesake. It is also very important to forgive each other for any wrong doings just as God has forgiven us for our countless sins and so today as we reconcile our past differences in faith, I will now ask you all to stand and join me in prayer as we celebrate the gifts of our Lord and his divine will to unite all Christians around the globe. Our Father, who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name; thy kingdom come; thy will be done; on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. And forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us. And lead us not into temptation; but deliver us from evil. Amen."[/sub][/list]

[sub]As the Pope's short, but prolific speech resonated in the minds of those present, King Olav took to the pulpit and thanked His Holiness for the kind words of wisdom; offering up a round of applause before delivering an address of his own, stating: "As the new High King of Norden, I can only hope and pray that all Christians, whether they be in Sweden, Norway, Denmark, or far off in Greenland have heard His Holiness' message here today. Indeed it is high time that shared faith triumphs over differences of opinion." Finishing his address, the King returned to his seat next to the Pope, where an hours long discussion was held between the leading clergy members of Norden's churches; with everyone receiving a chance to speak in regards to their opinions and the opinions of their congregations. Questions were soon taken from various individuals in the pews which led up to final closing prayer being delivered by His Holiness. With the conference in Gothenburg over with and it appearing to be a success in bringing together all of Norden's Christians, Pope Paul and his entourage said their goodbyes and waved to the huge crowds on their way to the Torslanda Airport. While the St. Olav's Bishop Conference did not officially achieve anything on paper beyond reconciliation and recognition of shared religious doctrines, it opened up a pandora's box for future discussions and cooperation with Norden's Lutheran and Anglican churches and marked the first historical visit of a Pope to Scandinavia which has surely warmed the hearts of millions. Pope Paul's sunshine miracle at Nidaros Cathedral in Trondheim is also sure to make waves in the Catholic and broader Christian communities of Norden as well.|[/sub][/list]

[list]______[/list]

[list][list][pre]Gloria Patri, et Filio, et Spiritui Sancto,

Sicut erat in principio, et nunc, et semper, et in sæcula sæculorum. Amen.[/pre][/list][/list]

[list][spoiler=[sub]𝐄𝐌𝐁𝐑𝐀𝐂𝐄 𝐑𝐎𝐌𝐄

𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘[/sub]]

Abessinienreich

Adriatican Islands

Afghanistan Dra

Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya

Alwaynia

Amsterwald

Andorra-

Arcanda

Astarina

Batallon De Dignidad

Brazil Toucan

Canovia

Cascadla

Connomia

Cristobalera

Earstenia

Formosa-

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hollunde

Holy Vatican City States

Hong Kong Delta

Independent Singapore

Indonesian Federal Peoples Republic

Israelli

Kotakuan Ii

Litaurum

Lucki

Luralsk

Maziya

Medarc

Meerkien

Metropolitan Francais

Monaco-

Mutawakkiliti

Nasrid Algeria

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Ngiera

Nileia

Niwae

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Osivoiii

Paramountica

Paseo

Poland1St

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata

Rudnatia

Rutannia

Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia

Saudi Arabiyah

Skonhedens Land

Slipway

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Southyemen

Spain-

Starsight

Tallahan

The Confederate Prussian Empire

The United States Of Africa

Ukreyn

United Jericho

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnahm

Virnall

Zeitenwende

Zingium

[/spoiler]

The Confederation Of Northern Germany, Federated Arab Emirates, Sixth French Metropolitan Republic, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, Federated Turkey, Nasrid Algeria, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Monaco-, Andorra-, Maziya, Spain-, Meerkien, Launggyet, Le Equatoria, Zingium

[list][spoiler=​🇵​​🇱​​🇦​​🇾​ ​🇲​​🇪​ ​🇫​​🇴​​🇷​ ​🇦​​🇲​​🇧​​🇮​​🇪​​🇳​​🇨​​🇪​⦂ ​🇹​​🇦​​🇳​​🇬​​🇮​​🇼​​🇦​]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iw6DN3MXw1E&list=PLz1_YPL3D9P91HEWyrmYgEKOwefubA2nh[/spoiler][/list]

[list]░░░░ 𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐒𝐓𝐎𝐑𝐘 𝐒𝐎 𝐅𝐀𝐑

[sup]𝟏𝟗𝟔𝟒 - 𝟏𝟗𝟔𝟓 | 𝙺𝙸𝙽𝙶𝙳𝙾𝙼 𝙾𝙵 𝚃𝙷𝙴 𝙶𝙰𝙽𝙳𝙰[/sup][/list]

[sup]With the success of the 1964 May Revolution, King Muteesa at long last achieved his political ambitions to seize executive power and establish the state that he had long dreamed of since the independence struggle. The short lived Ugandan Federation proved its fragility with the federal crisis and the Bunyoro revolt. A parlimentary democracy was not what the nation needed, but rather a return to the traditional African method of governance, that of a people led by a monarch. At the tail end of the May Revolution, Muteesa's biggest rival, Benedicto Kiwanuka, entered self imposed exile in Britain. The political parties were banned, and previous political personalities were assimilated into the new regime. Anyone who did not play along was simply forced into early retirement or exile. The foundation for the new regime was established with the June Decree, which rebranded the Ugandan Federation as the Kingdom of the Ganda. The name Ganda itself comes from the original native name for Bugandan society, which means "belonging to the Baganda people." The political meaning of the rebranding stemmed from a ploy to legitimize the new name as anti-colonial, as Uganda was the English name given to the region by British colonizers. Under the new kingdom, his majesty Muteesa was crowned the Bassekabaka (King of Kings in Lugandan). In a lavish ceremony, he was crowned by both the Anglican Church of Ganda and the Catholic Church as a show of social harmony. Albeit with much begrudgment from the Catholics who were pressured to play along. The positions of the presidency and the federal parliament were abolished with the establishment of the 1965 Gandan Constitution. The Bassekabaka was given executive power over the military, matters of foreign policy, and the appointment of the Prime Minister. The new constitution also replaced the federal parliament with the Great Lukiiko, which served as the legislative body for the entire country. The Great Lukiiko was made up of representatives from each of the constituent kingdoms, Bugandan aristocrats, merchants, and provincial leaders.[/sup]

[sup]While Muteesa was initially successful with his transformation of the state, to his shagrin, problems soon emerged with the political structure. The first was the matter of the smaller Bantu kingdoms within Ganda. While Toro had aligned itself with Muteesa, its King, Rukidi III, felt threatened by Mutessa's emergence as the King of Kings. The King of Ankole, Gasyonga II, opposed the centralization of power and began flirting with the idea of succession from Ganda. Bunyoro, still under military control, attempted a second revolt. This time, led by one of King Winyi's sons, Prince Obune, who illegally entered the country from Zaire. The revolt was an immediate failure, as the Gandan Army quickly put it down, and Obune was killed in the fighting. The death of the prince only exacerbated the distrust that Toro and Ankole had of Muteesa. Fearing another potential revolt on his hands, Muteesa would send the prime minister, Michael Kintu, to negotiate with Toro and Ankole to prevent a disaster. With Toro, Kintu was able to win back King Rukidi with promises of concessions that allowed for Toro to remain politically autonomous, such as allowing Toro to retain its own parliament. Two other concessions that would convince Rukidi to remain loyal were granting Toro the territories of the Rwenzururu and allowing Rukidi to retain a small security force, albeit with the caveat that regular Gandan citizens from Toro would serve exclusively within the Gandan Armed Forces. When it came to Ankole, Kintu was unable to win over King Gasyonga, as negotiations quickly fell apart. Despite Kintu's best efforts, King Gasyonga remained skeptical and hesitant to agree to any terms that would compromise Ankole's autonomy. When Kintu returned to Kampala to report his efforts, Muteesa decided to act prudently rather than risk another Bunyoro revolt by pushing for a forced agreement with Ankole. On the 1st of September, 1965, an army convoy was sent to the Royal Palace of Nkore to apprehend King Gasyonga on charges of political conspiracy against the Gandan nation. However, Gasyonga was alerted to the situation and immediately fled his palace with his wife and children, escaping into Rwanda. With no real resistance from Gasyonga or Ankole, Muteesa issued a national decree that fully integrated Ankole into the Ganda. Ankole as a kingdom was dissolved, and its territory was split apart into individual provinces. The local Ankole aristrocracy was allowed to remain unharmed and keep their lands and titles as long as they did not attempt to conspire with Gasyonga or crown a new king. With Ankole dissolved, Muteesa once again secured his power over the country and solidified his control over the country now that all the minor Bantu kings were gone or coopted.[/sup]

[list][list][list][pre]SIDE NOTE: If you want context to what exactly is going on you can catch up here in my notes factbook.[/pre]

[spoiler]https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=2018666[/spoiler]

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, Maziya, Spain-, Zingium

[list]March 1971

[sub]The Hand Reaches North[/sub][/list]

[pre]I S L A N D O F N O R M A L C Y[/pre]

PHILIPPINE-JAPAN SUMMIT 1971

[sub]MANILA, THE MANILA PROVINCE, REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES, Provenancia - MORNING[/sub]

| Members of the PHILIPPINE CONSTABULARY lined the fences around MANILA INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT as President FERDINAND MARCOS and a delegation of Philippine Congressional leaders arrived in their SUVs to receive the incoming delegation arriving on express from Tokyo. A red carpet was rolled out and an honor guard from the Constabulary and the Armed Forces was prepared as JAPANESE PRIME MINISTER EISAKU SATO stepped off his jet and shook hands with the receiving delegation. As the convoy of vehicles drove out of the airport and towards MALACANANG PALACE, protestors lined the route, held behind lines of fences and police officers carrying signs demanding "INDEPENDENCE FROM THE IMPERIALISTS", "FREEDOM FROM JAPAN" AND "NO TO SHACKLES ON THE FILIPINO!". The President's staff had warned the Prime Minister's office of the receiving sentiment beforehand, and thus it wasn't much of an issue on the Japanese side. |

| The meetings held between Prime Minister Sato and President Marcos's administration concluded after three days of straight discussions between departmental and ministerial heads as well as between the two leaders at Malacanang. Prime Minister Sato was also given the privilege of addressing a joint session of the Philippine Congress, where the developing economic, financial and political relationship between the Philippines and Japan was highlighted. Since relations were normalized in the 1950s, TOKYO and MANILA had grown closer especially economically, with the Japanese providing significant investments over the years to support the growth of the Philippine economy by way of various infrastructure projects. |

| THROUGH THIS, protests against the Philippine-Japanese relationship and wider "foreign interference" in the Philippines. The National Democratic Movement and other student groups organized protests against the visit by the Japanese Prime Minister, mostly restrained by the presence of METROCOM, the specialized branch of the Philippine Constabulary that had come to be known for their roles in controlling anti-government demonstrations. In the end, however, as SATO departed after the conclusion of meetings, the Philippines and Japan emerged with new agreements for Japan's OFFICE OF DEVELOPMENTAL ASSISTANCE (ODA) to supply funding and investments for the Marcos administration's vast infrastructure plans, which included a multi-million dollar subway system under the Manila provincial area and the surrounding cities that was planned for opening by 1980. |

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Launggyet, Le Equatoria, Zingium

[pre]| MARCH | LIBOSO YA MARS |[/pre]

[pre]| 1971 |[/pre]

[list][list][list][pre]| ꜰʟɴᴄ ★ ꜰʀᴏɴᴛ ᴅᴇ ʟɪʙᴇʀᴀᴛɪᴏɴ ɴᴀᴛɪᴏɴᴀʟᴇ ᴄᴏɴɢᴏʟᴀɪꜱᴇ ★|[/pre][/list][/list][/list]

𝙼𝙱𝙰𝙽𝙳𝙰𝙺𝙰 𝙻𝙰𝚃𝙴𝚂𝚃 𝙲𝙸𝚃𝚈 𝙻𝙸𝙱𝙴𝚁𝙰𝚃𝙴𝙳 𝙰𝚂 𝚁𝙴𝚅𝙾𝙻𝚄𝚃𝙸𝙾𝙽 𝚃𝙰𝙺𝙴𝚂 𝚂𝙷𝙰𝙿𝙴 𝚄𝙽𝙳𝙴𝚁 𝙽𝙶𝙾𝙼𝙰 𝙰𝙽𝙳 𝙺𝙰𝙱𝙸𝙻𝙰

[list][list][sub][sup] | The only man who has genuine qualities of a mass leader is, in my view, [Laurent] Kabila. The purest of revolutionaries cannot lead a revolution unless he has certain qualities of a leader, but a man who has qualities of a leader cannot, simply for that reason, carry a revolution forward. It is essential to have revolutionary seriousness, an ideology that can guide action, a spirit of sacrifice that accompanies one’s actions. | ~ Ernesto 'Che' Guevara[/sub][/sup][/list][/list]

[pre]| As two months have passed since Chairman Ngoma's men had taken over the city of Gemena and established it as the 'revolutionary centre' of the Congolese Revolution, the dynamics and character of the Congolese National Liberation Front had more or less taken shape. Compared to former revolutions, notably the Simba rebellion, the FLNC have been more disciplined, patient, and more focused on productive military struggle. The FLNC being made up of ideologically coherent revolutionaries have prevented the intense factionalism of the Simbas, meanwhile the Armed Wing of the FLNC, the National People's Army (FLNC-NPA) have had extensive ideological training and military fundamentals drilled into them - especially with the arrival of Cuban military advisors who have been training the rebels on modern military tactics - thus preventing the poor military performance of other rebellions. |[/pre]

[pre]| That's not to say that it has been flawless. The FLNC-NPA's soldiers are frequent brothel and bar patrons, the 'Revolutionary Premier' of the FLNC's political wing, Laurent Kabila, is as a foreign journalist describes, 'always drunk, with women, or partying all the time'. The FLNC-NPA has also been quite thuggish in their methods to acquire a stable financial stream, forcing particularly extensive taxes on the populace it controls and taking more than a healthy share of the agricultural produce. |[/pre]

[pre]| Nonetheless, the NPA has never stooped so low as to imitate the soldiers of Mobutu, who has engaged in senseless killings, extortion, and robbery. The NPA may be a little forceful in their tax collection, but they have never executed someone who refused to pay or hurt him in any meaningful way. This coupled with the FLNC instituting various social programs financed thanked to foreign aid from China, the UAR, and Congo-Brazzaville, has allowed them to even gain a level of popularity with the locals who have enjoyed the increased amount of clinics and smooth running infrastructure |[/pre]

[pre]| After extensive reconnaissance and military planning, the commanders of the FLNC-NPA have decided to launch another offensive, this time along the Congo river to the city of Mbandaka. While advancing Eastwards would have been the more efficient and closer route, towards capturing the cities of Lisala and Bumba, the Eastern borders were also heavily guarded compared to the relatively clear route to Mbandaka which was lightly guarded in comparison with only the 7th Division as Garrison of Mbandaka. Compared to the 14th and 15th division who would be facing the rebels should they wish to expand eastwards. The trip would take long, but with newly acquired armor and the guerilla warfare tactics of the rebels based on the Chinese and Cuban revolutions, it would not be too big of a task. |[/pre]

[pre]| Once the FLNC-NPA made its way to the city which was once slated to be the capital of Congo, the rebels went to work with patience and discpline. Using the armour as distraction (and auxiliary artillery) before ambushing the numerically superior soldiers in carefully laid traps with the thick Congolese jungle providing adequate cover. After several hours, the garrison was exhausted and remaining soldiers demoralized and retreating in a humiliating fashion as the rebels rolled over and took the city with efficiency. |[/pre]

[pre]| Within a week, both Kabila and Ngoma made their way to the newly liberated city to proclaim the 'freedom of another city from the tyranny of Mobutu', and went to work on consolidating control over the city by taking over administrative functions and transferring the employment of the city civil servant's into the FLNC, as well as setting up a small police force with the equipment of the city's local police equipment. |[/pre]

[list][list][pre]HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE IS WRITTEN IN IRON AND BLOOD![/pre][/list][/list]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Launggyet, Le Equatoria, Zingium, La Republica Revolucionaria De Cuba

West Indies Federation - March 1971

Trouble on the Homefront

A nurses strike in Grenada is not normally what ends up making front-page news, especially not at this point where the whole nation is eager to listen into the Prime Minister's tour of the world. What made the strike hit the headlines was the response by Grenada's provincial government and police, an immensely draconian retaliation by the state in some eyes and a necessary action for public order in others. Grenada police, armed with tear gas and rubber bullets, fired into the striking crowds in St. George's. The attack wounded several quite severely and 30 of the striking nurses including their defender Maurice Bishop were arrested with charges only placed after their internment.

The government response has elicited immense debate across the Federation on the legality of the action and a punishment for Grenadian minister Eric Gairy. Gairy has seen public scrutiny since his re-election to the position in the 1967 local elections, with his Grenada United Labour Party often butting heads with the establishment of the Federal Labour Party which includes such parties as William's PNM and Manley's PNP. The ULP is by contrast to these two groups a conservative force within the WIFLP, often stonewalling legislation deemed "too leftist" and in the wake of the Black Power Reforms it has been ever more open in criticism to the WIFLP despite going along with reforms on the island. Acting Prime Minister & Attorney General Karl Hudson-Phillips was quick to issue a statement from the Office of the Prime Minister stating that the actions undertaken by police forces was in excess, but refused to directly condemn the minister.

This has been met with criticism in turn by other members of the WIFLP such as Harold St. John of Barbados and Kenneth Foster of St Lucia. The PNM and PNP did not make any official statement on regard to the matter as their party leaders are currently abroad, and no questions have yet been asked of Eric Williams or Michael Manley on the situation. Gairy has responded by stating he did not order the use of tear gas on the protestors, which is doubted, and that a thorough investigation will be undertaken by the government into the police's use of force. The arrested individuals meanwhile are to remain in custody until trial, which is likely to take place around June.

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Launggyet, Zingium

SUDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNG

[sub]A Nation of Truth[/sub]

NATIONAL HEADLINE - SZ

CHANCELLOR SCHOLL ROLLS OUT INVESTMENTS INTO SPORTING IN SCHOOLS AFTER DISAPPOINTING WORLD CUP PERFORMANCE GALVANIZES THE GOVERNMENT

| (FRANKFURT, MAR 1971) -- AFTER A DEVASTATING performance at the 1970 World Cup, where the German national team was halted in its tracks in a contentious game with Mexico for third place, the nation was left shocked at its performance. Indeed, Germany still performed with star quality and with champion level skills, but many in the sporting industry had expressed concerns that the country was increasingly taking for granted its strong position in FIFA, as former world champions. After the national team was halted at the third-place playoffs, Chancellor Sophie Scholl organized a meeting with the West German national team upon their return at the Chancellor's Office in BONN, where she made a statement before reporters commending the national team for their "stellar and consistent performance" and pledging that "Germany will return in '74!". Behind the scenes, the Chancellor also met with top industry experts and a conference of coaches and team bosses from the various regional and state leagues to discuss the state of German football and sporting in general in the country. In the words of one UDO LATTEK, coach for the legendary FC Bayern Munich team, "Germany is in urgent need of an overhaul of how it approaches sports and how it plans to train and cultivate the next generation of players and sports pioneers". |

| Over the next few weeks, the Chancellor also sat down with other popular footballers from across Germany's regional and state leagues as well as with coalition SPD and FDP lawmakers. While Vice Chancellor Willy Brandt criss-crossed the country to discuss the government's new agricultural policies, Chancellor Scholl began the drafting of legislation to re-invest into sporting at schools. On 4 MARCH, the Chancellor held a press conference with seven top coaches in the country, unveiling the National Future in Sports Act, which provided for, among other things, new sports-based scholarships for aspiring students, investments into athletics infrastructure in German high schools, and increased funding and exposure for Germany's sporting industry. "It is our goal to highlight other beautiful parts of Germany, and that includes our thriving sports industry. Not only do we export good governance and the best products in every industry, but we export good athletic skills and deliver powerful performances at every championship we visit". The bill was endorsed by the Social Democrats and the Free Democrats, while the opposition Christian Democrats under the ageing LUDWIG ERHARD expressing concerns with 'excessive spending". Despite this, internal sources have already indicated that several CDU deputies already plan to vote in favor of the bill. |

| Amid continued political instability that continues to plague the Scholl government's ability to pass legislation and make good on their campaign promises, the Chancellor's supporters have expressed optimism that the push to invest in sports will provide a break for the government in terms of publicity. The Chancellor is already blitzing high schools in the Frankfurt area, a traditional CDU stronghold that saw Scholl's DFV help push the CDU below 45% of the vote in the surrounding provinces. The local newspapers were plastered with photographs of the Chancellor's visit to these schools, meeting with local coaches and high school athletics who the Chancellor frequently referred to as the "future of German sports". In the meantime, Vice Chancellor Willy Brandt announced government investments that would support the construction of new, modern stadiums across the country that allow older sports venues to be replaced, and would bolster Germany's ability to host various international leagues and championships. |

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Launggyet, Le Equatoria, Zingium

The Paradise That Never Was: The Rise and Fall of Mauritania Part 1

Fatimetou Mint Mohamed - 2020

| When I hear my people talk about before the war it’s filled with lies and rose tinted goggles. They speak of a society ordered, where every race and group knew its place, and harmony existed between every group as Allah had intended. Then they speak of the so-called barbarism of the Black Moors or the Haratin as is more correct to call them today. They point to the barbarism of their Sub-Saharan ancestors making it entirely impossible for civilization, and that they rose against the rule that had so carefully been lifting them up for generations. Many even go as far to question if they ever truly had loyalty to Islam, or Arab identity or if they were always secretly plotting to return to help their pagan Sub-Saharan cousins.

There are many conspiracies from blaming Israel, the Egyptians (UAR), or even communist subversion from the Soviet Union, but I know these are all lies.

Despite the violence, expulsions,

and the pogroms that followed after the slave rebellion, I know that before this, life was not peaceful or that we all existed in our proper places, for most Mauritanians who weren’t Beydan’s like me, and my family it was brutish and short. Even thought we never owned a slave, and never participated in abusing or mistreating any slave directly we benefitted from the perpetuation of it’s system. My father who was a poor student became a civil servant because of his race, had he run on an equal status? He may have never reached as far as had. Race, and the power structure it perpetuated are intertwined in every success, and every achievement my family has made.

A Failure Centuries in the Making

| Despite the claims of these nationalists and racists, the problems laying at the heart of Mauritania existed long before Communism, Judaism, or even Islam. Slavery existed even among the Sub-Saharan Africans in the region, even if the vehemently deny that fact today.

When Islam entered into Mauritania the more modern caste system we know of today began to develop. The descendants of black moors captured in slave raids became known as Haratin, and their masters the Beydan. Unlike many other societies at the time, Mauritanian slavery actually represented more closely to the America’s chattel slavery than other places. Most slaves were passed matrilineally meaning slaves worked for their mothers and grandmothers family. Slaves were used and traded as a commodity good given as gifts, and contracted out as labor. All profits would of course flow back towards the master.

Even a freed slave had little prospect of achievement. Legally, and socially treated as a slave still, most ended up continuing to work for their masters perpetuating the abuse and cycle. Sadly, young girls were favored targets and used for practices too horrific to mention in my book.

Even Europe did little to halt the slave system. France who colonized Mauritania, treated it as a military outpost territory, largely abandoning the territory to self rule outside of the sparse French garrison. How much of this was due to the logistical difficulties of holding such a vast desert, and how much is due to deliberate agreements between the French government and local emirs like Emir Sidi Ahmad wuld Muhammad of Adrar, and Ahmad Salum wuld Ali of Trarza are unknown. What is clear is that France presented itself as an anti slavery force in Africa, and the largest open air slave pen in the world continued right under their nose.

Independence and Racial Anxiety

| When Mauritania bumbled it’s way into independence in 1960, it did little to solve or make any issues better.

Under President Moktar Ould Daddah, Mauritania became a “socialist, centralist, nationalist and Islamic democracy.” In practice this did little to change anything. While Ould Daddah remains a controversial figure in Mauritania, in our early years he stabilized alot of the racial antagonisms between the White Moors, Black Moors, and Sub-Saharan Africans. Above all, Daddah feared a race war. While laughed off at the time, his predictions would be proven frighteningly accurate.

For now, the Mauritanian economy would be subject to mass nationalizations, placing the nations rich iron mines, and private businesses under the control of the state. While Daddah promised this would establish a more fair system and equally distribute wealth, in practice this meant only his cronies (mostly white moors of the old system) held a legal monopoly on power and wealth in Mauritania.

Slave numbers ballooned at this point as well. While the exact number of slaves in Mauritania has always been a source of historical revisionism to fit partisan bias, anywhere from 10-40% of Mauritanians, a lot of this confusion on exact numbers also is due to the legacy of informal slavery, in which using the mental chains of abusing Islam, as well as legal and economic pressure, freed slaves continued their servitude in all but name. They even often slept and lived in the same quarters as slaves did, making very little difference between the two. The only real difference is their children technically could not be sold off, but if a master commanded, oftentimes families were left little choice.

It should be noted, despite how much attention has been drawn to white moors enslaving black moors, that black moors also enslaved Sub-Saharan Africans, and even white moors became slaves. Oftentimes class, rather than ethnicity drove your status in Mauritania, and the amount of people who were slaves or of a lower social caste was estimated at around 60% of the population, a recipe for disaster.

As 1971 dawn on Mauritania, the situation continued to deteriorate. In the highest halls of power, Moktar Ould Daddah and the Mauritanian People’s Party continued to fear an impending race war, in the fields people continued to be abused and sold like cattle as they had for centuries, and society as a whole remained stagnant. Society danced on a knife edge and all it would take is a single spark to burn the whole nation down. That spark was fast approaching. The Mauritanian Economic Crisis lay on the horizon.

”Ironically, the very “orientalism” that enabled nineteenth-century Europeans to project their own fears and longings upon an unchanging, exotic, and antipodal “East” also led many anti-Western Westerners to romanticize or defend black slavery in the Islamic world.

David Davis, 1990

Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Launggyet, Le Equatoria, Zingium

17 , MARCH , 1971

Wild Idea Of The Chief Of Staff Of The Armed Forces

| Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, General Tun Ibrahim Ismail. A well respected figure in the Malaysian armed forces for his actions during the Japanese occupation when he was serving in the British Special Operations Executive (SOE). But also a figure who had pushed hard for the Malaysian government to go through with purchasing tankettes under his [Tun Ibrahim Ismail] theory that tankettes would prove superior for jungle combat due to their smaller size, lower profile and presuming faster speed. |

| The general would meet with the minister of defence Lee Lam Thye, to have his support in another one of his [Tun Ibrahim Ismail] crazy ideas. That idea being to start a project to develop a indigenous tankette design to be manufactured for use by the Malaysian ground forces. [I]Lee Lam Thye[/I] wasn't convinced in the idea, due to the lower firepower of the tankettes and their actual effective usage in combat. But [I]Tun Ibrahim Ismail[/I] managed to convince the minister by showing only the positive reports given about the tankettes in combat that he [Tun Ibrahim Ismail] had received from the Chief of Staff of the Army.

After convincing the minister of defence, [I]Tun Ibrahim Ismail[/I] went to meet with the supreme commander of the armed forces, Yang di-Pertuan Agong [king of Malaysia] Abdul Halim of Kedah. Using the same tactic that he [Tun Ibrahim Ismail] had used to convince the minister of defence to gain approval from the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. Which was relatively easy, as the very recent Yang di-Pertuan Agong [only ascending to the title in 1970] has no military experience as either a soldier or military command. |

| [I]Lee Lam Thye[/I] would bring the case about the indigenous tank project to prime minister Goh Hock Guan who initially shut down the idea. As the service of the tankettes need further evaluation before they go with such a radical shift in their army armoured units doctrine. That was until Yang di-Pertuan Agong [I]Abdul Halim of Kedah[/I] told [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] the same thing. Which if the Yang di-Pertuan Agong as the supreme commander of the armed forces agrees with the idea. Then the prime minister would follow along and provide full government support behind the project. |

| The project would be titled the "Bumiputra Tankette Program". The program would be headed by Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces [I]Tun Ibrahim Ismail[/I] as it was his idea. He would be in charge of gathering the men he wants to work on the project. In a rather [I]'unconventional'[/I] decision [I]Tun Ibrahim Ismail[/I] would choose not to pull people who have histories in the fields of mechanics and engineering and instead pull people who were part of the maintenance team for tanks and other vehicles in use by the Malaysian army. Men who worked on maintaining things like the GLT-30 [I]Type A[/I], Panzer 1 Ausf A and most importantly the T-32 (Š-I-D) were pulled out of whatever duty they were in at the moment. Just to meet in the city of Shah Alam. The capital of the state of Selangor. This is due to [I]Selangor[/I] status as the industrial manufacturing capital of Malaysia.

These men were picked due to their knowledge on how the tanks and other vehicles they help maintained, so they could use that knowledge to collectively design a new tankette. The only limitations they were given was that the tankette had to be:

[List][I]— a crew of 2

— Have a mass of under 5 metric tons

— A height of 1.64 m

— A length of 2.46m

— A width of 1.4m

— Capable of stopping the penetration of a 9×19mm Parabellum round at a bare minimum[/I] |[/list]

______________________________________________

Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Spain-, Ma-Li, Zingium, La Republica Revolucionaria De Cuba

★ 𝚃𝙷𝙴 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝚃𝙴𝙳 𝙰𝚁𝙰𝙱 𝚁𝙴𝙿𝚄𝙱𝙻𝙸𝙲 ★

[list][list][list][pre]

"𝖥𝖾𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗌, 𝖨 𝖻𝖾𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗏𝖾, 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍 𝖾𝖿𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗈𝗅 𝗂𝗇 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗒𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗅 𝗈𝖿 𝖺𝗇 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗅 - 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗅 𝗈𝖿 𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗅𝖾."

ANWAR EL-SADAT

[/pre][/list][/list][/list]

_________________

[list][sub]𝐒𝐌𝐎𝐊𝐄 𝐀𝐍𝐃 𝐌𝐈𝐑𝐑𝐎𝐑𝐒

𝐄𝐏𝐈𝐒𝐎𝐃𝐄 𝟑[/sub]

[sub][sup]FEB - MAR 1971 - UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC[/sub][/sup]

[list][sub]The routine nature of the Standing Committee meetings clashed with the often more vibrant meetings that happened within the al-Ahram (Egypt's leading newspaper) editors room for Heikal however it was something he would have to get used to. Mohammed Heikal had never been a man for the spotlight, often preferring to influence things from behind the scenes in his tailored American suits and chewing on his Cuban Cigars. Yet his appointment as the Vice-President of the United Arab Republic in late 1970 did mean that he would need to take an active role both within the state and the National Progressive Party. For now he also had the task of protecting Anwar el-Sadat as the sharks in the Standing Committee circled around the newly elected President. For years Heikal served as the government's mouthpiece, a journalist well regarded for his prose and exciting writing, but now he would have to put his years of experience into out maneuvering his opponents.[/sub]

[sub]On the other hand, the bureaucracy and routine fitted a man like General-Secretary Khaled Muhyi al-Din. An experienced politician who rose through the ranks from a position of exile and humiliation to one of true power. However he did share with Heikal a history in the world of journalism, with Muhyi al-Din transforming into a prominent journalist in the early 60s, and eventually heading the Arab Socialist Union (the NPP's predecessor) Press Committee. Only one other thing they shared in common was in their enemies, despite Sadat's reformist tendencies and Muhyi al-Din's own Marxist upbringing, both men and Heikal found themselves in opposition to the Party hardliners, who opposed any sort of reform or progress, mirroring perhaps the Gang of Four in China.[/sub]

[sub]Alongside Heikal, several other Nasserite bureaucrats also opposed the hardliner current, such as Minister of Defense Muhammed Fawzi, who all formed what has been labelled as the 'Nationalist Bloc' which more focused on the development of Egypt under Nasserite lines over any ideological goals or hardline purity. [/sub]

[sub]Khalid Muhyi al-Din lacked allies but he would soon find common ground with Heikal, who both wished to see the hardline group eliminated, though the question of what happens after of course remained in doubt. Nonetheless, the unity of a common goal was a powerful one. Not to mention that for Heikal, Muhyi al-Din and Heikal's main ally, Sadat were also both veterans of the Free Officer movement, and even if little, did help in bounding both together against the otherwise more outsider hardline faction which arose after Nasser took power. This of course wouldn't be the first time Heikal had cooperated with Marxists, Afterall it was Heikal that helped formulate a union of sorts between Marxists released from Nasser's prisons in the 60s and the Arab Socialist Union. [/sub]

[sub]For this alliance, Heikal also brought an unexpected advantage. As the young Colonel Gaddafi has took to his position of Prime Minister, Heikal had been acting as something of a mentor, given his status as a 'Prophet of Nasserism' to many. Gaddafi had latched onto him after Nasser's death, leading to the creation of a special relationship between the two. With Gaddafi bringing with him the general support of elements of the Libyan military and the government cabinet, he could prove a useful asset in the future.[/sub]

[/list]

Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Ma-Li, Launggyet, Zingium

Plots in the Darkness

February, 1971

| Claude Raymond, Lieutenant General of the Haitian Army stood at the head of a massive dinner table. The private banquet hall of Raymond’s benefactor; Eli M. Black, and the United Fruit (recently renamed to United Brands). The banquet hall was elegantly decorated and massive in size, far nicer than anything the average Haitian military officer could afford or expect to see in his lifetime.

Sitting around the banquet table were dozens of petty officers, disgruntled bureaucrats, and hardcore Cantave supporters. Each had their own reason for opposing the state. Some men for money, others to achieve power, and yet some men were purely there for petty disagreements they had gotten into with Magloire and his reformists. This motley crew was rounded up by “unofficial” representatives from the United Brands Company. Of course the UBC could not openly support the intervention, the company itself was in dire economic straits, and its meddling in Latin America coming under increased scrutiny within the United States.

Compounding this was the fact U.S. foreign policy was greatly shifting from upholding business interests in Latin America, to combatting communism, and having a hand in the drug trade. UBC would gamble some of its last resources (between that and the 1975 Banana-gate scandal in the Honduras Coup) on the Haitian coup plot. It was hoped by the UBC that if they influenced the military coup, they may reestablish themselves as an oligopoly over Haiti, which had been waning for years.

Raising his glass to the dozens of participants sitting around the table, Claude Raymond began to speak.

Claude Raymond: ”Friends, and distinguished representatives of our generous benefactors in the United Brands Company. They say every 40 years Haiti enters into a crisis, and the military steps in to save the nation every-time. Yet now the tyrant Magloire wants to dismantle the army our only shield against the chaos brewing, against the socialists eating away at our insides. When we need a strong army, and to present a United Front more than ever, Magloire and his cabal of intellectual technocrats and liberals weaken Haiti in the name of so-called managed democracy. The corporations that have brought stability and money to a Haiti once racked by instability and bankruptcies are being stripped of their positions by greedy state corporations, under the guise of a freed market. In front of us is the opportunity to seize back the day, to put the army and the businesses back into their proper positions of power!”

| Raising their glasses, then officers began to whoop, and loudly and audibly approve. The corporate representatives merely politely clapped, while others scribbled notes to present to Eli Black most likely. Despite feeling a tinge of annoyance, Raymond knew whose strings he danced on, at least for now. After all, a little information and promises was the least he could give for the hefty bribes and support being given to him.

As festivities continued into the night, and the now drunken military men, fat and happy from their night of feasting away on the finest foods, began to depart for the night with Claude Raymond watching over them. Raymond would approach some of the members of United Brands who had abstained from taking part in evening festivities.

Claude Raymond: ”Gentlemen, I hope you’ve had a good time tonight. I know my men can get a little rowdy but they’re loyal.”

Lucson Julien: ”Loyal to whom, Mr Raymond, it seems with just a fancy dining hall, and a decently sized dinner Mr. Black has bought their loyalty.”

| Raymond gritted his teeth, Lucson Julien the Mixed-Race Haitian footstool of United Brands in Haiti. He had risen from a wealthy planters family with his family among the first to stab the dying Haitian Republic in the back and side with the American occupiers in 1890. Unlike every other lapdog for United Brands, his family survived the period and remained wealthy and influential.

Claude Raymond: ”Lucson I certainly hope you enjoyed yourself tonight. It was nice of your owner to let you off of the leash and come to a party like this.”

Luscson Julien: ”Don’t forget, you’re on his payroll as well now too. Just because your strings are invisible doesn’t mean they aren’t there. Keep your dogs in line Claude, and Mr. Black won’t have any problems.”

| With that Lucson Julien and the men alongside him departed, leaving Raymond there fuming and throwing plates against the wall. Soon Julien, Magloire, and even Black would feel his wrath, for too long he had been ignored, abused, and treated like a lackey.

Nippon-Nihon, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Ma-Li, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Le Equatoria

[list][list]SHŌWA 46 | FEBRUARY 1971[/list]

[list][list]未来の国

[pre]A NATION OF THE FUTURE[/pre][/list][/list]

[pre] E C O N O M I C S [/pre]

[list][list][/list][/list]

[table]

[tr] [/tr]

[tr][td][sub][pre]君が代は

千代に八千代に

細石の

巌と為りて

苔の生すまで

[/pre][/sub][/list][/list][/td][td][sub][pre]May your reign

Continue for a thousand,

eight thousand generations,

Until the tiny pebbles

Grow into massive boulders

Lush with moss[/pre][/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

TOKYO BAY — MORNINGTIME

[sub]TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]

| Although it is done with some reluctance, the Japanese are now coming to terms with the fact that their country is now a big player on the GNP stage — with all the responsibilities and successes that come with that title — and that the future has here. Japanese people have a habit of babbling about “someday” when discussing a variety of topics, such as when the country will fully recover from the war, when economic advancement reaches a Western standard, when equality is achieved, and when true confidence in one's talents is attained. They used to argue that we will have to deal with big issues like how much money to spend on social welfare at home and how much to spend on economic aid overseas, as well as how to act as a partner to the United States instead of a ward. “What will our international role be?” is the most important question. The fact that Japan produces more of this and considerably more of that than everyone else is not merely a question of statistics; Japan ranks just behind the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. in terms of gross national product. From October to December of last year, export contracts from Japan increased by a staggering 39% compared to the corresponding time in 1969, and the list goes on. |

| Most of the time, all it takes is standing up straight rather than stooping over yourself. The recent decision by the Japanese to send their Emperor and Empress to Europe in the fall was a sort of national present, nothing of great political significance, but it shows that they feel confident enough now. Just out of pure curiosity and the belief that it would provide joy to an elderly couple, they are going ahead and doing it. Instead of putting off dealing with the big questions until later, they are doing it now. They may not have all the answers, but they are determined to find them as soon as possible. One of the big stories in Asia is the lack of preparation and the persistent sense that the moment has come. |

| Despite not having coolie pay, the Japanese have demonstrated that they can compete well. Will they be able to handle the influx of funds when they have to rebuild Tokyo multiple times to make it unclogged, fight national pollution, provide a Western-style social-welfare and healthcare system to match Western-scale economic statistics, invest trillions more in an outdated road network, and provide halfway adequate housing to accommodate all those electrical appliances. Additionally, they must confront the issue of their own protectionism, which has provided a nurturing environment for their economic growth. Some Japanese officials now believe that Japan should lower her protectionist barriers before the rest of the world feels terrible for her when she faces tariffs imposed by other countries. This shift in attitude occurred only a few years ago, when the Japanese exclusively complained about tariffs imposed by other countries. |

| When it comes to Asia’s economy, Japan is a powerhouse. Compared to Tokyo, Saigon appears to have a higher concentration of Honda motorcycles. Omega and Seiko engage in a battle in Hong Kong. While a Japanese car is certainly a status symbol in Malaysia, farmers in the Philippines listen to transistor radios made in Japan. The Los Angeles Hilton hotel has instructions printed in both English and Japanese, and last year nearly one million Japanese tourists traveled abroad with full pockets. Even if all the airlines in the world are experiencing problems, it would be hard to tell on a jam-packed Japan Air Lines aircraft. The precise nature of Japan’s engagement is one of the more fundamental concerns. Politics in other Asian countries will not wait for Japan to take the lead, the Japanese know. That is one metric by which Japan’s foreign policy is measured; it is contingent upon both her desires and the permissions of others. Officials and journalists from Japan have reached an unusual agreement: doctrinal Japanese militarism, including the samurai sword, banzai, adoration of the Emperor, and the intimidating formation of massed rising sun flags around Parliament, is not going anywhere. The public just won’t have it, therefore they think it won’t happen. |

| Ideological militarism is just one sort, according to a Japanese official. Despite its distaste for militarism as an ideology, the United States maintains an outsized military presence and is actively involved in conflicts throughout the globe. People would beg Japan to build a navy big enough to defend itself if the Seventh Fleet weren’t there. The Japanese navy will need planes, carriers, and perhaps Polaris submarines to safeguard maritime routes far from home. To put it simply, the Japanese just want to be left alone and create money, to summarize Japanese national policy ten years ago. They are still intent on making a profit. But they are among the big GNPs, and they know that the big questions are best left to the entire community of world economics. |

Rutannia, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li, Le Equatoria

[list]1971년 03월 28일

[sub]Panic Room[/sub][/list]

[list][sub]Out in the Open[/sub][/list]

[sub]Gyeongbokgung Palace, Jongno District, Seoul[/sub]

| The once loud hustle and bustle of the Palace had faded, the days seemingly dragged like never before, it was beginning to feel like the end of days. The only thing that seemed to fill the long and empty corridors was the occasional hacking cough that echoed through the halls. Letting out a sigh King Haneul looked down at the handkerchief, the distinctive blood splatter had become a usual sight for him, it still caught many off guard when they saw it. | [list]

[sub]Crown Prince Hee-seung: “Father?”[/sub][/list]

[pre]The word seemingly knocked the King out of his subconscious thoughts as he looked up to see his youngest son, the heir to the throne, standing there, quietly, a weak smile present. The King returned a smile to Hee-seung, he had begun to realise over the past few months that watching your father die slowly while actively taking on more responsibilities must be stretching him thin. He’d been lucky that his father, Prince Imperial Uihwa, had died suddenly and while the monarchy was ‘retired’. He still saw Hee-seung as a young boy venturing out into the world, but seeing him out greeting people and opening the National Assembly sessions shattered the illusion he desperately clinged on to.[/pre][list]

[sub]King Haneul: “Yes Hee-seung? I trust everything is alright?”[/sub]

[sub]Crown Prince Hee-seung: “Of course, it was just difficult to ignore your cough, it- uh, seems to have gotten worse since I last visited.”[/sub][/list]

[pre]There it was, the crack in Hee-seung’s armour, the voice crack that allowed Haneul to glimpse into his son's true feelings, as well as the shattering of Haneul’s own armour. He’d been deluding himself into thinking he’d stabilised.[/pre][list]

[sub]King Haneul: “Ah. Yes. It’s fine though, it doesn’t hurt too much. Most of the time. Anyway, enough about me, how are you holding up?”[/sub]

[sub]Crown Prince Hee-seung: “I am well, it’s been a busy time, lots of infrastructure projects to open, the usual stuff. Although I’ve not heard much from the Prime Minister as of late. I think he enjoys his meetings with you far more than he does me.”[/sub][/list]

[pre]The pair slowly made their way down the halls to a more comfortable and familiar setting in the living room of the private residence.[/pre][list]

[sub]King Haneul: “Well he’s busy trying not to sink next to the tide of popular rabble politics. He’s been a good Prime Minister, but everyone has an expiry date. Even us.”[/sub]

[sub]Crown Prince Hee-seung: “Don’t joke like that father.”[/sub]

[sub]King Haneul: “Well it's true is it not? Hee-seung, you have to accept reality, I may not be here in six months.”[/sub][/list]

[pre]The Crown Prince would let out a sigh, his head resting in his hands, the King seemingly had clung onto humour as a coping mechanism. It wasn’t a bad thing, but it was the dark and self-deprecating parts of that humour that he seemed to enjoy the most.[/pre][list]

[sub]King Haneul: “Moving along from my impending death, how’s the wife hunting going? I know you don’t want to marry yet, but the Kingdom needs an heir and possibly a spare.”[/sub]

[sub]Crown Prince Hee-seung: “Isn’t that what my nephews are for? Besides there’s no one that’s come along that’s taken my fancy, yet.”[/sub]

[sub]King Haneul: “Hm. I’ve heard otherwise.”[/sub][/list]

[pre]The Crown Prince would inhale sharply, refusing to make eye-contact with his father, an awkward silence fell over the pair. The King would simply raise his left brow, a smile on his face, as he glanced at the table in front of him.[/pre][list]

[sub]King Haneul: “Copulating with a man, a Japanese man no less, honestly you think I wouldn’t know? What you get up to in the privacy of your own Palace, however unnatural, is none of my business.”[/sub]

[sub]Crown Prince Hee-seung: “I’m sorry. . ”[/sub]

[sub]King Haneul: “Hee-seung look at me.”[/sub][/list]

[pre]The Crown Prince would turn looking to the King, his face sheepish, unsure what fate seemingly awaited him. The rage he had expected didn’t materialise, his fathers face was neutral, an almost softer look in his eyes.[/pre][list]

[sub]King Haneul: “Did you think I care for you so little that your choice of, company, would matter to me? Yes I find it unnatural and strange, but it’s not exactly unheard of. You are my son, you have been caring and attentive even before I became ill. For the sake of the monarchy, even if not for love, you need to marry, and for goodness sake don’t take the girl for a fool, she’ll be fully aware of your habits regardless of whether you tell her.”[/sub]

[sub]Crown Prince Hee-seung: “I will marry father, I am just not ready to do so yet, and finding someone to understand my choices is difficult.”[/sub][/list]

[pre]Another uncomfortable silence fell over the pair as Hee-seung twiddled his thumbs, refusing to make eye-contact with his father, who seemingly found an interesting article in the paper in front of him.[/pre][list]

[sub]King Haneul: “Do not worry my child, have you seen what’s happening in the west? Societal attitudes seem to be liberalising, won’t be long before you find someone, as the tide of liberalisation reaches our shores. Anyway, how about some tea? My throat is parched.”[/sub][/list]

| Hee-seung nodded compliantly, a relieved expression spread across his face, although the conversation had been uncomfortable, he supposed his father deserved to know. His lukewarm support was reassuring, somewhat, he put it down largely to the fact his father was dying, not wanting to start another family feud. Afterall neither of them had spoken to his eldest brother, Yi Cheong, for several months now. Hee-seung knew his father was right, if he stood a chance of keeping the monarchy alive, he had to find a wife and produce an heir, even if it wasn’t out of love. |

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li, Le Equatoria

[pre]١٩٧١, Maris — March, 1971

Khartoum University Engineering Faculty Building, Othman Digna Avenue, Khartoum, Khartoum Province (Mukata’et Khartoum)[/pre]

[list][pre]The Republic Of Sudan • جمهورية السودان[/pre][/list]

[list][list]COMMUNISTS PURGED BY NIMIERY IN A COUNTER COUP AFTER COMMUNISTS FAIL TO KEEP HOLD OF KHARTOUM IN THE QUIET COUP[/list][/list]

In another episode of Sudan’s spiraling economic and political instability, a year had passed since the tumultuous 1970 election had brought about a chaotic series of events. This national crisis lasting months, following half a decade of turmoil and a degree of public resentment towards the moderate government, had transpired into a disgraced Lwoki Presidency leaving the political scene amidst a Parliamentary gridlock, that had paralyzed the President-Elect and victor of the 1970 election, El Tigani El-Mahi, from creating the coalition needed to form a government. What had first begun as contentions within the coalition government between sitting President Benjamin Lwoki, and El-Mahi’s DUP supporters over the Presidential Position, had escalated to further political infighting amidst the other opposition factions, especially with the Islamist split and the Communist agitation with the moderate government and its state intelligence agencies.

The period of post-election chaos had reached a tipping point with the passing of President-Elect El-Tigani El-Mahi, whose DUP Party was unable to find a successor to the Party leadership, let alone a person qualified to take the reigns of the Presidential Office, without triggering the same sort of Party infighting, that had plunged the Islamists into chaos. By then popular demonstrations on the streets of the capital had called on former President Lwoki to resign, despite the military restrictions and lockdowns that are attempting to establish order and peace amidst the chaos. By the end of the two-week mourning period of El-Mahi, Benjamin Lwoki would answer the calls to restore the democratic transition of power, by effectively stepping down from his position as President, and paving the way for his appointed successor, high-ranking intelligence and military persona Gaafar Nimiery, to create a transitional government aimed at resolving the constitutional crisis, and return democratic elections to the country.

However, many of those who opposed Gaafar Nimiery, his supporters, and the SIRA institutions undertook a large intelligence gathering and surveillance of those considered dissidents to the order of the Sudanese state, Nimiery’s Government in particular. President Nimiery stands accused by the communists, Islamists, and other staunch opponents of the military fraternal authorities that Nimiery had created, of being the primary architect of the years of chaos preceding the downfall of Lwoki’s government, with many even labeling it a bloodless clever coup. Such sentiments by the opposition, especially amidst the recent strifes between rogue Communist and Islamist militias against the military martial law and occupation of Khartoum could set a very dangerous precedent, one that could transpire into bloodshed on the streets of the capital.

But it had seemed Nimiery’s attempt to halt the ensuing backlash to his sudden, and arguably unconstitutional seizure of power had failed to stand in the face of entire divisions of the communist militias now descending on Khartoum. The military had been caught completely off guard and unprepared. Many SDF units within the armed forces had taken part in this insurrection against the Nimeiry Government, giving their loyalties to prominent communist leader and military hero, Hashem Al Atta. As the communist militias entered Khartoum, the confusion and lack of communication between ground forces and the military central command resulted in the army standing there dumbfounded while the communists siege and took over radio stations, transport hubs, government ministries and buildings, and eventually the presidential office itself, while Gaafar Nimiery was away on executive duties in northern Sudan’s town of Wadi Halfa.

By the time the confusion began to settle in, it had become apparent to President Nimiery and his military and civilian loyalists, that Communist Party leader, Hashem Al Atta, with the help of a coalition of leftist militias and armed units embedded within the Sudanese Defence Force, had just successfully couped the Sudanese government with minor to few casualties on the streets of the capital. The military leadership and the Nimeiry government were furious, the chain of discipline and command had been completely caught off guard, the capital city lost to communists “insurrectionists”, and the faith in the country was thrown into further uncertainty. It had seemed, however, that Nimiery’s hold on power would not end with a communist coup, but with the blood of his fellow countrymen laid at the altar of national security.

For the communists, the country, and the international community, the declared President of Revolutionary Sudan, Hashem Al Atta had aimed for the restoration of the democratic state of Sudan, creating with it a transitional council of his own, but failing to garner the support from the other factions in Khartoum let alone in the Provinces. Ironically the communist struggle with creating a government in the few days following their coup had mirrored much of the chaos and public distrust that led to Lwoki’s resignation and Nimiery’s Presidential mandate. However, just as history tended to repeat itself, sooner than some anticipated, the communist hold onto Khartoum would only be days before Nimiery and his supporters in the military and civilian wing would take back Khartoum. As the communists went into defensive positions, a two-day-long gunfight between military loyalists and communist sympathizers on the streets ensued, stacking with it many casualties, especially from the communist side. For days the civilians of the capital were locked in their homes, afraid to leave, in a state of shock at what seemed like the downfall of the Sudanese state, as the battle raged on.

By the conclusion of the battle, Hashem Al Atta, and his two other conspirators in the Revolutionary command, Babiker Al Nour, and Farouk Osman Hamdallah, attempt to flee the capital city and recover their losses with their much stronger base of support in Atbarah, however he would be apprehended by military units near Khartoum University. The power struggle had finally ended, in what could be described as a bloody counter-coup.

As the dust cleared, Nimiery’s return had brought with it a series of purges against communist and leftist supporters and their sympathizers, embedded within the Sudanese Government and its armed forces. This purge was aimed as a signal to the Provinces around Khartoum and the world, that the absolute power of Nimery’s Government has been restored, with the swift delivery of justice under the total order of the Sudanese Defense Force.

Al Atta’s coup was quick, simple, and easy, and had caught Nimiery and the military completely by surprise. However, he and the Communists seem to have underestimated the public support that his attempts at a government would receive. Not to mention, immediately following the quiet coup, Sudan’s neighbors in the United Arab Republic would immediately act against the new communist regime, sending intelligence and arms to back up Nimeiry in his quest to retake the capital and restore his authority. The opposition parties within Sudan itself refused cooperation with the Atta communist faction, and the Provinces were themselves soon going to send their militias to restore the central government for Nimeiry. What followed after however will only lead to the destruction of the legacy that is the Sudanese Communist Party. Despite being the largest and most successful organized communist institution in the Arab world, its prominence within Sudanese society seemed to have been severely undermined by the public, who see the events of the Quiet Coup as a disgrace to the Republic and to the Sudanese people who seek a peaceful transition of government.

The SIRA would collect, identify, and apprehend many of those suspected of taking part in the communist coup. Hashem Al Atta, Babiker Al Nour, Farouk Osman Hamdallah, and other coup planners would all be court-martialed, then executed by firing squad under the charges of treason, a strange similar fate to the same insurrection that rocked the Sudanese State back in 1957, with the Nationalists El-Daein insurrection in Darfur. However, the communists seemed to encounter an even graver consequence for their actions. The list of those executed following the coup was growing by the day. Military officers, communist leaders, and union leaders as well. As a month followed the coup, there were rumors that the Provincial Governor of Berber had ordered his militias to open fire on Union demonstrators in the city of Atbarah, striking fear nationwide that even being a part of the Union could be considered as communist sympathizing activities, these notions could not be helped by Nimiery’s pre-coup policies to limit Unionization, angering many of the communists that have used the Union busting as part of their justification for the coup.

After weeks of paranoia and fear, the Sudanese people would finally regain confidence in being out in public, and confidence in their government. The hostilities seemed to cease, as Nimiery’s Government is planning to consolidate all the political parties into one coalition government, one that shall stand united in the face of communist expansion in the region, especially as many of those who got away with the coup had fled to nearby Eastern Eritrea and Ethiopia, two governments that are swept in a communist spring of their own, putting the Nimeiry government on edge as it suspiciously eyes its neighbors. At the same time, Nimiery’s plans seem to initiate some socialist policies that are aimed at drawing the country closer to Anwar Sadat’s UAR, and Tito’s Yugoslavia, while also seeking to maintain positive diplomatic relations with the United States, and other countries within the western hemisphere. But as the people look forward to the insurmountable task that the transitional government has taken upon itself, just how long will this state of security last for? With the amount of bloodshed spilled as a show of strength and power by Nimiery’s government, how sincere will he be about the transition to democracy?

———————————————

AL-NASRU LENA!

AL-NASRU LE SUDAN!

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Le Equatoria

[list][pre]March 1971[/pre]

[sub][/sub][/list]

[list][list][list][pre]T H E R O A R I N G W I N D S O F C H A N G E[/pre][/list][/list][/list]

[list][pre][/pre][/list]

[list][sub]Humbled before his supporters and working advisors President Bulent Ecevit announced via the Supreme Election Committee confirmation that he will be re-elected President, snuffing out the competition with 86% of the public vote. Voting specifics mimic that in 1966 however, in both the National Assembly Election and Presidential Election, it has not gone unnoticed by political advisors that social trends tend to continue to lead toward more nationalistic idealism. Ecevit has managed to win the hearts of the Western European nations through a gestured smile and firm handshake agreements, which has led to significant economic growth and prosperity the country has not seen since the end of the Second Turkish Civil War.[/sub]

[sub] Relations overall seem steady between the West and Turkey (excluding Greece, which Ecevit calls a political ‘setback’ with an ‘over-emboldened’ demographic. Underscoring “facts” remain that Turkey continues to walk down the path toward reestablishing its geopolitical significance on the world stage, and he now grabs the ears from Washington to Moscow to acknowledge this detail. A few days after winning the election at the Istanbul Technical University, the president made a speech to a handful of students expressing a desire for innovation, self-reliance, and determination. The university is home to the country’s brilliant minds specializing in engineering, manufacturing, and other industries as well as a variety of sectors of special national interest.[/sub]

[sub]|President Bulent Ecevit|- President of The Turkish Republic:[/sub][pre]Our country in recent times has been subjected to the world’s desire for control, power, and influence. It is unequivocal to the status quo and our country has partaken in this desire for many centuries. Nonetheless, the rules of the chessboard remain the same. Self-reliance is the ultimate intent. We shouldn’t mistake ourselves for the third world where pillaging resources is rampant amongst the European and American powers, and we should not be seen as a loyal servant to the Washington conglomerate as portrayed by Japanese incentive tails of economic recovery, which is one of the conditions of reliance and at the mercy of a foreign power. To exert power, you must be willing to use others to grasp it. Our communist insult to the East is a ramification of this political theory and should be seen as a slap in the face to the Turkish identity. Our policies with the non-recognized state of Kurdistan remain as they are, but I think now it is time for others to understand the consequences of pondering such actions. Pain felt is often forgotten, but we must be righteous in reminding those of the feeling.[/pre]

[sub]For weeks the President has been meeting with scholars from the Istanbul Technical University and other government advisors in private meetings to concealed as “info-sessions” in the Political Science and History departments where likeminded individuals would come together to formulate Turkey’s “Congressional Plan” on a foreign policy basis. The CHP continues to form a plan to insert “more economic protectionist policies” on raw materials, food, and resources of grave national interest. To offer government incentives to businesses to the consumers to buy local production instead of foreign-made goods and services. In the same series of bills, an underlying provision is instilled that “government bonds and services will be offered to companies that meet the inquiry of maintaining Turkish self-reliance in the duty of public and national interest.”[/sub]

[list][list][list][spoiler=[sub]Commonwealth of Liberty[/sub]

Ne mutlu Türküm diyene!

—]

Abessinienreich

Adriatican Islands

Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya

Amsterwald

Andorra-

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Astarina

Brazil Toucan

Canovia

Cascadla

Connomia

Earstenia

East Germany Ddr

Falastinyya

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Holy Vatican City States

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Le Equatoria

Lucki

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Monaco-

Mutawakkiliti

Neepal

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Poland1St

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Republica De Cuba-

Rutannia

Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia

Saudi Arabiyah

Slipway

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spain-

Tallahan

The Confederate Prussian Empire

The Kemalist Republic Of Turkiye

The United States Of Africa

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

Zeitenwende

Zingium

[/spoiler][/list][/list]

Holy Vatican City States, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Monaco-, Andorra-, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Ma-Li, Le Equatoria

[list][list][pre]| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X

| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"[/pre]

[list][list][pre]De diversiteit van culturen, van overtuigingen en van praktijken

is de kracht van een moderne natie...[/pre][/list]

[pre]// 01 APRIL 1971, DONDERDAG

BRUSSEL, NEDERLAND //[/pre][/list]

A U D E N T E SㅤㅤF O R T U N AㅤㅤI U V A Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤT H EㅤㅤC O L O U R F U LㅤㅤP I C T U R E

[list]ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ[sub]In the flourishing Dutch economy, guest workers stand as the stalwart foundation, propelling the nation forward and igniting the fires of Lagerlandswonder. Their journey from the far corners of East Asia to the sunny shores of Southern Europe echoes the saga of modern Dutch prosperity. From Lisbon's cobbled streets to Shanghai's bustling alleys, they bring with them a wide range of cultures and labour traditions, weaving their expertise into the fabric of a distant but developed land. As the Royal Government loosens its grip on foreign labour laws, welcoming skilled hands with open arms and even entertaining the notion of citizenship for the eligible, ethnic enclaves burgeon across the landscape. In Amsterdam's Bos en Lommer, the heartbeat of Greek heritage reverberates through its streets, where tavernas and baklava shops paint a vivid picture of Hellenic life. Meanwhile, in the bustling heart of Brussels, Zavel sings the ballad of Italian and Irish labourers, their presence woven into the very fabric of its commercial tapestry. Yet, amidst the mosaic of ethnic hubs, none shine as brightly or carve as deeply as the trio of "Asiatowns" scattered across the Dutch expanse.[/sub]

[sub]Perched upon the southernmost precipice of Brussels, Uccle stands as a beacon of the "Asiatown" phenomenon, where a fusion of East Asian cultures thrives amidst the European bustle. Venture into its embrace, and be enveloped by the warm glow of crimson lanterns adorned with intricate Mandarin characters in shimmering gold. The air dances with the tantalising aroma of soy sauce and sizzling pork, emanating from the plethora of restaurants that line the streets. Here, markets brim with exotic ingredients from the Far East, while bilingual, and sometimes trilingual, signs guide the way through this vibrant range of diversity. Predominantly inhabited by a mosaic of Korean, Han Chinese, and Vietnamese migrants, Uccle epitomises the quintessential "Asiatown" concept, akin to other examples like Hillegersberg in Rotterdam and Czaar Peterbuurt in Amsterdam. Nightfall in these enclaves heralds a symphony of activity, as bustling shops and lively performance venues come to life. The streets pulsate with the vibrant energy of Lunar New Year celebrations, where parades adorned with elaborate floats and traditional Chinese opera performances paint the night with a kaleidoscope of colours. In acknowledgment of the burgeoning Buddhist and Taoist communities, temples have emerged, often juxtaposed with churches, symbolising not only cultural diversity but also a harmonious coexistence of faiths.[/sub]

[sub]Ms. Chang Yu, who arrived in Brussels as a guest worker back in 1967 as a textile manufacturing labourer alongside her family, has woven her life into the fabric of Uccle since her arrival. Reflecting on her journey, she beams with contentment, describing the neighbourhood as not just a place of residence but a sanctuary of warmth and acceptance. "It is a wonderful place to live, we have built our own communities and we are experiencing the prime example of Dutch hospitality," Ms. Chang Yu shares, her voice filled with pride. "Uccle is my home, and it is where I raise my two sons. We live together with the Laotians, the Koreans, the Viets and the Thais, we share our cultures together, we share our streets together. We hold our concerts, our shows, and we sell our produce in our markets. It is truly a second home for many of us, and we are proud to have built a sense of community in our neighbourhood." For Ms. Chang Yu, Uccle is more than a mere address; it's a cherished home where she has brought her family amidst a palette of multicultural harmony. "Our Dutch neighbours embrace us with open arms, they love our food and our culture, they are very respectful and curious. We feel welcomed here," she adds, her eyes sparkling with appreciation. "It is exciting to be in such a cosmopolitan area where a lot of cultures live together in harmony." In Ms. Yu's narrative, Uccle emerges not just as a geographical location, but as a testament to the power of community and the beauty of cultural exchange. And Ms. Yu is just one of the many East Asian gastarbeiders who have a similar experience.[/sub]

[sub]In the ever-evolving tapestry of the Netherlands, diversity and harmony reign supreme, cementing its status as a beacon of unity in Europe. Within its borders, myriad cultures coexist, with the "Asiatowns" standing as shining examples of the nation's cosmopolitan character and contemporary spirit. As Holland strides forward, it emerges as a bastion of tolerance, diversity, and cosmopolity. Its allure as a prime destination for immigrants owes much to its stable, thriving economy and a distinctive culture of acceptance, deeply rooted in its soil. In this land of tulips and windmills, progress knows no bounds, as Holland continues to embrace the ethos of inclusivity and growth, setting the stage for a brighter, more interconnected future.[/sub][/list]

_______________________________________________

[/list][spoiler=[sub]Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor[/sub]

de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Klingenthalerburg

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler][/list]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Le Equatoria

SUDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNG

[sub]A Nation of Truth[/sub]

NATIONAL HEADLINE - SZ

FREE DEMOCRATS UNDER NEW LEADERSHIP PASS HISTORIC LEGISLATION TO BOLSTER GERMAN MANUFACTURING AS COMPETITION FROM ASIA MOUNTS

| (FRANKFURT, APR 1971) -- After HANS KARL FILBINGER won the Free Democratic leadership election, Defense Minister and defeated party leader Wolfgang Mischnick resigned from his position, while Filbinger assumed a leadership position in the governing coalition's Bundestag caucus. The Free Democratic Party had successfully pivoted back to its liberal-conservative, free market roots, ousting over a decade of social liberal advocacy instituted under Erich Mende and his successor, Mischnick. Filbinger's victory marked potential risks for the governing "traffic light coalition", which depended on FDP support mostly to avoid running the margins close and risking a defeat over SPD stragglers. In the weeks that followed, however, the Bundestag has appeared relatively productive, with the Chancellor focusing on her more populistic domestic objectives to pass bills with the support of centrists and some fiscal conservatives. In the period between Filbinger's election and now, the following bills were successfully passed: |

[list][pre]Federal Labor Relations Board Act, formally implementing new rules to protect unions, with exemptions for small businesses and public services,

Freedom of Speech Act, to guarantee the right to protest and the right to freely express one's own opinions,

Future Industrial Incentives Act, allocating tax breaks for businesses engaged in developing advanced and innovative technologies,

Transparency in National Defense Act, providing for greater transparency with defense spending,

Environmental Security Act, providing for the establishment of a National Environmental Security Agency,[/pre][/list]

| Perhaps the most crucial among the bills pushed by the governing coalition was the one authored by the Free Democrats with the backing of the Christian Democrats and the small group of centrist Social Democrats. The bill, dubbed the Filbinger-Barzel Industry Act, aimed to "unleash German manufacturing" by way of investing millions of dollars into advancing German industry, repealing various unnecessary regulatory red tape rules, and incentivizing German businesses to embark upon expanding their foreign market exports. The bill came as the Federal Republic reported lower unemployment and higher export rates than in the past two years, and German manufacturing was, by most metrics, on the rise again after several years of stagnation under Willy Brandt's leadership. As competition from Asia, particularly Japan and South Korea, began to rise significantly in the late 60s onwards, the German government was particularly interested in maintaining Germany at the top of the bracket on manufacturing. |

| The renewed interest in developing German manufacturing was reflected in the schedules of the faces of the various parties. Chancellor Sophie Scholl visited the BMW and Volkswagen manufacturing plants in the greater Frankfurt area, touting her government's support for German workers and for union. Rainer Barzel, the heir apparent to lead the opposition CDU, met with port workers in Hamburg, discussing the need to expand Germany's exports to bolster the economy. Vice Chancellor Willy Brandt, whose record on manufacturing was mediocre at best during his time in government, visited power plants in Bavaria while the elder statesman Ludwig Erhard visited Munich to hold a town hall with voters. Many pundits and analysts commented how the scene much resembled an election campaign, but the Chancellor had told reporters multiple times previously that there were "no indicators" that a snap election would need to be called. |

| Meanwhile, with the backing of the FDP, CDU and with Scholl's government signaling that it would not whip against the bill, the Bundestag passed it with broad support. A period of four years was given for the levels of growth outlined to be seen by many economists, who had broadly offered their support for the bill. Competition with Asia would be maintained by the Germans, through whatever means necessary. |

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Rutannia, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-

[list]1971년 04월 10일

[sub]A Chink In The Armour[/sub][/list]

[list][sub]1971 Legislative Election - The Turning Tide[/sub][/list]

[sub]SEOUL, Rutannia[/sub]

| The ten week long campaign had dragged on, it was one of the longest campaigns in Korea’s short history as a democracy. The National Assembly had not been dissolved until six weeks beforehand, but with the date set parties had been quick off the draw to get leaflets and material out to the public. The campaign had seemingly gotten away from the incumbent National Democrats who throughout the campaign had been on the back foot, the government had suffered several setbacks from the fallout over Yugoslavia; the failure to eliminate poverty; as well as several corruption scandals relating to a couple of the party’s assembly members. Prime Minister Park was seemingly more active than he’d ever been on the campaign trail hoping that his popularity would boost the party’s fortunes in the election. The NDP was comfortably ahead in both the single-district and PR polls, although significantly down from the last election, but the unified SDP-SLP Alliance could prove troublesome as it would only require a small national swing to topple dozens of the NDP assembly members. |

| After all the campaigning it had come down to the day, polls would open across the country at seven in the morning, closing thirteen hours later at eight in the evening. Major figures in all political parties gathered at their headquarters awaiting the close of polls, for the first time ever Korean broadcasters had joined together with several pollsters to create an exit poll. The poll would use responses from 174 polling stations across the country and be weighted according to demographics and then project this across Korea’s 241 single-member districts. Shortly after the polls had closed the broadcasters released the exit poll which gave a range of possible seat shares for the single-member districts. |[list]

[*] National Democratic Party

34-39%, 110-130 seats

[*] SDP-SLP-CCP Alliance

25-30%, 70-90 seats

[*] Workers Party of Korea

12-17%, 14-24 seats

[*] People’s Party

8-11%, 8-13 seats

[*] Democratic Republican Party

2-4%, 1-4 seats[/list]

| Both the NDP and the Alliance camp were ecstatic with the projections, the NDP had been worried that they would possibly encounter greater losses, however the results still indicated that even at the top end of the estimate forty-seven of their colleagues had been unseated. Meanwhile for the Alliance at worst they’d gained thirty-three seats, solidifying their status as the principal opposition party to Park Chung-hee, while also proving the alliance had worked out in the end. As the night went on a clearer picture had begun to emerge as real results began to roll in, by the early hours of the morning the full picture had emerged in the single-districts. |[list]

[*] National Democratic Party - 국민민주당

[sup]Leader: Park Chung-hee[/sup]

37.39%, 121 seats (-8.43%, -56 seats)

[*] SDP-SLP-CCP Alliance - 결연

[sup]Leader: Kim Dae-jung/Kang Song-san[/sup]

31.13%, 83 seats (+15.59%, +59 seats)

[*] Workers Party of Korea - 조선로동당

[sup]Leader: Kim Jong-il[/sup]

14.04%, 14 seats (-8.71%, -13 seats)

[*] People’s Party - 국민의당

[sup]Leader: Kim Hong-il[/sup]

10.45%, 11 seats (+1.92%, +3 seats)

[*] Democratic Republican Party - 조선사회민주당

[sup]Leader: Chung Il-kwon[/sup]

4.01%, 3 seats (-0.67%, -2 seats)[/list]

| The results had been a shock to all, despite the exit poll, the Alliance had nearly reached their overall total compared to the last election in the single-districts alone. The final results of the proportional ballots were officiated but it did not look good for Prime Minister Park and the Government, the possibility that the government would lose its overall majority was looking more and more likely. The Prime Minister would have to find some allies in the National Assembly or attempt to go it alone for the next four years, unless a snap election was called, the options for allies were limited. The Democratic Republicans had been a splinter of the NDP and relations were not good, the People’s Party had formed as an opposition force to the Treaty on Basic Relations signed by Korea and Japan. This would be the headache of the next few days or possibly weeks, could Park manage as a minority or would he be forced to work with a party that had once opposed him. The results of the PR ballots were officially certified by nine the next morning, giving the following overall seat totals. |[list]

[*] National Democratic Party - 국민민주당

[sup]Leader: Park Chung-hee[/sup]

32.85%, 202 seats (-5.33%, -72 seats)

[*] SDP-SLP-CCP Alliance - 결연

[sup]Leader: Kim Dae-jung/Kang Song-san[/sup]

32.16%, 163 seats (+7.35%, +76 seats)

[*] Workers Party of Korea - 조선로동당

[sup]Leader: Kim Jong-il[/sup]

15.47%, 52 seats (-4.97%, -27 seats)

[*] People’s Party - 국민의당

[sup]Leader: Kim Hong-il[/sup]

12.55%, 42 seats (+5.30%, +16 seats)

[*] Democratic Republican Party - 조선사회민주당

[sup]Leader: Chung Il-kwon[/sup]

4.63%, 14 seats (-0.86%, -4 seats)[/list]

| The results were clear cut, Prime Minister Park had lost his majority, it marked a total collapse from the results of the 1967 General Election, although the party had retained its position as the largest party, it had only beaten the Alliance by just over 6% in the single-district ballots, and came worryingly close losing out on the top spot in the regional lists winning by a mere 0.69%. For Park he was left with two desperate choices, either govern alone despite being 39 seats short of a majority (discounting any rebellions) or sign up to govern with the People’s Party. While the People’s Party and the NDP did not seem like natural allies, the pair had both been vocally supportive of the Yugoslavia policy during the crisis, both valued economic growth and unregulated capitalism. While economic policies do not make a government, the economic agenda was Park’s central policy, and allying with a party who held similar values would be key to make a government last long enough for him to rally his own base. While the Alliance could theoretically pull a government together, they have ruled out cooperating with the Workers Party, and the People’s Party are unnatural allies. It will be several days or possibly weeks before Park manages to cobble together a deal, in the meantime Park will operate as a caretaker Prime Minister with limited powers. |

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Formosa-

Julis Monroe Awakens From His Slumber

December 15, 1970-April 9, 1971

Awaking from a medical coma, Julis Monroe would be chained to his hospital bed, doomed to his future fate. A nurse would notify the police officer standing outside his door. The police man would enter the room and read his rights. Julis Monroe would be in shock and dumbfounded by the officer reading his rights. He was almost murdered yet he was being charged with multiple serious crimes. His crime was starting a riot/rebellion and treason. It meant that he would sentenced to death.

In the following days, the media would paint Monroe not as a victim but as man attempting to overthrow the government. The nation in shock and anger. In 10 days, he would be released into police custody and taken to jail to await his trial. In protest Juluis Monroe would strike by only drinking water and refusing to eat food. This time the media would spin his strike not as a innocent man but as a guilty man.

He would appear in front a judge as the trial began. Angry citizens watched their TV's, listened to the radios, or read the newspaper. The South Central African Democratic Forces or SCADF and the Northern Rhodesia Defense Force or NRDF were both on edge ready for each other. The fear and anger were ready to unleash at any moment. The nation held their breath over the next month.

The hope of a innocent man would be crushed. The jury had decided that death was the only option. Guilty in the minds of the government, guilty in the eyes of the Whites and Asians, guilty in the eyes of his rivals, and guilty in the eyes of the media. Yet he was truly innocent only in his mind. He was supposed to executed on April 9, 1971, but the state decided that keeping him alive was the best option in the bush war. He was the state's pawn in a game of chess. In hopes that the government could outsmart the SCADF and the rival communist backed forces both fighting the white minority government. The state handed the rival groups an ultimatum: drop your weapons and you may get Julis Monroe back. Do what you will with him, kill him or protect him, it doesn't matter to us. Only time will tell what will happen but wishful thinking prevails for now.

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Le Equatoria

[list][list][list][pre]RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE

FRENCH BUREAUCRACY

MINISTÈRE DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE[/pre][/list]

______

MINISTRY OF NATIONAL DEFENSE: MARINE NATIONALE WHITE PAPERS

[sub]VTH FRENCH REPUBLIC | PARIS, APRIL 1971 [/sub][/list]

[sub]| HELM OF WARFARE, MINISTÈRE DE LA DÉFENSE NATIONALE, FRANÇAIS RÉPUBLIQUE - | Standing before the National Assembly on April 8th, the esteemed Minister of National Defense, monsieur Michel Debré presented parliament with the latest facts regarding France's navy in a several page report dubbed the "Livres blancs de la Marine Nationale." The report outlined the scope of projects that the French Navy was spending it's portion of the annual defense budget on. The documents also included the Marine Nationale's plans for future ship acquisitions in order to keep France's navy updated and ahead of the navies of it's adversaries. Aside from ship updates, modernizations, and acquisition programs; plans for naval base expansions and defense network updates were are also included.[/sub]

[sub]The French Navy remains one of the premier carrier fleets in the world, second only to the US Navy, which is in the process of building the 80,000-ton Kitty Hawk-class aircraft carriers. Currently the Marine Nationale fields 5 aircraft carriers with the 2 newest being from the Clemenceau-class (32,780 t). Another pair are from the 1958 Verdun-class (45,000 t), while the oldest of the fleet is the formerly British carrier in limited service named Arromanches (18,000 t) of the Colossus-class. Recent news has already come out regarding the French and British effort to build a total of 4 new aircraft carriers under the CVA-01 project. Both fleets will acquire 2 of the 64,000 ton carriers upon completion; with at least 2 or 3 of the aging carriers in the French fleet retiring from service in time between commissioning the ships. The CVA-01 will be able to carry 50 aircraft and like the Clemenceau-class carriers, will be able to host the future (1974) Dassault-Breguet Super Étendard carrier-borne strike fighter as part of France's maritime nuclear strike wing. In the meantime France has just launched it's third out of the six planned Redoutable-class ballistic missile submarines which all together adds a total of 96 serviceable nuclear warheads to France's Force de frappe. These submarines are bolstered by the 25 Daphné-class, 4 Aréthuse-class, 6 Narval-class, and 15 Aurore-class submarines; of which all are diesel electric powered. Plans currently remain for the construction of 13 Agosta-class diesel electric attack submarines which will begin entering service by 1977 to replace the aging Aurore-class submarines. They will enter into service alongside 8 planned nuclear powered Rubis-class submarines.[/sub]

[sub]Moving beyond the big ticket items, the French Navy has also recently launched its second helicopter carrier of the Jeanne d'Arc-class which is intended to increase the French Navy's helicopter airlift wing and improve its anti-submarine warfare capabilities. Defense Minister Debré also noted the navy's plans to acquire 15 additional Suffren-class frigates which are similar in concept to the British Type 82 destroyer. The third ship of its class, the NRF Bourgois was launched in March. The overall mission of the Suffren-class is to serve as anti-air and anti-submarine escorts for the French Navy's aircraft carriers. The newer frigates will serve alongside France's recently revamped fleets of 6 T-53-class and 12 T-47-class destroyers. The Marine Nationale still operates its modernized group of 4 Richelieu-class and 2 Alsace-class battleships and six Colbert-class missile cruisers. Altogether with France's current fleet, naval acquisition programs, and planned ship retirements counted, the French Navy will soon operate a fleet total of 236 vessels with support ships and auxiliaries being counted. This is a considerable decrease in assets compared to past naval records. The Ministry of National Defense's white paper report also includes plans for certain naval base overhauls in Toulon, Brest and Cherbourg, with expansions of the current shipyards to accommodate more ships and the construction of new ones. The French naval bases in Fort Saint Louis (Martinique), Dégrad des Cannes (French Guiana), Le Port (Réunion), Dzaoudzi (Mayotte), Nouméa (New Caledonia), Papeete (French Polynesia), Dakar (Senegal), Djibouti (Djibouti), Moroni (Comoros), and Port Louis (Mauritius) are set to begin with overhauls of their current defenses, being equipped with more up to date radars and in some cases, experiencing minor port expansions in order to accommodate more and larger ships of the Marine Nationale.[/sub]

[sub]Overall according to Defense Minister Debré's reports, the French Navy is moving forward into the modern age and must remain at the head of its game alongside other navies in the NATO alliance in order to counter the Soviets and perhaps the Communist Chinese one day. The French Navy is a vital asset to France's wartime capabilities and according to most of France's top brass, it must not only be able to give the enemy a run for its money, but come out on top. This also comes as the Marine Nationale begins to value quality over quantity in terms of its vessels; looking to build ships that will have a much longer service life and be able to adapt to a variety of mission requirements. While the navy continues to add new ships to its fleets, it will over time continue a slow downsizing by scrapping or selling older and outdated ships in order to make way for the more expensive and yet more capable next generation of ships.|[/sub]

[list]______[/list]

[list][list][pre]VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!

VIVE LA FRANCE!

VIVE L’EMPIRE![/pre][/list][/list]

[list][spoiler=[sub]𝐄𝐌𝐁𝐑𝐀𝐂𝐄 𝐅𝐑𝐀𝐍𝐂𝐄

𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘[/sub]]

Abessinienreich

Adriatican Islands

Afghanistan Dra

Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya

Alwaynia

Amsterwald

Andorra-

Arcanda

Astarina

Batallon De Dignidad

Brazil Toucan

Canovia

Cascadla

Connomia

Cristobalera

Earstenia

Formosa-

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hollunde

Holy Vatican City States

Hong Kong Delta

Independent Singapore

Indonesian Federal Peoples Republic

Israelli

Kotakuan Ii

Litaurum

Lucki

Luralsk

Maziya

Medarc

Meerkien

Metropolitan Francais

Monaco-

Mutawakkiliti

Nasrid Algeria

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Ngiera

Nileia

Niwae

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Osivoiii

Paramountica

Paseo

Poland1St

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata

Rudnatia

Rutannia

Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia

Saudi Arabiyah

Skonhedens Land

Slipway

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Southyemen

Spain-

Starsight

Tallahan

The Confederate Prussian Empire

The United States Of Africa

Ukreyn

United Jericho

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnahm

Virnall

Zeitenwende

Zingium

[/spoiler]

Alwaynia, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Holy Vatican City States, New Provenance, Monaco-, Andorra-, Maziya, Spain-, Le Equatoria, Zingium

[list][list]SHŌWA 46 | APRIL 1971[/list]

[list][list]富士山の麓の汚染

[pre]POLLUTION UNDER MOUNT FUJI[/pre][/list][/list]

[pre] G R O S S N A T I O N A L P O L L U T I O N [/pre]

[list][list][/list][/list]

[table]

[tr] [/tr]

[tr][td][sub][pre]君が代は

千代に八千代に

細石の

巌と為りて

苔の生すまで

[/pre][/sub][/list][/list][/td][td][sub][pre]May your reign

Continue for a thousand,

eight thousand generations,

Until the tiny pebbles

Grow into massive boulders

Lush with moss[/pre][/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

TOKYO BAY — AFTERNOON

[sub]TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]

| On the marshy shores of Tokyo Bay, 500 years ago, Japanese poet OTA DŌKAN built his castle and with the emergence of the small town, OTA wrote a poem. Nowadays OTA DŌKAN’s poem is unfortunately remembered with sadness. His city has become the most populous — and most polluted — capital in the world, inhabited by 11.4 million people. Pollution is harming the legendary pine trees. Tons of harmful industrial waste are being dumped into the sea. Tokyo residents lament that towering Mount Fuji, beneath clouds of sulfur dioxide, shows its face only one day in ten. As elections approach in Tokyo — and in thousands of towns, cities, and prefectures across Japan — pollution has become the capital’s No. 1 problem. Soft-spoken academic, former economics professor, and Tokyo Governor RYOKICHI MI-NOBE, 67, will run for re-election on the slogan: “Give Tokyo its blue sky back!” MINOBE’s rival for the governorship is AKIRA HATANO, 59, a former police chief handpicked by Prime Minister EISAKU SATO and his Liberal Democratic Party. HATANO will run on SATO’s promise that if he wins, the government will invest 4 trillion yen ($11 billion) to make Tokyo a city that can breathe clean air once again. |

| HATANO hired urban planners, architects, sociologists and economists to develop a grandiose project. Called “Hatano’s Vision,” his plan is based on creating underground canals to accommodate subways, motor vehicles, sewers and earthquake-resistant housing complexes connected to shopping centers by highways. Everything would be interconnected with green belts and leisure areas. The most daring project was that of 1960, by architect Kenzo Tange, which would extend the city over Tokyo Bay. It attracted worldwide attention, but did not receive as much attention at home. As part of Japan’s cultural life, Tokyo has five symphony orchestras, attracts the largest number of artists in the country and has a large university population. |

| Most of the city’s problems stem from the post-war economic miracle that saw Japan rise to the world’s third-largest economy, behind the U.S. and U.S.S.R. Lured by the promise of jobs, thousands upon thousands of farmworkers moved to the city, overwhelming public transportation, jamming highways, and creating a housing shortage. The steel mills, shipyards, and chemical plants that provided jobs for these same workers contaminated waterways, beaches, and the air. No laws have yet been enacted requiring emission devices on automobiles. Oil from the Persian Gulf, which contains a high sulfur content, is used by most factories. Only 40 inspectors were hired to check pollution in Tokyo’s 10,000 factories. Although the Japanese Diet has approved 14 anti-pollution measures, including the power to incarcerate offenders as criminals, Sato still lacks enthusiasm for implementation, likely for fear of alienating big business since they are major contributors to the party. The most debated problem in Tokyo is pollution, but it is just one of many. During peak hours, despite a punctual and rapidly expanding communications network, subways and trains are filled to 250% to 300% capacity. Many urban neighborhoods are sinking below sea level at a worrying rate because companies have drained too much water from underground waterways. |

Rutannia, Amsterwald, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li, Le Equatoria, Zingium

Jaan's words hung heavy in the frigid air, each syllable a shard of ice against the tense silence. As he finished, a flicker of nervous energy danced in Marek's eyes, quickly extinguished by a steely glint of determination. Valdur, ever the pragmatist, adjusted the straps of his backpack, the faint clink of tools a counterpoint to the wind's mournful song. Aino, her face an unreadable mask, tightened her grip on a battered briefcase. Mikk, his weathered face grim, simply hefted his rifle a notch higher.

The pre-dawn sky began to bruise with the promise of a coming sunrise, casting an eerie, blood-red glow on the scene. It was their cue. With a silent hand signal, Jaan led the way, his boots crunching on the frost-rimed debris. They moved like phantoms through the labyrinthine ruins, Valdur navigating with the practiced ease of a man who knew these shadows intimately.

Reaching the pre-determined point, they flattened themselves against a stack of rusted shipping containers. The harbor, a maze of docked vessels and cargo containers, offered a strange comfort. Its compact size, while limiting their overall target range, also provided a network of shadows for them to navigate unseen. Valdur, his knowledge a life-saver, expertly weaved them through the metallic labyrinth, leading them towards a lone fuel tanker – their designated target. Aino followed close behind, her eyes scanning the surroundings with a vigilance born of grief and purpose.

Reaching the tanker, Jaan felt a surge of nervous anticipation. This was the moment they had trained for, the culmination of months of meticulous planning. Aino expertly placed the satchel at a designated point, her movements precise and practiced. With a final, lingering glance at the ticking timer, she slipped away like a wraith.

Jaan took a deep breath, the icy air filling his lungs. With a nod to Mikk, they retreated back into the labyrinthine maze of the docks. The seconds ticked by with agonizing slowness. Then, a deafening roar shattered the pre-dawn calm. The fuel tanker erupted in a ball of orange flames, the inferno lighting up the night sky like a monstrous pyre.

The chaos was instantaneous. Alarms blared, searchlights stabbed through the smoke, and shouts echoed across the docks. Jaan and his team, their faces grim with satisfaction, used the ensuing pandemonium to melt back into the shadows. They had delivered their blow, a message etched in fire for all to see – the Forest Brothers were back, and the fight for Estonian freedom was far from over.

As they disappeared into the maze of the city, the first rays of dawn peeked over the horizon, painting the smoke-filled sky with streaks of gold and crimson. A new day had begun, and with it, a flicker of hope for a nation yearning to be free.

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li, Le Equatoria, Zingium

West Indies Federation - April 1971

The Grand Diplomatic Trip - Part III

The final leg of the 3 month tour that Prime Minister Eric Williams had ventured on to bring about a new era of West Indies diplomatic and economic expansion into territories traditionally thought of as possible enemies. Now entering the heart of the eastern bloc, the PM will arrive in the Soviet Union and People's Republic of China for yet another monumental set of deals to bring the east to the west indies. Ending off the trip Williams will then arrive in Japan for negotiations with Tokyo.

Heart of the Revolution - U.S.S.R.

Landing in Moscow to the immediate meeting with Alexei Kosygin at the airport, the PM was treated to an elaborate entrance with a band from the Red Army. The talks between Williams and Kosygin in the kremlin then began on the matters of economic cooperation, research and investment. The results would be the start of one across the entirety of the three nation he would visit. With a mutual agreement scored, Russia and the West Indies will now trade in asphalt, fertilizers, manganese and oil in addition to an industrial cooperation initiative to help establish further oil refining capabilities in the Caribbean.

The Soviets also agreed to a joint tourism and study agreement which established travel links for the two nations and an organization dedicated to giving students at the university level in both countries the chance to study in the other. Soviet citizens can now expect to enjoy the warm beaches of Jamaica and vice versa. These agreements have put the USSR into a place among the major members within West Indies cooperation, though not yet at the level of the United States or United Kingdom due to the existing ties, the Soviets and the West Indies are sure to expand on this in coming years. Now it was off to Beijing for the Prime Minister and his team.

The East is Red - China

Upon arrival in Beijing the Prime Minister was met with a warm reception and ceremonial walk past the PLA guard, meeting Chairman Mao and representatives of the Chinese government and making a tour through the capital city. The meeting continued into the halls of government with the PM and his associates hammering out a new set of agreements with the Chinese, culminating in a recognition of the People's Republic of China as the representative of China. The government in Port-of-Spain concurrently released a statement detailing the exact meaning of the declaration that nations must understand so as to avoid any form of diplomatic incident. Mao and Williams agreed to an opening of trade relations and a roadmap for further cooperation in matters of culture and economics.

The Rising Star - Japan

Even before William's plane set down in Tokyo airport, one could see just how much the island nation had changed in a few short years. Now one of the busiest locations in the world, the PM was greeted with a display of hospitality not seen even in London or Havana. Greeted by Japanese PM Sako, Williams was now able to see the culmination of what many are calling an economic miracle. Japan's move towards a social democracy is one that inspired a great deal of members within his own WIFLP to enact similar reforms during the height of the Black Power Uprising, which now can be seen to attract investment from several countries including where he is now.

Through welcome negotiation with Tokyo, Japanese investment can now begin to enter the West Indies through cooperation with a newly formed Japan-Caribbean Investment Bank to operate from, alongside deals on cultural exchanges and trade of West Indies luxury goods to support the industries of the Federation. Most interestingly was the establishment of the Ministry of Education scholarship into the West Indies to encourage students to study abroad in Japan for undergraduate, postgraduate and research level courses. Similar to the deal made with the Soviets, the deal is far more comprehensive and it also allows West Indies students to attain full education in Japan, rather than simply going to attend a joint study as with Russia.

Conclusion of the Grand Diplomatic Trip

With new relations forged, ties between the world and the West Indies have grown closer together. A few minor hiccups arose, but nothing that jeopardized the intent or the result of the trip as a whole. Crucially, this trip along with the reforms has saved the image of the Prime Minister from the blemishes placed upon him by the Black Power Uprising and his earlier failings to control a rapidly industrializing society. The trip has also given the government insights into the rise of these great powers, old and young alike, and how integration of all these practices can direct the West Indies Federation down a path of growth and development the region the likes of which the region has never seen.

Paramountica, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li, Le Equatoria, Zingium

APRIL , 1971

Emboldening Of The Local Administration System

| Designed as an extension of the [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55490236]1971 Revised Local Administration Act[/URL]. [B]Ahmad Boestamam as the [I]minister of[/I] Local Government [I]& Housing[/I] with some guest writing from his fellow minister and party member, Minister of Agriculture & Cooperatives [I]Abdul Rahman Yunus[/I]. They would draft the 'Sublocal Administrative Unit' Bill. |

| The bill declares:

[List][I]Section 1

[B]— Townships, cities and villages will have "sublocal administrative unit".

Section 2

[B]— The sublocal administrative unit in townships and cities are the "Manufacturing Units". Albeit the term Manufacturing Units is a umbrella term as each manufacturing industry (example: textiles and steel) will receive its own unit term.

Section 3

[B]— The Farming Units which were established by the [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55513726]Agrarian Solution Act[/URL], would be the sublocal administrative unit in villages.

Section 4

[B]— The power that the sublocal administrative unit have are very limited. They can only make changes to what methods they use for production, what to do with the excess productions and how they plan to export their production to the market. The rest is whatever law was created by the local government or state government or federal government, that they must follow.

Section 5

[B]— The communal homes established by the [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55033582]Necessities Of Man Act[/URL]. Those located within villages and towns. Would receive the title of sublocal administrative unit. With the designation of "Communal Residence Unit".

Section 6

[B]— Due to the nature of the Communal Residence Unit as a non-producer of product. The power each [Communal Residence] unit possess is that of making deals with local enterprises that'll benefit their commune, instead of purely relying on federal handouts like the communal homes in cities.[/I] |[/list]

| A second bill would also be drafted called the 'Local Administration Designation' Act. This act drafted by [I]Ahmad Boestamam[/I] details that:

[List][I]Section 1

[B]— A district is defined by the state government.

Section 2

[B]— A municipal is defined by either a alliance of cities, towns and villages or cities, towns and villages highlighted by the district or state government as important enough collectively that they need to receive a municipal level government.

Section 3

[B]— A city is defined by having a minimum population of 100,000 and a annual income of 4 million ringgit.

Section 4

[B]— A town and village are defined by having a population less then 100,000. But what differs them from each other is that a village will have a agrarian based economy meanwhile a town wouldn't have agriculture as a major parts of its economy functionality.[/I] |[/list]

| Both bills were presented towards the cabinet to receive approval. While both bills had barely managed to make it passed legislation. Prime minister Goh Hock Guan was approached by his deputy, S. P. Seenivasagam telling him [Goh Hock Guan]

[List][I]" The hard-line leftist within cabinet are beginning to influence too much of the nation, we need to reel them back into line. "[/I][/list]

But Goh Hock Guan[/I] retorted by stating that if they begin forcing the leftist hardliners within cabinet to fall back inline, to a much more safer and less radical policy making. Then what makes them [the DAP and PPP] any different then UMNO which had previously, deliberately suppress the leftist from attaining power in government through democratic ways and those who did get into government had their reforms shut down. [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] would say:

[List][I]" We need to set a example for future generations that Malaysia will not be a nation of ideological us against them mentality. But a nation of ideological tolerance, where leftist and western ideas will still have a place in policy making. As to not shut down potentially bright minded individuals from proving themselves. "[/I] |[/list]

______________________________________________

Paramountica, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Spain-, Ma-Li, Zingium

[list][pre]APRIL of 1971[/pre][/list]

[pre]THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS

Союз Советских Социалистических Республик[/pre]

[pre]GENERAL SECRETARY ALEXEI KOSYGIN VISITS THE WESTERN SSRs IN BID TO CULTIVATE ONE SOVIET IDENTITY AND ECONOMIC GROWTH[/pre]

[pre]ГЕНЕРАЛЬНЫЙ СЕКРЕТАРЬ АЛЕКСЕЙ КОСЫГИН ПОСЕЩАЕТ ЗАПАДНЫЕ ССР С ЦЕЛЬЮ КУЛЬТИВИРОВАНИЯ ЕДИНОЙ СОВЕТСКОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ И ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОГО РОСТА[/pre]

| [sub]The bombing of a port facility in Estonia had shaken the local government into sending appeals to the central government in Moscow for assistance. The immediate response in the days and weeks that followed was a stepping-up of counter-intelligence operations and the deployment of more police officers to secure key facilities and buildings across the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic. By mid-April, however, the Estonian press was flooded with the announcement that General Secretary Alexei Kosygin, one of the most powerful men in the world, would be visiting the western SSRs, first visiting Estonia, before traveling through Latvia, Lithuania, Byleruthenia and Ukraine then concluding his trip in the Caucuses. The trip, officially, was to tout the Moscow government's policy of boosting central government support for the development of the SSRs, and to bring state voices into the national conversation, but unofficially was also to display a show of force, strength and unity in light of recent developments that could prove destabilizing to the Union. Naturally, the Soviet security services had already acted, apprehending figures exposed to be involved in pro-sovereignty movements in Ukraine and Estonia discreetly, but Kosygin's policy had long been to "to the greatest extent possible secure the support of the people through genuine means".[/sub] |

| [sub]The General Secretary first visited Narva, a port city that had recently been subjected to a bombing, officially as a result of an accident but unofficially as a result of an attack by an organized resistance network. Soviet security services had gone in immediately after the attack, moving to identify, expose, and apprehend those involved, but the General Secretary had expressed his "strong interest" in visiting the area despite objections from the security services over safety concerns. The reception was lukewarm, with crowds gathering along the streets as Kosygin's motorcade passed by. A visit was made to the city's main square, where Kosygin stepped into a variety of local Estonian businesses and homes, speaking mostly in Russian but also, in a historic move, offering rudimentary greetings in Estonian. Kosygin had pioneered this kind of governance, more akin to the retail politics in Western democracies. An ardent reformist, he believed firmly in the need to reach out to communities across the country if they wished to uplift the Union and its various peoples through socialistic ideology. A brief visit to the damaged port facilities also took place, which coincided with meetings with local government officials who stood side by side with the General Secretary and the delegation of Kremlin ministers for photographs, before the trip concluded and moved on to Tallinn, the Estonian capital. Crowds there were much larger, the cheers much louder, and the visit more hotly anticipated. Kosygin made several public speeches, this time visiting several local schools and institutions of education, touting his government's "commitment to the development of one Soviet identity while respecting the unique histories and traditions that bind all of us together as one Union". That had long been the policy of his government - developing the "one Soviet identity" while allowing for more relaxed rules with regards to regulating local history and tradition, in the name of defining what it meant to be Soviet: a collection of identities and cultures, bound together ostensibly for a more equal world.[/sub] |

| [sub]The trip then snaked southwards by train, with the delegation stopping in the towns of Rapla and Parnu to talk about agricultural policy, before crossing the border into Latvia for visits to Valmiera, Riga and Jelgava. The delegation then moved by aircraft to Klaipeda, along the Baltic coast, then eastward to Kaunas and Vilnius, before a brief stop westward to Kaliningrad. The focus of the Latvian stops were largely on agricultural policy, with an emphasis made on the Kremlin's committed support to making exporting much more easily accessible for Soviet farming communities, in a bid to bolster their standard of living and strengthen Soviet agricultural exports abroad. Lithuania and Kaliningrad's were security focused, with disappointment expressed in the port attack in Estonia, meetings with Lithuanian members of the Soviet armed forces, and observations of local military exercises near Jonava, northeast of Kaunas. Throughout the trip, some crowds, naturally, were artificial, but there was a great many genuine onlookers. Kosygin was by many metrics one of the most popular Soviet leaders since the nation was born at the end of the First World War, especially in the western SSRs, where he had supported a great many investments into infrastructure and general economic development.[/sub] |

| [sub]The delegation then flew by plane into Minsk, the capital of the Byleruthenian Soviet Socialist Republic, where General Secretary Kosygin met with local trade unions and blue collar workers and touted the Soviet Union's "never-ending and eternal support for the protection of our workers and the empowerment of the unions", contrasting them with the lack of support for workers and unions in Western nations. There was a brief visit by train to the eastern town of Mogilev to discuss rural development policy, before an aircraft flew Kosygin and his delegation down to the largest city along the trip's route - Kyiv. Walking along the Dniper River with members of the Ukrainian SSR's governing apparatus and top local Party officials, Kosygin touted party unity and national unity here. He also discussed the importance of merging the various cultures that existed within the Soviet Union into one great Soviet identity, which he described as one of the priorities of his tenure in office. Efforts continued since his assuming of power to reconcile cultural differences and provide respect to local traditions while weaving those traditions into the wider narrative of Soviet unity and singular Soviet identity. Kosygin then rode a ferry to the energy town of Zaporizhzhia, where he visited a local power plant and discussed the "great potential" of nuclear energy, followed by a plane trip to Kherson and Odesa, where shipbuilding was the focus. There was then brief visits to Sevastapol to meet with Soviet Navy officials and personnel, then a visit to Yalta where veterans of the Great Patriotic War were commemorated. A brief plane trip then took the delegation to their final stops in Krasnodar and Sochi, where oil was the predominant focus.[/sub] |

| [sub]The entire trip was, of course, heavily publicized and focused upon by the Soviet media. Local and national newspapers kept readers nationwide up-to-date with photos of Kosygin and top Kremlin ministers in a variety of situations and settings. Privately, it was an obvious effort to boost the government's PR and set the stage for the next stage of reforms expected to be implemented in 1972, with the next Five-Year Plan. Publicly, it was an expression of the government's genuine commitment to reform, since such a well-publicized and localized visit by a General Secretary had not taken place to this scale before. There were, of course, still some grumblings. Many conservative members of the local Communist Party branches were skeptical and unmotivated to meet with the reformists from Moscow, but centrists and reformists welcomed them enthusiastically. There were still divisions between ideologies to heal, after all. The trip was concluded by the end of April, and had spanned a majority of the month.[/sub] |

____

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Arcanda, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Skonhedens Land, Le Equatoria, Zingium

The Second Revolution

[pre]| Chapter 1: Divide and Conquer |[/pre]

[sub]March - April 1971[/sub]

________________

Something had changed in the mind of General Secretary Salah Ben Youssef. For the past 11 years, Tunisia had been ruled by an increasingly iron and paranoic fist, slowly acting in the interests of himself rather than the masses which he saw as their disciple in the highlife of Tunisian politics. But by March 1971, he saw the need for something which had happened in 1959, a political revolution. While his rise to power in Tunisia wasn't a bloody coup, more so a sluggish and brutal game of political cat and mouse, the impotence of the Tunisian Socialist Party and the proclamation of a socialist republic on the 1st of June 1959 had been slowly lost. Youssef knew that he couldn't afford for the masses to see the TSP as a vanguard elitist party, something it had very much become in the last 5-6 years, and if he was to gain the parlour and popularity for what he once had those years ago, he would need another revolution.

He knew that there were a few senior members in the central committee who were scheming to try and sway policy to a more reformist stature, whether that be to a more command-based model or a more liberalised format, and so if he truly wanted to ignite the fires that once were in the party and to the masses more importantly, Youssef had his scapegoats. But this revolution was to be one of suppression rather than incitement and had two key reasons behind it - power and control. On a personal level, this "second revolution" allowed him the chance to tighten his grip on power even further, rooting out those who underneath everything, opposed him and his rule. To a wider level, it could ignite the spirits of 1959 and in turn, regain the sense that the TSP and the General-Secretary were true socialists and for the people men. But to root out the opposers and the submitters, Youssef looked to use the old-age tactic of divide and conquer. If he could put one man against another, a false bid for more power and influence, it allowed him the time and scapegoats to push onwards.

For this, he firstly would empower his most loyal subject within the central committee, that being Bahi Ladgham, who commanded Tunisia's military and a key figure within Tunisian Politics in general, to use the TPA as a tool of political suppression, but not just to the opposition on the ground and the streets, but to political opponents and those who the General Secretary viewed as. He speculated that Party Chairman Mahmoud Messadi was very much a supporter of reformist policies concerning education and democracy, for before he entered politics, had been a supporter of Tunisia's short-lived democratic movement and very much reluctant to pursue the ideological conditioning of the 1970 Reforms. Not only this, but he was a popular figure amongst much of the non-political membership Tunisian Workers’ Union and could be deemed as an alternative to Youssef. To try and root out his opponent, he created a new People's Ministry of Education (PME) which would be filled with ideologically loyalist members of the party and look to administer the educational policies of Messadi.

By mid to late March, the time had come. The constant undermining of Messadi's position and authority now looked to force his true voice out. He ordered Ladgham to arrest members of the senior civil service who were directly under the chairmanship of Messadi, falsely accusing them of being traitors to the revolution and the active promotion of "Western ideals". Quickly following this, General Secretary Youssef denounced now-arrested civil servicemen and suggested that it had been Messadi who had looked to undermine the PME's policies and therefore undermining the revolution itself. It was calculated and merciless. Now with the clear scapegoat in his tracks, the Tunisian People's Army arrested what they were going to make out to be 3 key allies of Messadi, that being the Senior Minister for Education, Deputy Speaker of the People's Assembly and the Deputy Minister for Education. In a public statement, General Secretary Youssef now publically called for Messadi to resign and in a matter of a few weeks, Messadi's political future had been dismantled.

Now to the final days of March, Messadi's key allies had been arrested and imprisoned, replaced by ideological yes-men from the lower quarters of Tunisia's political structure. Youssef announced an emergency assembly with a single favour - a vote of no-confidence in the Party Chairman. This was not only an ousting, but an ousting from theoretically, the people. Unexpectedly, no man fell out of line Messadi was officially ousted from the chairmanship and Ladgham was to be given the additional role of Party Chairman, although the educational policies would be shifted over multiple figures in the CC.

The first part of the Second Revolution was a success. He had a clear starting scapegoat and ousted what he deemed to be a rising political rival. Now, with an ideligcally-strenghend Central Committee, Youssef looked to outflank those remaining via a systemic purge, boosted by a remedy of propaganda and a rejunivination of the feeling of a revolution. Salah Ben Youssef's grip was going to tighten even more as he pursued his goal of ultimate power in Tunisia.

Paramountica, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Ma-Li, Le Equatoria, Zingium

[sub] APR 1970[/sub]

[list][list][list][sub][sup]REPUBLIC OF CHINA | 中華民國[/sub][/sup]

[pre]𝙼𝙸𝚁𝙰𝙲𝙻𝙴𝚂 𝙰𝙽𝙳 𝙷𝙸𝚃𝙼𝙴𝙽

奇蹟與殺手[/pre][/list]

G[sub]eneral Hau, now Premier-General Hau, had adjusted surprisingly well to his new position as the head of government in Taiwan. Despite his almost exclusively military background, his political acumen and long times spent with Chiang Kai-Shek as the Generalissimo's camp-de-aide had given him enough foundation from which he could begin ruling. While the shift to a military government from civilian one did lead to an initial drop within the economic market as some investors were worried, General Hui managed to reassure the various financial interests of these businessmen would be protected, in fact the economy had continued to grow at a healthy pace as the military government inspired stability through some less than subtle methods when it came to dissent.[/sub]

[sub]For Taiwan's business elite, their worries turned into delight once they got used to dealing with the military government which not only supported them, but played an active role in encouraging their growth through cutting red tape and favoring private contractors over state ones when it came to infrastructure projects and projects of importance. Within a few month, the military government had the Taiwanese business class in its pocket, and they pledged patronage to their new Shogun. However favoritism and growing their stature was not enough, for the military government had more ambitious plans.[/sub]

[sub]Within international economics, there has always been the legend of the 'Economic Hitman'. The Economic Hitman is the modern assassin of the financial world, wielding immense power within his hands to influence governments and orchestrate complex economic deals with various nations. Taiwan's entanglement with modern financial institution had given it plenty of experience with these hitmen, however a combination of its strategic important to the US and sound financial development stopped it from being trapped within the debt bubble that plagues nations that are hit by these institutions.[/sub]

[sub]However, these hitmen and by extension the institutions they belong to are also quite lucrative in their gains, not financial but in soft power and influence. For the military government in Taiwan, as the world pivots towards the recognition of the People's Republic of China, its role is in question. It has to reinvent itself in geopolitics, its status as a bulwark against Communist expansion no longer relevant given China's opening up to the West. It must carve for itself a new role, and this where these hitmen will come into play.[/sub]

[sub]Taiwan's economic miracle had served as an example of what an impoverished nation can do given sound planning and playing on its strength. Had it followed international advice, Taiwan would have been stuck in a never ending cycle of Import-Substitution Industrialization, yet Taiwan's material conditions did not allow for a such policy to be implemented as it would have undoubtedly failed. Many Asian countries, and in fact many across the world, could use this experience. Taiwan has also grown to have considerable financial resources, which other nations will certainly eye. And finally, Taiwan's enterprises are in need of a push, and them being contracted for development projects abroad and investment will only help.[/sub]

[sub]It is within this context that the Pacific Economic Development Fund (PEDF) was born. An 'international' financial institution based in Taipei. The international aspect of it tended to easily fall looking at the biggest shareholders within it; Mayor of Taipei Lin Ting-Sheng who contributed through the 'Tatung Group', Koo Chen-fu owner of 'Koos Group' and who provided large amounts of financial capital through one of Taiwan's biggest banks 'Chinatrust Investment Company Limited', and other emerging Taiwanese businessmen. [/sub]

[sub]It didn't take long for the PEDF to establish itself, first through a test run within Taiwan's own economy, loaning out for small and medium enterprises and investing within its own corporations. Within the Fund, the major hirings were usually ex-military men, young economists, and hungry business graduates aiming to establish themselves. Of course it wouldn't be right to assume that the investments were fully beneficiary. A lot of loans stipulated favoritism towards certain bigger enterprises, and for joint projects with these enterprises. Meanwhile the loans themselves were often more than the enterprises could handle. However the advice was for all intents and purposes sound, and growth did end up being achieved....though at what cost? [/sub]

-----------------------------

[/list]

[pre]"If when I die, I am still a dictator, I will certainly go down into the oblivion of all dictators. If, on the other hand, I succeed in establishing a truly stable foundation for a democratic government, I will live forever in every home in China" ~ Chiang Kai-shek[/pre]

Paramountica, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Ma-Li, Le Equatoria, Zingium

[ Rise of Taurus: Part 1 ]

[ Portuguese Military Testing Range: 16 Miles outside of São Paulo. 10th of March, 1971 ]

| Following the collapse of the socialist and communist parties in Brasília, along with their followers at the end of December 1970, the economy of Brazil has been believed to be back on track for a rather phenomenal year. Given the sponsors during the FIFA World Cup, and the growing arms industry with the introduction of the Jaguar tank, many other companies have decided to throw their hats into the ring of the competition. Many of them for international sale rather than the domestic side, leading to many designs being brought to light. One design in particular caught the eye of a colonel in the Ministry of Defense, a member of the Ordnance Department. The design was from Taurus Armas, a company that is primarily known for operating in the civilian sector. Most of the company's exports go to the United States, small arms such as pistols and revolvers being the primary cash crop of the company. Recently, the owner of the weapons manufacturer wanted to begin delving into the military side of things. The newest design merely being a start to what hopefully could be a very lucrative contract, if not with the Brazilian government, then hopefully with the world wide market. Given the current state of things in the world, it would not be too far-fetched for some nation to be in deep need of guns and plenty of them. Which was something that Taurus had no issue of supplying, or manufacturing.

Unlike the spectacle of the Jaguar, which had the attention of the president himself, the Taurus T12a1 had no such showing. A few generals and staff officers from the Army and Navy had arrived to see the testing of the rifle, which was considered more arduous than that of the Jaguar. Primarily for the simple reason of money, and the two branches present not wanting to waste money where it wasn’t needed. Ordnance officers both military and civilian were present as well, standing by to take down any flaws or notes that could see the prototype relegated to simply being a civilian ownership weapon or only supplied to international buyers. Very rarely did the Ministry of Defense and the Ordnance Department give second chances to prototype designs, especially if the design failed catastrophically or failed to meet certain standards. Standing behind the firing line, the officers and civilian officials watched as four soldiers in full combat kit were brought out and given the prototype rifles. Turning to face the crowd the soldiers presented the rifles, each one was the same design except for two oddballs that were made with either paratrooper or ship boarding action in mind, given they had a folding or collapsing stock respectively. After presenting the rifles, the soldiers would then turn and go to respective firing points. Loading up a magazine of 30 rounds for the respective caliber of the rifle, with the others watching, the men would showcase capabilities of the rifle. Showing that even in a prototype stage, it is still very much a big contender for earning the overall contract for the standard rifle of Brazil. |

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Paramountica, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Zingium

[list]Elections 1970

[sub]Factbook[/sub][/list]

[list][list] SOCIAL DEMOCRAT BRUNO KREISKY ELECTED PRESIDENT OF ALPENLAND

DER SOZIALDEMOKRAT BRUNO KREISKY WIRD ZUM PRÄSIDENTEN DES ALPENLANDES GEWÄHLT

LE SOCIAL-DÉMOCRATE BRUNO KREISKY ÉLU PRÉSIDENT DE L'ALPENLAND

IL SOCIALDEMOCRATICO BRUNO KREISKY ELETTO PRESIDENTE DELL'ALPENLAND

SOCIALNI DEMOKRAT BRUNO KREISKY IZVOLJEN ZA PREDSEDNIKA ALPSKA

—[/list][/list]

POST FOUND HERE

RESULTS FACTBOOK

https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1659057

Paramountica, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Zingium

[list][list]SHŌWA 46 | JUNE 1971[/list]

[list][list]過小評価されている円

[pre]UNDERVALUED YEN[/pre][/list][/list]

[pre] J A P A N E S E A D V A N T A G E [/pre]

[list][list][/list][/list]

[table]

[tr] [/tr]

[tr][td][sub][pre]君が代は

千代に八千代に

細石の

巌と為りて

苔の生すまで

[/pre][/sub][/list][/list][/td][td][sub][pre]May your reign

Continue for a thousand,

eight thousand generations,

Until the tiny pebbles

Grow into massive boulders

Lush with moss[/pre][/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

LAKE KAWAGUCHI — MORNINGTIME

[sub]FUJIKAWAGUCHIKO, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]

| At a meeting between American and Japanese officials at Lake Kawaguchi, near Tokyo, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State PHILIP TREZISE did not ask the Japanese government to increase the value of the yen. In fact, TREZISE said that. But when the news hit the headlines, TREZISE made it clear at a press conference that he had no intention of advising a foreign government on how to handle the value of its currency — despite his view that the yen is an undervalued currency. This angered the Japanese, but the pretense was accepted. This little play on words masks a very serious situation. Japan’s growing economy, rising exports and more than $6 billion in foreign currency reserves have made the value of the yen, just over a quarter of a U.S. cent, a parody. The Japanese are understandably pleased with this situation, but other countries are angry. The yen, being an undervalued currency, gives Japanese products a price advantage in foreign markets; Toyota and Datsun cars, Nikon cameras and Sony televisions, for example, cost less in the U.S. than they would if the yen had a higher dollar value. |

| This Japanese advantage was reinforced in the international monetary crisis, by triggering increases in the values of the currencies of several European countries, especially the West German mark. The mark has been left free to determine its own price in currency trading; If its value continues to rise, the price in dollars of German products, such as Volkswagens, which compete with Japanese automakers, will also eventually rise. Countries resent this artificial advantage — and none are worse off than the U.S., as the country has run a deficit of more than a billion dollars in each of the last two years in trade with Japan. This anger is fueled by the idea that Japan is largely insulated from the pressures that have sent other undervalued currencies soaring. Both treasurers and currency speculators cannot put their money in Japan — as they did in Germany when they expected the mark to rise — because the exchange of yen for foreign currency is strictly controlled by the government. The Nixon administration is considering imposing a special tariff on all Japanese goods to compensate for the undervaluation of the yen (which some estimate to be 20% below its potential free market value) or to have the Export-Import Bank cut financing for exports to Japan. Such a decision could reduce American exports of some raw materials, such as coal and wood, on which Japan depends so much. |

| Outside the halls of government, more and more citizens know that Japan cannot forever sustain an undervalued currency and continue to enjoy relatively free access to foreign markets, especially the United States. Reluctantly, economists are admitting a likely 5% revaluation of the yen this autumn or perhaps sooner, and some businesspeople are beginning to accept it as if it were inevitable. In the Japanese shipping industry, the requirement is that foreigners signing contracts for oil tankers agree to pay in yen and not in foreign currencies, which may be worth less yen when the ships are delivered. Car manufacturers are discussing a 5% increase in export prices to end the pain of yen revaluation, even before it becomes a reality. Such measures are just a recognition of reality. The U.S. Government’s measures may have been a bluff, but the fact that a decision as drastic as a special tariff on Japanese products could even be discussed illustrates how dangerously currency imbalances are fueling political tension and protectionist sentiment globally. |

Paramountica, Amsterwald, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-

MAY , 1971

An Anti-Mazist Political Society

| [B]Mahathir Mohamad, the author of the political literature, the [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55328320]Malaysian Solution[/URL]. Would officially form a political society calling itself the "United National Organisation" [acronym: UNO]. |

| When [I]Mahathir[/I] sent a official documentation to have his political party, officialised by the government as per standard procedure when forming a political society to run in elections. There were those who wanted to have his party denied as an official political society. Stating:

[List][I]" Mahathir's application for his political society should be rejected as the foundation of his political society as a legimate party, would only cause issues for the government as once parliament is restored, his party will without a doubt become a major voice of opposition withhin the halls of parliament. "[/I][/list]

But prime minister Goh Hock Guan interject, that Malaysia needs to be a nation of ideological tolerance. As since Mahathir's ideology isn't Malay nationalistic but more leaning towards Malay interest in a similar way that the Malaysian Chinese Association [MCA] aren't Chinese nationalist but serve as a party for Chinese interest in government. As such [I]Mahathir's[/I] political society would become an official one that could run in elections from the local level to state level to federal level. |

| Upon the [I]UNO[/I] enaguration as an official political party. [I]Mahathir[/I] would hold a rally at Merdeka Square, the location where famously Malaysia's founding father [I]Tunku Abdul Rahman[/I] exclaimed Malaya's independence from colonial rule. The rally was held to potentially gain new members into the party, bring the party into public consciousness and as a side effect drum up support for a future political campaign.

[List][I]" The Mazist, Democratic Action Party [DAP] and the communist, Parti Rakyat Semenanjung [PRS] have brought nothing more then a slow decline of the nation, with the usage of a facade of economic growth as a way of showing that their system is working. In reality it has not. The sudden spike in food prices in previous months which may have subsided, are proof that their agrarian policies are not fully functional and that there needs to be a party like UNO to take charge of the nation's government. Under my plan, Malaysia would not steep into a socialist system but rather a capitalistic one. One which priorities growing the economy and subsequently the nation along with it. The Malays under the system I'll build if I get into government, will be financially, educationally and politically equals with the Chinese and Indians. The People's Progressive Party [PPP] while not outwardly in support of Mazism or leftist thinking in general. Are still potentially a party that could sink Malaysia into a socialist future if they are not pushed down enough, as they associate themselves with two parties that are leftist in both ideology and practice. "[/I][/list]

[I]Mahathir's[/I] word struck into the hearts of the Malay population, as they deemed the [I]UNO[/I] as a spiritual successor of the Malay nationalist party; United Malay National Organisation [UMNO]. |

| With the moderate rise of [I]UNO[/I] and [I]Mahathir's[/I] popularity. [B]Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia[/n] [GERAKAN] president, Syed Hussein Alatas met and negotiated with [I]Mahathir[/I] on forming a new political coalition that'll be a spiritual successor to the once mighty Alliance coalition that comprised of [I]UMNO[/I], [I]MCA[/I] and [I]MIC[/I] [Malaysia Indian Congress]. The idea intrigued [I]Mahathir[/I] as if the Malays view his party as a spiritual successor to [I]UMNO[/I] forming a political coalition that claims itself as a successor to [I]Alliance[/I] will only boost their chances at gaining more seats in the local, state and federal governments. However they needed to find a party that could represent the Indian interest in the coalition and the [I]MIC[/I] aren't the most popular party even if they do represent the interest of Malaysia's, Indian population. |

[U]Epilogue: Downhill For The Mazist

| In the office of the prime minister, current prime minister [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] was in a heated argument with his deputy prime minister S.P Seenivasagam. As they argue on what to do with Ahmad Boestamam and other members in his party [PRS]. [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] advocated for them to push ideological tolerance and allow [I]PRS[/I] to remain as a member of the coalition. Meanwhile [I]S.P Seenivasagam[/I] wanted them out, as their outward communist way of thinking will only influence a public image of the coalition as a communist coalition. In the end [I]S.P Seenivasagam[/I] would hold a interview with the media. Telling the media that his party, the [I]People's Progressive Party[/I] are officially leaving the coalition under the context of:

[List][I]" Differing views in regards to the continued maintenance of PRS as a coalition member. "[/I][/list]

[I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] would counter with his own statement but it wasn't meant as a attack at [I]S.P Seenivasagam[/I]. [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] would state that; while there is the exit of [I]PPP[/I] from the coalition, all members of the [I]PPP[/I] in cabinet will not have their positions as federal minister's removed just because they left the coalition. As it was differing views that led the two parties to split. |

______________________________________________

Paramountica, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Spain-

[list][list]SHŌWA 46 | SEPTEMBER 1971[/list]

[list][list]帝国の旅

[pre]TEIKOKU NO TABI[/pre][/list][/list]

[pre] T E N N O ¹ [/pre]

[list][list][/list][/list]

[table]

[tr] [/tr]

[tr][td][sub][pre]君が代は

千代に八千代に

細石の

巌と為りて

苔の生すまで

[/pre][/sub][/list][/list][/td][td][sub][pre]May your reign

Continue for a thousand,

eight thousand generations,

Until the tiny pebbles

Grow into massive boulders

Lush with moss[/pre][/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

HANEDA INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT — MORNINGTIME

[sub]TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]

| The 2,600-year-old tradition was broken from the moment the Emperor boarded the plane for an unprecedented meeting with American President RICHARD NIXON, in Alaska, and on his trip to Europe. Since the reign of Emperor Jimmu, the first monarch of the world’s oldest dynasty, no Emperor has ever traveled abroad. Nor has any Emperor personally met an American President. This Imperial journey symbolizes Japan’s re-emergence as a great power and reflects this country’s growing confidence in its economic and political strength and its desire for global recognition. The Crown Prince AKIHITO and Princess MICHIKO, Prime Minister EISAKU SATO and his Cabinet, the diplomatic corps of the countries the Emperor will visit, and other dignitaries were at Haneda International Airport to I wish the Emperor a good trip. No traditional court protocol and etiquette were used in the departure ceremony. |

| But all 34 members of the entourage went to the Inner Sanctum of the Imperial Palace to seek the ancestors’ blessing for a safe journey. At the airport, the Emperor walked past the assembled dignitaries, returning their bows as a crowd of people lined the spectators’ platform each holding a small Japanese flag. Then the Emperor, wearing an elegant suit, stepped onto a low red-carpeted platform and stood next to the Empress, who was dressed in a small blue and white checkered coat and wore a white hat, while a band played the Japanese national anthem. After the departure ceremony, the Emperor and Empress walked up the steps to the door of the JAL jet, for a brief moment they both turned to wave and people shouted “Banzai.” At 9:32 a.m., the plane took off bound for Anchorage. |

| Although the Imperial journey is something new, he has already met Nixon and traveled to Europe. In 1921, when the Emperor was still Crown Prince, he traveled to Europe on a warship. When NIXON was Vice President in 1953, he was a guest of the Emperor during a tour of Asia representing President DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER. The Emperor awaits the trip with some nostalgia because he considers the six-month trip, 50 years ago, to be one of the highlights of his life. On the Emperor’s schedule is a meeting with the Duke of Windsor, having met him in 1921. In Europe, the Emperor will visit Norden, Wallonia, France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Alpenland, and West Germany. The Imperial journey will cost the equivalent of $564,000. The schedule, which called for his return to Japan on October 14, was so carefully organized that the Emperor complained to the press that it was too tight. Reports from Europe pointed to possible demonstrations, especially in the Netherlands. The reason is that during World War II, people who suffered from the Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies (present-day Indonesia) opposed the invitation. |

DROTTNINGHOLM PALACE — NOON

[sub]STOCKHOLM, Meerkien[/sub]

| The first nation to receive the Emperor’s visit was Norden, who took a sightseeing tour of the country on the first full day of his trip to Europe. Although the Scandinavian government preferred him to visit nurseries and apartments for the elderly, the Emperor chose the Royal Copenhagen porcelain factory, the Little Mermaid statue, and the castle at Elsinore. As it was just an unofficial visit, the Emperor’s guide was the Japanese Ambassador to Norden, HEISHIRO OGAWA. However, he was received during lunch by King GUSTAF VI ADOLF at the Drottningholm Palace. The Emperor, who turned 70 this year, sometimes appeared hesitant and unsure as he walked, possibly because he could not see well. But the 68-year-old Empress, who was right behind the Emperor, looked serene, warm and smiled the entire time. The Empress wore a beige coat over a brown and white patterned two-piece dress. His hat was white and his shoes were brown. She wore a diamond brooch, diamond earrings and two rings. She wore a large splatter pin of diamonds, diamond earrings, and two rings. This is the Empress’s first trip away from home and also the first for most of the Emperor’s palace staff. |

| Throughout the visit there were some informal moments, where the Emperor carried his own hat. At the porcelain factory, he forgot his coat and the entourage was late while they brought it to him. Apparently no one was asked to hold his hat and coat for him. At the Little Mermaid statue, the Emperor and Empress posed for countless photographs as around 200 Japanese reporters and photographers crowded around. The crowd grew even larger after lunch when King GUSTAF VI ADOLF was unable to show the Emperor the palace gardens. All the Emperor saw were Japanese photographers. Around 40 left-wing Japanese students studying in Europe came to Norden to protest, but only a few participated. Protesters covered the Emperor’s motorcade with leaflets after the royal couple arrived at the airport. Despite what happened, security was not reinforced. During his walk through the large courtyard of Kronborg Castle, the Emperor walked alongside journalists. The Emperor’s two bodyguards were discreet. The tour started at 10 a.m., in sunny and cool autumn weather, and ended in drizzle. After meeting with two Scandinavian experts in marine biology, his vocation, the Emperor had dinner with the Japanese ambassador. Tomorrow, the Emperor will travel to Wallonia for the first state visit of his 16-day trip to Europe. The Emperor will also visit France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Alpenland, and West Germany. |

CHARLEROI AIRPORT — MORNINGTIME

[sub]CHARLEROI, Walloneia[/sub]

| When the Emperor’s plane arrived in Charleroi, the welcome reception was elaborate and festive, then the Emperor and Empress were taken by car to Namur, the capital of Wallonia. There were marching bands, honor guards, bells, a 51-gun salute, horses, plumes and spears, as well as dances. A crowd cheered as the Emperor and Empress appeared on the balcony of the town hall. The Japanese flag fluttered in the wind along with the Walloon flag. As he left his plane chartered by Japan Air Lines after his informal visit to Norden, he stopped at the top of the steps and greeted the Walloon government officials who came to greet him. The Emperor was driven in a gray Mercedes from the airport to the Royal Palace, lunch with the King on the outskirts of Namur, to the town hall, and a full diplomatic reception before a formal dinner. On Saturday, the Emperor will travel to Paris for a private visit to meet the Duke of Windsor, who as Edward, the 26‐year‐old Prince of Wales, met the 20-year-old Crown Prince in the spring of 1921. |

▬▬▬

[sub]¹ A Series: TENNO Covering Emperor Shōwa’s first trip to Europe, which lasted 16 days, where he visited seven European countries.[/sub]

Paramountica, Amsterwald, Maziya, Spain-, Walloneia

Bro nation states is back

Tallahan

[list][pre] T H E J A D I R E V O L U T I O N [/pre][/list]

[table=plainheader][tr][td] [/td][td] [/td][/tr][tr][td][sub]PART IV[/sub][/td][td][sub]September 1971 — The Jadi Revolution reaches its climax at the assembly of the First People's Jirga in Kabul,

where delegates establish the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan[/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

[list][sub]After many months of canvassing, persuasion, and consolidation, the Jadi Revolution reached its climax in the capital on September 15, 1971, at the First People's Jirga of Afghanistan. Consisting of some 500 delegates from the provinces and 250 delegates from the PDPA to represent the major cities, the People's Jirga was the fruit of ceaseless negotiations and concessions. It was convened by the leadership of the PDPA to cement the Jadi Revolution and establish a constitutional Democratic Republic. However, success was still not guaranteed, and the assembly proceeded in typical Afghan fashion. Some tribal groups failed to attend, despite giving assurance to visiting Secretaries that they would be in Kabul on the appointed day. To fill these gaps, random Kabul residents who could plausibly be said to hail from the regions in question were plucked from the street and hastily submitted to the credentials committee to be sent into the assembly. One group of particularly conservative Pashtuns from Kandahar province condemned the People's Jirga and promptly left the capital to return to their villages; these troublemakers were replaced by loyal Party members who were given the power to vote in their stead. The PDPA concocted one ad hoc solution after another until a more or less workable quorum was reached and the People’s Jirga could commence its work.[/sub]

[sub]The constitutional committee, which was composed entirely of PDPA loyalists, presented its draft for a new constitution, which was modelled closely after exemplars from the Soviet Union and eastern bloc countries. The highest organ of state was to be the People’s Jirga, split into a lower 700-person chamber called the National People’s Jirga and a higher 230-person chamber somewhat confusingly called the People’s Jirga of Nationalities, the latter consisting of an equal number of Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras, and Uzbeks. The National People’s Jirga was to be elected every 4 years, while the People’s Jirga of Nationalities would be elected by lower-level Jirgas every 5 years. The People’s Jirga would elect the Council of Ministers to run the government and propose laws subject to approval by the People’s Jirga.[/sub]

[sub]In accordance with the Soviet model, the constitution set forth a special role for the People’s Democratic Party. Afghans could only run for office and serve in government if they were members of the PDPA or one of a handful of allied parties, which together with the PDPA formed the unitary National People’s Front coalition. The PDPA would exist as a parallel institution to the organs of state and would centralize power in its executive organs: the 400-member Party Congress, the 50-member Central Committee and the 10-member Politburo. Within the Politburo, in turn, power would revolve around an informal three-man troika: General Secretary Nur Muhammad Taraki, Hafizullah Amin, and Babrak Karmal. Through the course of the negotiations at the National People’s Jirga, Taraki was confirmed as First Chairman of the Council of Minister. Amin received the post of Minister for State Planning, while Karmal became Minister of Foreign Relations.[/sub]

[sub]With a provisional government ready to take charge during the transitional period, the National People’s Jirga unanimously adopted the constitution and declared the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The PDPA pushed their constitution across the finish line by making still more promises to the provinces, all of which the new government would now have to keep. This was in fact an impossibility, but the whole congress was an impossible endeavor. The PDPA, ever in the present moment, deferred solving these problems and others into the future.[/sub]

[sub]At the close of the People’s Jirga, Taraki delivered his celebratory address: “This body was endowed with the dreams of the Afghan nation and tasked with charting a new course for the future of our country. The constitution which I hold in my hand is the answer to those dreams. Through our collective labour in this People’s Jirga, we have given every Afghan that which backwardness and foreign conquest have hitherto denied him: freedom, self-determination, sovereignty. The People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan has fought tirelessly for years to achieve this exact outcome, but our work has only just begun. You all have entrusted the Party with carrying out the back-breaking work demanded by the new constitution, to realize our ambitious plans for the economic, social, and cultural transformation of Afghanistan. We shall answer this call too. Javed bad Afghanistan!” [/sub]

[pre]____________[/pre]

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler][/list]

Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Tallahan, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Ma-Li, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya

The Three Princes

| Scene III, Act III |

| The September Reforms |

______________

[sub]September, 1971[/sub]

It had been a fairly uneventful summer in Nigerian Politics and polling-wise, the NDP had stagnated at a fairly comfortable 41%, with a rising Socialist and Renewal Party straggling behind at 16 and 14%. The Anti-Corruption Department had made further arrests throughout June, July and August, but the original momentum from April and May had slowly manoeuvred away from them. Balewa’s cabinet seemed as united as ever, with the factionalism of the past replaced by a sense of much-needed unity. His biggest political rival, Yakubu Gowon, had remained at 3rd place in polling and the original pull to the NRP had dwindled and went back to the NDP, who were set on course for victory in 1973, something President Baelwa and his party were now eyeing up.

The 1971 Budget looked to keep the impetus of the previous budget, focusing on government investment into education, healthcare as-well as publishing plans concerning social housing expansion and a new Public Wealth Fund to be used via both private investment and through revenue gained via taxes on Oil and Petroleum. With this also, the government were planning on privatising the lucrative oil industry, although only to domestic companies and profits would be subject at a high 60% tax on all profits made as-well as general workers protection and minimum wages. Through the expected increase in tax revenue through the next few years, this allowed the government to make further commitment concerning further subsides to Free Universities, a pledge made last year. While popular amongst the youth, funding for the “Free Universities” needed to come from somewhere in a replacement from tuition.

While the 1970 Budget provided tax increases in income and corporations, the revenue wasn’t enough to cope with much-needed funding increase and Balewa needed an alternative. Compromising with the more conservative and cautious in his cabinet, he would de-couple 20% of all Free Universities, set to hit 15 by 1973, with the Ministry of Education and place under the control and part-funding of regional assemblies. While the majority of funding was still set to come from local, private investment and direct government funding, regional and local governments were set to pay 30% to the Free Universities, which didn’t include base funding for primary and secondary education, which lied at a regional level since last year’s devolution reforms.

In terms of housing, the government had looked to make reforms concerning private housing and the introduction of a private housing and renting market, supported by the more liberal of the partie’s members. While the President and his advisors were interested in introducing it, he was looked to reduce interest rates and see a drop in inflation before making reforms concerning the housing market, which was mostly social housing and direct investment from the government. The plan was to give both planning powers to regional and local governments while also increasing direct funding from central to regional to social housing expansion, set to be included in a further set of tax reforms aimed at heighten government revenue in the medium-term. While not an ambitious reform and not what was hoped by the more economically liberal in the NDP, it was clear that the President wanted to take a middle-road of cautious reformism, something for which he had built his political image of for years.

But for the introduction of a public wealth fund, the President knew to maximise the effect of the fund, set to be distributed into much-needed sector short on investment in the long-term, he would need to privatise one of Nigeria’s growing industries in the Oil Industry. Original plans were to sell out 40% of the shares in the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and had been done, but government bureaucracy and increasing government waste prevented the NNPC from being an effective government-owned corporation in Oil. In an ambitious plan, for which was unpopular in several corners of the party and lacked cross-party support, President Balewa included a full privatisation of the industry to domestic companies only, but to impose heavy taxes of 60% profit and a future 100% full tax on profit exceeding a certain amount. Even despite this, the complete selling off the NNPC and turning it into a regulatory organisation was a bold plan. It was to Balewa’s hope that it would significantly increase what the government could spend over the medium and long-term, fulfil the PWF commitment and create a strong and stable economic legacy.

For taxes, the President knew he couldn’t make the hike like he did in 1970. While perhaps it was justified to his wide range of spending commitments, for 1971, he looked to make quieter taxes less concerned on income and more on businesses as-well as other areas of public life. He would introduce, although unpopular in cabinet, 2 new taxes; Car Premium Tax and Housing Tax. The Car Tax as it was quickly known, was to be placed in luxury and expensive cars as a premium value for which the government would take. While unlikely to provide a significant income at all, it was a silent tax which only affected a minute percent of the population. The Housing Tax would be a flat 1% of the value of the house, private housing only, and once more, only affected high-end and income households.

In additional to the new taxes, the 1971 budget would increase taxes on small and medium businesses from the flat 10% to a flat 15%, as-well as the income rate of 20% flat would be reformed into a flat 15% for all earning below 20,000 Nigerian Pounds (pegged 1-1 with the Pound), 20% those earning between 20,000-40,000 Nigerian Pounds and 25% to those earning above 40,000. Through these tax hikes, unpopular as they were, expected to increase tax revenue significantly over the medium to long-term, hoping reductions in inflation and interest rates would in turn establish greater consumer confidence and increase consumer spending.

Nigeria’s debt by 1970 was 1.5 Billion dollars, hitting 18.75% of gdp with a GDP of 12.35 Billion. Overall, despite tax increases on a significant level, with a major reform to the tax system looking to bring in a third more of income tax revenue over the short to medium term, government spending was set to go ahead of revenue once more. Increased spending commitments over education, healthcare expansion programs, local and regional government funding and the initial reduction in tax for low-income earners, set to decrease tax income in the short-term, were the main reasons behind the rise in debt, while compared to 1970, was expected to see a reduction from 2% to 1.75%. This is mainly due to medium term tax income increase expectation and a general sense of increased consumer confidence in an emerging consumer market.

Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya

★ 𝚃𝙷𝙴 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝚃𝙴𝙳 𝙰𝚁𝙰𝙱 𝚁𝙴𝙿𝚄𝙱𝙻𝙸𝙲 ★

[list][list][list][pre]

"𝖥𝖾𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗌, 𝖨 𝖻𝖾𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗏𝖾, 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍 𝖾𝖿𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗈𝗅 𝗂𝗇 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗒𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗅 𝗈𝖿 𝖺𝗇 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗅 - 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗅 𝗈𝖿 𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗅𝖾."

ANWAR EL-SADAT

[/pre][/list][/list][/list]

_________________

[list][sub](𝐑𝐄)𝐔𝐍𝐈𝐎𝐍[/sub]

[sub][sup]JUN - SEP 1971 - UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC[/sub][/sup]

[list][sub]Arab unity had long been the intangible goal that most Arab regimes have desired for. Yet it has always remained intangible, even during the apex of Arab unity, the union between Syria, Egypt, and Libya, it soon proved to be more determintal than positive for all involved, and it didn't take long for Syria to secede and return back to independence. Yet, the desire for unity has never went away and today many still yearn for unity in face of imperialism and the Zionist enemy.[/sub]

[sub]For the United Arab Republic's government led by Sadat, the unity of the revolutionary forces in the Arab world was one of the goals it needed to pursue to establish its legitimacy, in order to not be fully shackled by the legacy of Nasser which still looms large and has prevented Sadat from establishing himself as his own man. It was to Sadat's delight then that Hafez al-Assad of Syria was quite keen on a renewed union for much the same reasons, both would bloom their image as men of Arab unity, and would earn them points within their respective political structure.[/sub]

[sub]The "Union" would of course have to be quite loose, the mistakes of the former unity could not be repeated and for both Sadat and Assad, this move was mostly for national reasons rather than actual desires for a full union. For Sadat, the idea of 'Unity of the Revolutionary Forces' instead of 'Unity of the Arab States' had become the dominant Arabist approach within the ruling party, the National Progressive Party. the 'Unity of Revolutionary Forces' implied a direction of unity for states with progressive elements, rather than some full union as the other path would imply.[/sub]

[sub]Negotiations lasted a few months, eventually diplomats from both sides made way for a few basic principles:[/sub]

[list][sub][sup]- The United Arab Republic and the Syrian Arab Republic would establish the 'Arab Revolutionary Force', a loose political union that would serve as the basis of unity between the two states.

- The establishment of a new government to manage the union, consisting of a President, a Vice-President, and a cabinet

- A unified military command would be established between the two countries

- The United Arab Republic agrees to invest US$ 80m in various industries within Syria

- A national budget of US$ 110m would be established as the initial budget, from which both states could draw upon to finance their own budgets

[/sup][/sub][/list]

[sub]For the 'all-union' government, Sadat was choosen as President, and Assad as his Vice-President. Mostly symbolic in nature, it did re-affirm Egypt's position as the 'guide' of the Arab revolutionary states even if certain sectors in Syria or otherwise would have disagreed. For Syria, the injection of Libyan petrodollars would aid largely in kickstarting the economy back into high rates of growth, something Assad will certainly not object to.[/sub]

[/list]

Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Ma-Li

[table=noheader][tr][td][pre]L E R O Y A U M E D E W A L L O N I E | T H E K I N G D O M O F W A L L O N I A[/pre]

[list]The Foreign Visit | La Visite à L’étranger

[sup][sub]Wallonian News Network (WNN)[/sub][/sup][/list][/td][/tr][/table]

L’empereur et L’impératrice du Japon

__________________

[sub][sup]SEPTEMBER 1971 | BRUSSELS, WALLONIA[/sup][/sub]

| The recent foreign visit of the State of Japan has led to great joy across the Walloon's as the visit pays great attention to the culture of Wallonia and shows the Japanese ambassadors the prosperity of this tiny nation in Europe. The industrial might was shown at the city of Antwerp and Charleroi as the Emperor is finding joy in the Walloon hospitality. The Emperor was scheduled to visit Antwerp tomorrow, and at his request, visited the city zoo, which he had visited 50 years prior. The Prime Minister and King both agreed to take the emperor to the Antwerp City Zoo, and the schedule was adjusted to fit the emperor's need. The city of Charleroi was happy to accept the Emperor and give him the tour of all the industrious factories and people throughout the city. The town of Brussels, was happy to have already hosted the Emperor. The Royal Guard had put a welcoming ceremony for the Japanese to show the appreciation of the visit. Though the government had been addressing professional manners in Antwerp, they found some time through their schedule to help the emperor through Antwerp. The Ambassador to Japan, Masuer Fanjue, decided to schedule the Emperors departure as well. He knew the emperor would be heading to Paris, so he scheduled a Wallon parade for the emperor when he left Antwerp. This celebration would have the Royal Regiments display Walloon Airforce and Military shows, fireworks would also be splayed in the night sky.

| Wallonia's Foreign Affairs have experienced a rejuvination with this visit from the Emperor of Japan, and the politics and people of Wallonia appreciated the encouragement from the emperor. Now, Wallonia looks upon this visit as a time of joy within the country's long to be exsistence, for when the Wallon people find hard times in long waining circumstances, the Walloon people have something to look back on, to fall back on, may the visit of Japan be forever enshrined as a diplomatically and culture enriching experience for the people of Wallonia.

Viva le Wallonie! Vive le Japon!

Frères dans la Fraternité...

[list][spoiler=[sub]Écrit Pour[/sub]

LE COMMONWEALTH DE LA LIBERTÉ

_]Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Rudnatia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

Walloneia[/spoiler][/list]

Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li

[pre]| SEPTEMBER | SANZA YA LIBWA |[/pre]

[pre]| 1971 |[/pre]

[list][list][list][pre]DRC ★ DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO

RDC ★ RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO |[/pre][/list][/list][/list]

OPERATION PROOF OF CONCEPT :

MOBUTU LAUNCHES TERROR CAMPAIGN AGAINST CIVILIANS WITHIN REBEL TERRITORY!

PREUVE YA OPÉRATION YA CONCEPT :

MOBUTU ABANDI CAMPAIGNE YA TERRORISE CONTRE BA CIVILIENS NA KATI YA TERRITOIR YA REBEL!

| CONGOLESE MILITARY INVOLVED IN THE OPERATION - BA MILITAIRE CONGOLAIS BA INVOLÉ NA OPÉRATION |

[pre]| Mobutu’s Lions, officially known in government records as the 4th Reconnaissance Battalion, is made up at a ratio of 80% Former Prisoners and members of the Boyokani to 20% members of the Congolese Armed Forces. A force of five-hundred men they have become known for their brutality and disregard for ‘morality’ in the face of the enemy with this Mobutu saw a chance to use these men to strike fear in the heart of the rebel territory and prove the Rebel government as weak and incapable of defending its new found citizens. The five hundred men are to operate in Platoon size units to spread out as far as possible and cause as much damage as possible across a large area as possible. The unit also was to be equipped with a non military uniform left up to the choice of the individual and a more random assort of smalls arms given to the unit to give them more of the appearance of bandits then official Mobutu soldiers. |[/pre]

| TARGETS AND HEADQUARTERS OF THE OPERATION - BA CIBLIS NA BA SIGRE YA OPÉRATION |

[pre]| The first challenge to overcome for the 4th Reconnaissance Battalion would be entering FLNC territory with enough men alive to effectively conduct the terror campaign. This challenge would not be impossible though as the vast ‘frontline’ of the conflict was extremely rural and porous for both sides. Crossing the Congo would be conducted in night operations utilizing local non motorized boats to limit any sound made by the 4th Reconnaissance Battalion in its entering of FLNC territory. The main towns to be targeted by the operation would be southwest of Gemena namely the towns of: Bozene, Boyazala, Budjala, and Epanga along with the surrounding countryside of those towns. The 4th Reconnaissance Battalion will headquarters itself within the dense Ngiri forest around the villages of Bokondji, Bobei, and Makengo. |[/pre]

| TACTICS TO COME FROM MOBUTU’S LIONS - TACTIQUES YA KOYA NA BA NKOSI YA MOBUTU |

[pre]| The 4th Reconnaissance Battalion would take the tactics and way of acting as a guerrilla insurgent force against the Rebels of the FLNC. They would be ordered to avoid direct contact with the enemy to avoid them being destroyed and would only commit to limited ambushes and hit and run attacks on official FLNC units and if conducted would leave the area of attack as quickly as possible. The main focus of this force instead is to strike the civilian population as hard as possible in a two month period. Killings were ordered to be committed as frequently as possible and towns were to be burnt and attacked frequently. Propaganda would be graffitied across all attack locations stating this is the result of FLNC’s inability to protect its people. Mobutu’s Lions also would be equipped with anti-personnel mines and were tasked with leaving them in towns after attack and in farmlands to strike the populations even after they were forced to flee to avoid confrontation with FLNC units. |[/pre]

[list][list][pre]PEACE-JUSTICE-WORK![/pre][/list][/list]

[list][list][pre]PAIX-JUSTICE-TRAVAIL ![/pre][/list][/list]

Paramountica, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Tallahan, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Ma-Li, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya

[list][list]SHŌWA 46 | AUGUST 1971[/list]

[list][list]ニクソンのピボット。 佐藤の悪夢

[pre]NIXON’s PIVOT; SATŌ’s NIGHTMARE[/pre][/list][/list]

[pre] R E C U R R I N G N I G H T M A R E [/pre]

[list][list][/list][/list]

[table]

[tr] [/tr]

[tr][td][sub][pre]君が代は

千代に八千代に

細石の

巌と為りて

苔の生すまで

[/pre][/sub][/list][/list][/td][td][sub][pre]May your reign

Continue for a thousand,

eight thousand generations,

Until the tiny pebbles

Grow into massive boulders

Lush with moss[/pre][/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

NAGATACHŌ — MORNINGTIME

[sub]TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]

| The so-called “recurring nightmare” was part of the sleep of former Japanese ambassador to the United States, KOICHIRO ASAKI. His nightmare is waking up one morning and discovering that Washington has recognized Communist China, without giving Japan any advance notice. When American President RICHARD NIXON told the world he intended to visit Beijing, President’s announcement became a nightmare for Prime Minister EISAKU SATO. Without any prior consultation and with so little notice, this left the 70-year-old Prime Minister hurt and resentful. The Prime Minister was less bothered by the content of the announcement than by the way it was made. Increasingly over the past year, his government has been accused of being too close to the U.S. The Prime Minister’s standard response was to highlight the close ties and ongoing cooperation between the two countries. Japan has until now maintained a two-China policy, refusing to recognize the Communist regime. This stems from American pressure, but it also reflects a sense of gratitude towards Chiang Kai-shek’s regime, whose magnanimous treatment of the Japanese contrasted markedly with that meted out by the Soviets and Mao’s guerrillas. |

| The Prime Minister found himself under enormous pressure to move towards China. However, the Prime Minister decided to wait, figuring that the Americans would not make any major moves without consulting Japan. It turns out that just three minutes before the broadcast of the announcement the Prime Minister became aware of it. The Prime Minister realized that the Americans had been cautious for fear of an information leak, but for him this was not very reassuring. Both Japan Air Lines and Nippon Steel Corp., Japan’s largest steel producer, boycotted economic conferences with Taiwan, and five Japanese shipping companies decided to leave Taiwan. Although trade with Beijing has registered a lower value than that of Taiwan ($825 million v. $955 million), it is a rare Japanese businessman who does not appreciate the prospect of 800 million potential consumers. It is unlikely that the Prime Minister will preside over rapprochement with China, as he plans to retire before his term ends in October 1972. The U.S. move could even bring forward his dismissal. Whoever the next Prime Minister is, one thing is certain: Japan’s foreign policy will follow a more independent path from Washington from now on. Aware of the shock caused in Japan, some American authorities looked for opportunities to establish peace. One of them will take place on September 27th, when the Emperor will disembark in Anchorage, Alaska, on his way to a visit to Europe. It will be the first time that a Japanese monarch has traveled abroad. |

Paramountica, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Ma-Li

Collapse of the Mauritanian Economy

August, 1971

| As the 1970’s approached, the Mauritanian economy slowed, and then in 1971 collapsed entirely. A sharp drop in global iron prices hurt the Mauritanian economy that was at this point entirely dependent on iron revenues and exports. Exasperating the effects of this crisis were heavy handed government nationalizations, corruption within the state economic management bureaus, and of course slavery scaring off foreign investors.

Agriculture which had been for decades the central part of the Mauritanian economy, and its slave society was hit by intensifying droughts in the 1970’s. An increasing number of subsistence free farmers found themselves under the thumb of landlords, or forced to entirely give up their land and move to the cities like Nouakchott, and Nouadhibou which would swell in size. Urban sprawl and slums began to increasingly grip the nation.

The only thing floating the Mauritanian economy was aid from both the East and West which had been a major part of GDP growth up until that point. The hardest hit of course was the slaves themselves, as while bureaucrats and state managers (themselves usually white moors) continued to plunder the economy to their own personal benefit, slaves experienced decreases to rations, and home lives deteriorated, increasing the already heightening social tensions.

_______

The Paradise That Never Was: The Rise and Fall of Mauritania Part II

Fatimetou Mint Mohamed - 2020

| The 1971 economic crisis has been described as an era defining watershed moment for our thousand year old society. That is true, but at the time when you’re living in that moment you don’t really realize. For my family we didn’t really lose out on much of our income.

Of course, I’m not going to pretend that didn’t happen for many people as certain revisionists may claim. I know from the papers; even rumors floating around at school, or in the streets, life was worsening. Slaves especially, were dying, and a great hunger washing over the mines.

Nouakchott was becoming more packed every day. I saw new families gaunt, and hungry carrying few belongings on their back as they wandered through the streets. Beggars lined the roads, as police began to more heavily beat them into the shadows. Nighttime became too unsafe to go out, my father himself forbid us to leave during the evening.

My father, despite his denials up until his final days, was cracking under the pressure of the situation. He came home every day tired, and moody. Even though we were devout Muslims I could tell sometimes, he would drink to ease the stress.

He of course got the alcohol from the black market which was everywhere at the time. Oftentimes media portrays the black market or informal economy as dangerous or in a back room of some shop. In reality, most black market dealings were done on the streets, and in open markets. Most people probably 80% at this time were either slaves or worked untaxed in the informal market. At the “black market” you could really get your hands on anything at this time, drugs, guns, alcohol, if you could think of it, they’d have it. Most of it came from the back of French and Chinese ships, or was smuggled from across the border with Senegal. Exotic animals were the favorite thing to buy. I never quite liked them, as sad as it is, I didn’t like seeing the abused exotic animals, yet unflinchingly walked past the slaves selling them…

_______

Until Every Chain Snaps: A Freedman’s Story

Messaoud Ould Boulkheir - 1993

| 1971 is the year our liberation would truly begin; however, it was also a year of great pain and sorrow. The masters inhuman economy screamed and slammed to a grinding halt, collapsing under its own weight. Unable to see past their own greed and selfishness they had done little to diversify or grow the economy. Instead all of their wealth was in the basket of iron mines, and agricultural produce from their vast ill-gotten estates.

When both a drought, and iron prices fell mutually, it was like Allah had delivered a day a judgement to their barbarity.

Us slaves starved the worst. While greedy bureaucrats and slave masters beat us harder, and reaped the wealth of our work, we fell ill, our rations cut, our gardens turning up nothing, crops withering into dust as babes starved in their mothers arms.

I was 28 in 1971. My family had been scorned by local masters, and expelled from lands we have lived on for generations. I went to Adrar, while my family etched out their existence back home picking fruit, and begging on the streets.

It was here where I first became politically active, and most importantly received a government job. My people were forbidden from higher positions, but we were allowed to work as lower public servants. While my family had been slaves, and then adjacent second class citizens to white moors in the area, my mother had still prioritized my education, something very uncommon for the time. I was lucky enough to have a stable job that paid enough to stave me off during the crisis, and send enough home.

Nonetheless, revolutionary sentiment was brewing within me, and the wider populace as a whole. I helped found the People’s Progressive Alliance, a pseudo political party advocating for Haratine rights. Almost immediately we were shut down, and numerous of our members arrested. This crackdown pushed me further to the left, past Islamic socialism, and into the teachings of Mao from books smuggled in the black market…

Paramountica, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Nippon-Nihon, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Launggyet

[list]August 11th, 1971

[sub]Edmonton To Fort Chipewyan[/sub][/list]

Edmonton To Fort Chipewyan

[sub]Eminton City, Alberta, Newauroria — EVENING[/sub]

| On August 11th, 1971, plans for the third phase of the Great Northern Railway (GNR) project, connecting Edmonton to Fort Chipewyan, were underway. Despite a slight delay until next month due to route adjustments, the project is expected to proceed smoothly. The delay stemmed from the need to readjust the planned route for the railway, ensuring optimal alignment and minimal disruption to existing infrastructure. However, once construction resumes, the project is anticipated to be completed within 2 to 3 years, making it the fastest projected completion time among all phases of the GNR project. |

| The Edmonton to Fort Chipewyan railway line holds strategic importance, providing a vital transportation link for both passengers and freight, particularly for remote communities like Fort Chipewyan. The completion of this phase will facilitate economic development, improve access to resources, and enhance connectivity between regions. Despite the delay, stakeholders remain optimistic about the project's progress. The readjustment of the route reflects a commitment to efficiency and sustainability, ensuring that the railway serves the needs of the communities it connects. |[/list]

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Ababemba

Abessinienreich

Adriatican Islands

Alzarikstan

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bayern Kahla

Bescania

Brazil Toucan

Canovia

Cascadla

Central Arstotzka

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hashemite Kingdoms

Hatzburg

Honghai

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

La Granadinas

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Moroavia

Nevbrejnovitz

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Nonador

Nosautempopulus

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Reyzen

Rutannia

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Sri-Lanka

Sudesam

Teymour

The Black Star-

The Sun States

Turkiye 1St

Ubertica

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Launggyet

[list][list][sub]S O C I A L I S T‎ ‎ ‎ R E P U B L IC‎ ‎ ‎ O F‎ ‎ ‎ R O M A N I A‎ ‎ ‎ •‎ ‎ ‎ ‎R E P U B L I C A‎ ‎ ‎ S O C I A L I S T Ă‎ ‎ ‎ R O M  N I A [/sub][/list][/list]

[list][list]21 Million Romanians: Honoring Heroine Mothers & His Excellency's Vision[/list][/list]

[list][list][sub]Septembrie 1971, Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist Român, București, Republica Socialistă România[/sub][/list][/list]

[list][list][sub]September 1971, Central Committee of The Communist Party of Romania, Bucharest, Socialist Republic of Romania[/sub][/list][/list]

| The Romanian population has achieved a significant milestone, surpassing the 21 million mark as of September 1971. This remarkable achievement has been reached thanks to the effectiveness of Decree 454 of 1954, ordered and initiated by His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, and the dedication of the heroic mothers of Romania who have embraced the call to nation-building.

| In 1954, His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation, introduced Decree 454 as a comprehensive strategy to address demographic challenges and propel Romania towards unparalleled prosperity. This decree implemented a series of measures aimed at encouraging population growth, including the discouragement of contraceptive use, strict regulations on abortion, and the provision of special benefits for women who have exhibited extraordinary dedication to motherhood.

| The backbone Romania's population growth has been the heroic mothers who have selflessly devoted themselves to the noble cause of raising large families. Their resilience, sacrifice, and unwavering commitment have been instrumental in shaping the demographic landscape of Romania. By embracing the title of "Heroine Mother" and bearing five or more children, these remarkable women have earned the admiration and gratitude of the entire nation.

| Decree 454 has had a profound impact on Romanian society, fostering a culture that values family, fertility, and maternal sacrifice. By discouraging contraceptive use and regulating abortion practices, the decree has empowered women to fulfill their patriotic duty of contributing to the nation's population growth. Furthermore, the provision of special benefits and recognition for mothers of five or more children has incentivized childbirth and celebrated the pivotal role of mothers in the growth of the Socialist Republic of Romania.

| His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, the Genius of the Carpathians and revered Conducător of the Socialist Republic of Romania, deserves commendation for his foresight, leadership, and dedication to the welfare of the Romanian people. His visionary plans for achieving a population of 35 million by the year 2000 reflect a steadfast commitment to ensuring the prosperity and strength of Romania for generations to come.

[list][list][sub]| The attainment of a population exceeding 21 million marks a historic milestone in Romania's journey towards prosperity. Through the implementation of Decree 454 and the dedication of the heroine mothers and the beloved leader, Romania has laid the foundations for a prosperous and flourishing future. |[/sub][list][list]

[sub]E scris pe Tricolor unire! Pe roșu steag liberator! Prin lupte sub a lor umbrire, spre Comunism urcăm în zbor![/sub]

[sub]Trăiască Partidul Comunist Român în frunte cu al său secretar general, tovarășul Constantin Rotaru![/sub]

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Klingenthalerburg

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Newauroria

Post self-deleted by South Abrada.

Republic of Lebanon - September 1971

The State of Lebanon

The Republic of Lebanon today faces a contradiction in every facet of life and society. It is both developed and underdeveloped, embracing the free market while controlled by consortiums, politically united, a vast multicultural society yet stringent on religion, it is led by a unifying figure unlike any in Lebanon's history yet is divided on nearly every issue. Lebanon of today is at a crossroads between the entire spectrum of political thought, revolutionary agitation, and ideological confrontation. With the rising tide of Arab Nationalism, the conservative wall of the Maronites and the ever encroaching collective of leftist thought into Lebanon's society, each day that passes is thought of as possibly the last.

Fouad Chehab - Father of the Army, Idealist, Radical & Compromise

President Chehab is the single most pervasive figure in Lebanese society. Wildly popular and a man with big ideals, he won handily in the 1970 Presidential election against the Marada Movement. Convincing Chehab to run was more difficult than the actual election, his time in office previously was marked by repeated attempts to hold down his reforms by the traditional elements of Lebanese politics and the ever controlling interests of finance and the banks. He was convinced that Lebanon was simply not ready to step out of sectarianism, and it took the combined efforts of his Christian supporters and the Arab bloc to prove him otherwise. Chehab's reforms were popular, more than that, he was popular. The "Chehabists" as they are now being called have now taken advanced positions of power within the Lebanese state, a far larger support base than his early fighting days.

His prime minister is Rashid Karami, a nationalist of the Nasserist belief, yet by far one of Chehab's most needed appointees. This was not the first time the two had worked together, they were in the same positions in the 60s where much of Chehab's reforms were supported directly by his wing of the nationalist aisle. Karami himself is not hidden from controversy, even within the Arab Nationalist wings, men like Saeb Salam rail against him and the president as attempting to set up a police state. Yet he continues on, pushing the reforms that he deems needed for Lebanon's survival and cohesiveness.

Divided by Design

Lebanon's colonial history and the further creation of the national pact have created a definite division within society between the major religions of the country, Maronite Christianity, Sunni Islam, Shia Islam, Orthodox Christianity and the Druze.

Favored by the French colonial administration, the Maronites maintain significant financial privilege. Making up a core of Lebanon's independent banking system, its industrial backbone and a controlling share of the private farms, Maronite politicians often stray traditionalist and fiercely oppose changes to the makeup of the state dictated in the National Pact. The most extreme of the Maronites form the Kataeb or Phalanges and while compromise has been able with these groups, increasing opposition to the seemingly resurgent tide of Pan-Arabism, socialism and the possibility of the remnant Palestinian militias in the south causing a confrontation with Israel has made Maronite politics increasingly right wing.

The Sunni can be divided into two classes, the land owners and the working class. While more distinguished than the Shia, Sunni muslims have their own disgruntles with the state apparatus. With Maronite dominance in the economy, the land-owning sectors of the Sunni population chafe at the view of discrimination and control of the Maronite elites. At the same time these land owners look down on the lower class of the Sunni population, the working class, and aim to distance themselves from the tide of Marxism by adopting Arab nationalist ideologies like that of Nasser and Assad. The working class Sunnis meanwhile are far more inclined to the ideals of the left, while still moving with the tide of Arabism, yet are divided by belief between them and their Shia companions.

Shi'ites form the bulk of Lebanon's working class population, and the most radical of any group within the country. The ideals of the Lebanese Communist Party are awash within the communities of Shia Muslims, but not just the communists are within society. Forming a direct opposite is the fundamentalist Islamic groups, both the communists and the radicals promise enfranchisement and upliftment for the Muslim community at large, attracting the ire of the other groups.

Finally there are the minorities, the Orthodox and the Druze. Both these groups are just as radical as the Shi'ites with them, forming a cohesive bloc of semi-unity in operation. Parties such as the Progressive Socialist Party, Lebanese Communist Party, Ba'athists, Nasserists and even the Palestinian Liberation Organization find strong support within these groups.

Every major political party now has some form of small armed wing that can only grow as instability plagues the country. The only hope forward for Lebanon lies in men like Chehab and his ability to draw together groups and form a secular whole for Lebanese society, with the various competing interests not just of a religious nature but of a class and ideological nature rising and rising with each passing day, is the path to civil war inevitable? Can Lebanon be saved? What will the future hold for this small nation of the Levant?

Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, South Abrada, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Newauroria

[list][pre]USR ✹ The United Somali Republic

JCS ✹ Jamhuuriyadda Cusub ee Soomaaliya[/pre]

[list]A New Republic - Creating the New Somalian Republic

[list][sup][sub]Sebtember 1971 - Jamhuuriyadda Mareykanka waxaa la abuuray[/sub][/sup][/list]

[table=noheader][tr][td]The Somali Times | The New Republic of Somalia Finally Created!

[sup][sub]The Somali Rejoice as a new Republic is created at the end of the Somali Revolution[/sup][/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

| Somalia; The land of instability and chaos, but facts can change. During the Somalian Civil War, Somalia experienced severe loss and suffering under the relentless attacks of Siad Barre and his conspirators. The Somali People seemed all but lost to the forces and attacks of Siad Barre, but they remained. After only a mere 5 months of hundreds of deaths, the Somali Rebellion finally took Mogadishu, and proclaimed the New United Republic of Somalia. The rebels stormed the capital and the provisional leader, Hani Hassan, was taken from power and elections were held to elect the first president of the republic. According to the newly written and revised constitution, the president could only serve 3 terms (4 years) until he had to come down from office and a renewed election would be held, the previous president would also choose to rerun for president if it was in his will. The constitution had been presented with great honor and work, for the constant revision of the constitution was to keep the state in order, to prevent psychotic uprisings and selfish individuals from rising to power, and prevented the eventual downfall of the states. The provinces were given new administrative power over their respective territories, cultures were allowed to spread and flourish across the Somali state. The continued resilience of culture shows the ever more persistent upbringing of the nation. The Presidential Representative, Jamhur Mohammed, gave a speech regarding the lives lost during the revolution, and gave kind condolence words to all lives lost, especially during the psychotic genocides of Siad Barre, a man which would never be missed.

[list]"So, then, sometimes difficulties arise from smog and smoke.

The psychotic, lost, and irrational will operate until their goal is met.

For lives lost to them are only lost parts, they look until their

systems function with the helpless people as cogs and gears,

to work on a psychopathic machine. When those cogs

cease work, the operator goes on a tantrum of

a sociopath. But this is sure; A cog which

continues to work based on what the

machine wants, rather than one individual piece,

Is how you make a functioning machine."

- Jamhur Mohammed, Presidential Representative[/list]

| The speech given that day is known as the 'Revolutionary Account' and gives a summary of the Revolution, its affects, and even though it lasted a short time due to the strategic coup d'e'tat, that the lives lost were no low amount, as stands currently, over 23,000 Somali Men were killed, while 30,000 Woman and Children were either found and categorized as missing or dead. During the Genocidal Period, over 130,000 men and women, including children, were killed during the psychotic tantrum of Siad Barre. He was assassinated shortly after the interior Coup D'e'tat. His charred remains have unknown whereabouts, but it was last seen being dragged through Kenya and released into Lake Victoria into the Ugandan Borders, but this is all the information they have on the subject. The Somali people wish to never see a tramuatic and surely scarring event like this occur, but as in the words of Kowtame Ali,

[list]"The world is like the wind,

So essential yet so dangerous,

and so predictable but so unexpected."[/list]

[spoiler=[sub]Qoray Screen RMB ee ka mid ah[/sub]

WADANIGA XORRIYADDA

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Rutannia, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li, Zingium

[list][list]SHŌWA 46 | OCTOBER 1971[/list]

[list][list]両陛下

[pre]THEIR IMPERIAL MAJESTIES[/pre][/list][/list]

[pre] T E N N O ¹ [/pre]

[list][list][/list][/list]

[table]

[tr] [/tr]

[tr][td][sub][pre]君が代は

千代に八千代に

細石の

巌と為りて

苔の生すまで

[/pre][/sub][/list][/list][/td][td][sub][pre]May your reign

Continue for a thousand,

eight thousand generations,

Until the tiny pebbles

Grow into massive boulders

Lush with moss[/pre][/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

ORLY AIRFIELD — NOON

[sub]PARIS, Metropolitan Francais[/sub]

| Their Imperial Majesties, the Emperor and Empress of Japan, arrived in Paris for a “private” visit that was far from private. The chartered Japan Airlines plane landed at Orly Airfield following the Emperor’s visit to Wallonia. The royal couple were welcomed by the Minister of State for Administrative Reform, Roger Frey, who organized the reception. Troops wearing plumed helmets and wielding shining sabers formed a guard of honor. The Emperor and Empress got into a car and were taken to the Hotel de Crillon, where there was a Japanese flag flying on the roof. A lunch was hosted by the President of France, GEORGES POMPIDOU, and his wife, after which the Emperor and Empress went for a walk. For Hirohito, it brought back memories of his youth. Paris is one of his favorite memories from the European trip he took in 1921, when he was still crown prince. As for the Empress, it was her first time abroad. According to the Japanese Foreign Ministry, the Emperor and Empress are resting between the visit to Wallonia and their visit to Britain. The royal couple visited Notre Dame and then Sainte-Chapelle. Afterwards, they took a car tour of Paris. The Emperor and Empress, after visiting the Louvre, will visit a small inn in Barbizon, the art center near Fontainbleau. The royal couple will dine at Tour d’Argent, one of the oldest and most elegant restaurants in Paris. |

PARLIAMENT SQUARE — MORNINGTIME

[sub]LONDON, Great Britain Gb[/sub]

| The Emperor and Empress were welcomed by large crowds when they arrived in London for a three-day state visit. But there was little applause and the crowd was silent considering its size. It seemed that many did not know how to respond to a former enemy who was now returning to Europe, after half a century, as a symbol of a peaceful but also enigmatic country. Tens of thousands of people gathered in Parliament Square and lined up in Whitehall and the Mall as the Emperor and Queen ELIZABETH II traveled in a carriage from Victoria Station to Buckingham Palace. At a dinner for 170 guests, the Queen proposed a toast to the Emperor’s health. A report in the Evening Standard caused a diplomatic uproar that pointed to a possible abdication of the Emperor sometime in 1972, after his state visit to Washington. The report states that the Emperor considered his trips to Western countries, especially those that suffered during the wartime occupation of Japan, as a penance, after which the way would be opened for a complete rapprochement under a new Emperor. |

| Japan’s Royal House classified the abdication report as “a triviality and not worth responding to.” However, given the age of the current monarch, there were assumptions in Japan about the Emperor’s abdication in favor of the 37-year-old Crown Prince AKIHITO. The 70-year-old Emperor has been on the imperial throne since 1926. Both the Emperor and Empress looked relaxed as they flew into Gatwick Airport in south London after visiting the French capital. Security precautions have been taken due to protests by militant Japanese students in Europe, some of whom claim the Emperor’s visit represents a resurgence of militarism or British war veterans. There were a number of letters from veterans with painful memories of Japanese militarism. The Emperor and Empress were welcomed at the airport by Princess MARGARET and Lord Snowden, who accompanied the imperial entourage to London on a special train. The Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh accompanied by members of the royal family, Prime Minister Heath, and other members of the government were at Victoria Station. The Emperor attended a ceremony at Westminster Abbey and then walked through the abbey as the choir sang Mendelsohn’s “Lift Thine Eyes.” Later, the Emperor and Empress went to Clarence House to have tea with Queen Mother ELIZABETH. |

SCHIPHOL AIRPORT — AFTERNOON

[sub]AMSTERDAM, Hollunde[/sub]

| The arrival of the Emperor and Empress in the Netherlands was the target of protests during the most controversial phase of their trip to Europe. A protester threw a stone at the windshield of the Emperor’s limousine. This happened when the Emperor returned to The Hague after a visit to Rotterdam and the Eurdmast observation tower. Some houses along the way flew Dutch flags at half-mast. There were no Japanese flags and there was no crowd either. The Dutch Government made a point of highlighting an unofficial visit and that lunch with Queen BEATRIX is a minimum courtesy. But the reception given to the Emperor and Empress was so meager that it embarrassed the staff of the Japanese Embassy in the Netherlands. The Emperor’s visit to Norden was also unofficial, but when King GUSTAF VI ADOLF arrived at the airport, a royal marquee was erected and there were Japanese flags all over Copenhagen. In Amsterdam, there were no flags, no red carpet, and no royalty as the Emperor’s plane touched down at Schiphol Airport from London shortly after noon. The Emperor was received by the Grand Chamberlain of the Dutch court. A bulletproof limousine was provided to the Emperor, and his motorcade traveled at 75 miles per hour to The Hague, with a police escort, while helicopters monitored the route. The imperial entourage is staying at the Huis ten Bosch palace. The Emperor will visit Amsterdam and then leave for a day visit to Geneva, Alpenland, starting before his state visit to West Germany, the last country of his 16-day trip to Europe. The staff traveling with the Emperor recognizes that the visit to the Netherlands is the most difficult of all. |

BONN AIRPORT — MORNINGTIME

[sub]BONN, New Provenance[/sub]

| The Japanese Emperor began his three-day visit to West Germany amid generally friendly crowds. The chartered Japan Airlines plane flew over Munich on its way to Bonn from Geneva, Alpenland, to give the Emperor a view of the ground being prepared for the 1972 Summer Olympics. Upon leaving the plane, accompanied by the Empress, the Emperor waved happily before going down the stairs. The Emperor and Empress received a 21-gun salute. Followed by an army band that played the Japanese anthem, “Kimigayo,” and the German anthem, “Deutschland über alles.” Some felt this brought a slight echo of the wartime alliance between Germany and Japan. There were some boos and whistles from people gathered in front of Bonn City Hall, who were there to watch the Emperor’s signing of the visitors’ book. But the reception was still friendly. |

▬▬▬

[sub]¹ A Series: TENNO Covering Emperor Shōwa’s first trip to Europe, which lasted 16 days, where he visited seven European countries.[/sub]

[sup]PREVIOUS CHAPTERS —

SEPT ‘71 | Teikoku no Tabi[/sup]

Rutannia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li, Zingium

OCTOBER , 1971

A Restoration Of Federal Level Democracy

| Yang di-Pertuan Agong Abdul Halim [I]of Kedah[/I] would meet with prime minister Goh Hock Guan. To inform the prime minister, that he [Abdul Halim] will officially end the state of emergency and reopen parliament. |

| [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] objected to the idea, as the communist still pose a threat to Malaysia as a nation. But the Yang di-Pertuan Agong would retort, [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] by rationalising that the communist threat are isolated to the north of Malaysia on the peninsula and are also isolated on the Indonesian-Malaysian border on the island of Borneo. As such the state of emergency is no longer needed on a nation wide scale and instead a smaller scale, state of emergency will be implemented. |

| Of the states that would still be placed under a state of emergency, in which the federal government could heavily intervene in the affairs of the state. Would be the state of Kedah, Perlis, Kelantan and Sarawak. In the case of [I]Sarawak[/I] it was selected alone without the inclusion of Sabah under the state of emergency. Is that according to reports provided by the [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55011298]Kuasa Tertinggi Field Unit[/URL], the communist threat in Borneo had been isolated into pockets in just [I]Sarawak[/I]. |

| The news would be made public information shortly after with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong being the figure making the public proclamation on the end of the nation wide state of emergency and introducing the smaller scale state of emergency in its place. Along with that would come the information that all political parties would be interested in. The reopening of parliament and a new parliamentary election to figure out the distribution of parliamentary seats. However states under the current state of emergency will not receive any voting stations for voting in the parliamentary election. |

[U][I]Epilogue: Barisan Nasional[/I]

| [B]Mahathir Mohamad, the current president of the United National Organisation [UNO] would meet with Syed Hussein Alatas, current president of Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia [GERAKAN], Ketuanegara-Arish Hadif Rayyan, current president of Brunei's Federalist Party [BFP] and S. P. Seenivasagam, current president of the People's Progressive Party [PPP]. A party that left the Democratic Action Party [DAP] led political coalition in government.

After much negotiations it would be agreed that all 4 parties would form a new political coalition calling itself: Barisan Nasional [BN], otherwise known as in English as the National Front Coalition. A coalition formed to counter the [I]DAP[/I] led Prosperity Coalition Party, for a majority seats in parliament.

With further ambitions to acquire more parties as members in the coalition, namely parties in the states of Sarawak and Sabah. |

______________________________________________

Rutannia, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Spain-, Ma-Li, Zingium

[list][list][list][pre]REINO DE ESPAÑA[/pre][/list]

______

The General Election of 1971

[sub]KINGDOM OF SPAIN | MADRID, July 1971[/sub][/list]

[sub]Now it is time for the election of the lower house of the Cortes Generales, the Congress of Deputies, where men and women will vote on which of the following party will have a seat in the Chamber of Deputies and which one of them will have enough seats to command the house. The Conservative Alliance had been continuously winning the election since the restoration of the monarchy in 1953 and are seem to be ready to win this election as well. However, after losing Spanish Guinea to Cameroon shortly after the 1967 election, the Conservative Alliance lost prestige and legitimacy and even the resigning of the previous PM Luis Herrera that lead to Adolfo Suárez becoming the current PM. Even with the Prime Minister Adolfo Suárez leading Spain’s reconciliation efforts with the world Jewry and welcoming and giving citizenship to Jews who were descendants of those who were banned from the country in 1492, will the newfound support from the growing Jewish population be enough to secure their win in this year election, we will found out soon enough with the upcoming result.[/sub]

[sub]- The Conservative Alliance (AC): founded in 1962, they represent both the conservatives and the populists. They support the monarchy, Catholic Church, and traditional Christian values.[/sub]

[sub]- The Liberal Party (PL): refounded in 1954, they represent the Liberalism of the nation. They support the monarchy, but want to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country.[/sub]

[sub]- The National Union (UN): founded in 1954, they represent the far-rights and nationalists with Carlists and religious ideologies. They support the monarchy, Catholic Church, and traditional Christian values.[/sub]

[sub]- The Carlist Party (PC): founded in 1956, they represented the Carlism movement who which to replace the current royal family with an alternative branch of the bourbon dynasty – one descended from Don Carlos, Count of Molina (1788–1855) – on the Spanish throne. They support the monarchy, Catholic Church, and traditional Christian values.[/sub]

[sub]- The People's Democratic Party (PDP): founded in 1954, they represent the Christian-democratic ideology of the nation. They support the monarchy, the Catholic Church and traditional Christian values.[/sub]

[sub]- The Republican Left (IR): founded in 1934, they represent Republicanism in the nation. They advocate the abolition of the monarchy and restoring Spain’s republican system of government and advocate federalism for Spain. They wish to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country.[/sub]

[sub]- The Republican Union (UR): founded in 1934, they represent Republicanism in the nation. They advocate the abolition of the monarchy and restoring Spain’s republican system of government but wish to maintain Spain’s Political unitarism . They wish to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country.[/sub]

[sub]- The People's Socialist Party (PSP): founded in 1960, they represent the socialist ideology of the nation. They advocate the abolition of the monarchy and creating a Socialist republican system of government. They wish to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country.[/sub]

[sub]- The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE): founded in 1879, they represent the Communist and Marxist ideology of the nation. They advocate abolition of the monarchy and establish a marxist proletariat republic for the working class in Spain. Not only they wish to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country, but also wish to ban all religion in the nation.[/sub]

[sub]- The Communist Party of Spain (PCE): founded in 1921, they represent the Communist and Marxist-Leninist ideology of the nation. They advocate abolition of the monarchy and establish a marxist-Leninist proletariat republic for the working class in Spain. Not only they wish to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country, but also wish to ban all religion in the nation.[/sub]

[sub]- The Basque Nationalist Party (PNV): founded in 1895, they represent the Basque Nationalist Movement. They advocate the separation of the Basque regions from Spain and create an independent Basque Republic.[/sub]

[sub]- The Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC): founded in 1931, they represent the Catalonian Nationalist Movement. They advocate the separation of Catalonia from Spain and create an independent Catalonian Republic.[/sub]

[sub]Politicians anxiously wait for the election results as men and women line up at the polling stations. After all the votes are counted, the result is the Conservative Alliance won the overall majority seats in the Congress of Deputies.[/sub]

[list][sub]RESULTS:[/sub]

[sub]- Conservative Alliance (AC): 140 seats[/sub]

[sub]- Liberal Party (PL): 39 seats[/sub]

[sub]- National Union (UN): 35 seats[/sub]

[sub]- Carlist Party (PC): 5 seats[/sub]

[sub]- People's Democratic Party (PDP): 23 seats[/sub]

[sub]- Republican Left (IR): 22 seats[/sub]

[sub]- Republican Union (UR): 21 seats[/sub]

[sub]- People's Socialist Party (PSP): 20 seats[/sub]

[sub]- Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE): 40 seats[/sub]

[sub]- Communist Party of Spain (PCE): 3 seats[/sub]

[sub]- Basque Nationalist Party (PNV): 1 seats[/sub]

[sub]- Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC): 1 seats[/sub][/list]

[list]______[/list]

[list][list][pre]VIVA EL REY!

VIVA ESPAÑA!

VIVA LA IMPERIO![/pre][/list][/list]

[list][spoiler=[sub]“Our hope is in Christ;

this little mountain will be

the salvation of Spain

and of the people of the Goths;

the mercy of Christ will free us

from that multitude.”

— Pelayo of Asturias, King of Asturias[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Rutannia, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Allbania, Ma-Li, Zingium

[list][spoiler=​🇵​​🇱​​🇦​​🇾​ ​🇲​​🇪​ ​🇫​​🇴​​🇷​ ​🇦​​🇲​​🇧​​🇮​​🇪​​🇳​​🇨​​🇪​⦂ ​​​🇲​​🇮​ ​🇨​​🇴​​🇷​​🇦​​🇿​​🇴​​🇳​ ​🇪​​🇸​ ​🇺​​🇳​ ​🇬​​🇮​​🇹​​🇦​​🇳​​🇴​]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5ZGnCN29Ru0[/spoiler][/list]

[list]░░░ 𝐉𝐔𝐄𝐕𝐄𝐒 𝐃𝐄 𝐂𝐎𝐑𝐏𝐔𝐒

[sup]𝐒𝐢𝐠𝐥𝐨 𝐗𝐗 - 𝟏𝟗𝟕𝟏 | 𝙴𝚂𝚃𝙰𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝙼𝙴𝚇𝙸𝙲𝙰𝙽𝙾𝚂[/sup][/list]

[sup]If there's one singular vice in Mexico that never seems to fade away, it's the state's avaricious taste for violence. It was true during the era of the Aztec empire when enemies of the empire had their hearts ripped out on top the Teocalli temple. It was true during the era of the 1st Republic when those who opposed centralism were executed by firing lines. It was true during the Porfiriato, when the regime crushed anyone who dared to challenge its power. And it is true in the modern era as the state continues this age old habit. What has changed is the method. A modern regime can't just have a blank check on violence; it has to be disguised under the guise of law and order or national security. President Echeverría was especially looking to guide the party state away from that sort of violence that had brought about the disaster that was the 1968 student movement. Open violence against political opposition had to become more covert and sutle; unfortunately for Echeverría, things were about to get very violent on the holiday of Corpus Christi. In the wake of Echeverría's presidency, many of the student leaders of the 1968 student movement were released from prison, and several more exiled in Chile were allowed to return. A gesture of good faith from the new administration towards reconciliation and healing the wounds of the past. Well, that was the idea on paper, but the move had more to do with Echeverría running damage control for his administration. More importantly, the federal government wanted to ease off the tensions and get the student movements to become passive and less likely to protest or challenge the state. Thus, some political concessions would be granted, such as Echeverría's announcement of reforms that would lead to democratic openness in the country. Such as freedom of the press, the right to public demonstration, and more political autonomy for Mexico's universities.[/sup]

[sup]In the aftermath of the 1968 Movement and the Tlatelolco massacre, the original opposition movement against the state, made up of students, workers, unions, and leftist political groups, was weakened. Although not completely defunct, the opposition movement was in a far weaker position socially and politically compared to 1968. The people wanted peace of mind and entertainment, not constant political strife on the TV. None the less, the will to fight for political change was still there, and the movement wasn't willing to die out. So its various leaders began plotting out a new march to reinvigorate the movement. The march came in opposition to a current issue concerning the student part of the movement. In the state of Monterrey, students and professors of the Autonomous University of Nuevo León (UANL) introduced an organic law that a joint government proposed. The state government, in disagreement, drastically reduced the budget, which upset university students, and forced the University Council to approve a new bill that practically suppressed the autonomy of the institution. Not willing to lay down, the students went on strike and called for nationwide solidarity from the other Mexican universities. The National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) and the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN) joined the cause, organizing protests and demonstrations in support of UANL. Mass demonstrations were planned for the 10th of June on Corpus Christi Day, or the Solemnity of the Body and Blood of Christ holiday. A public holiday that many Mexicans took off work, which would help bolster the visibility of the march.[/sup]

[list][list][list][spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Rutannia, Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Allbania, Spain-, Ma-Li, Zingium

[list][pre]L E R O Y A U M E D E W A L L O N I E | K I N G D O M O F W A L L O N I A[/pre][/list]

[table=plainheader][tr][td][sub]October 1971 — The Capital Speech at Brussels offically declares two capitals of the Walloon Kingdom: Namur and Brussels[/sub]

[list]Ô Roi des Wallons, quand tes rayons brillants brilleront-ils sur notre peau?

[sub]O King of the Walloon's, when will your bright rays shine against our skin?[/sub][/list]

[sup][sub] 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐖𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐨𝐨𝐧 𝐂𝐡𝐫𝐨𝐧𝐢𝐜𝐥𝐞𝐬[/sub][/sup][/td][/tr][/table]

| The 'Speech of Capital Hill' gave way to a new influx of nationalist ideas of the Walloon Nation as the Prime Minister gave the speech upon the de-facto capital, Brussels. Over 790,000 people came to hear the speech, some of the city speakers had to be used a full volume so the crowd could hear the words of the man above. This nearly record breaking attendance had given way to a national spur, to create the new capitals of Wallonia, Brussels and Namur. Before Walloon independence, the city of Brussels and Namur had simply been cities inside the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The nationality of Wallonia had never been forgotten and never would be forgotten as long as the nation kept its spirit alive. The two new capitals, Namur and Brussels; provide new cities of politics.

| Many question, though, the reason for two capitals. The two capitals weren't just chosen out of the blue, they were governmental centers from the start. Brussels had always been the de facto capital of Wallonia, while Namur had been the Walloon center of International Politics. Using this reasoning, the Walloon state had properly begun the road to the capital title. The city of Namur was chosen for international politics, because nationwide, it is widely known to be a peaceful city that had almost never participated in war. The city, therefore, gave a perfect candidate to be an international center. Brussels was chosen because, historically and accurately, it has always been the de facto capital of Wallonia. Wallonia, after the decision for two capitals, decided that a new revivial for the city was in store. The Department of Architecture and Metropolitan Design of Wallonia (DAMW), had taken the task of redesigning the cities of Namur and Brussels. Most old city sites were left alone, except those which were simply annoyances in the metropolitan areas. The DAMW had taken up the task a week after the capital speech, and the reconstruction was declared. The cities of Namur and Brussels get massive renovation and revival as new buildings upgrade the capitals significantly, many buildings are scheduled to take almost a year in build time. The people of these cities and all around Wallonia take up the helping process of the DAMW, and hundreds join and pass the exams to get into the DAMW program. The people of Wallonia want it to be a shining beacon in the European Lowlands, and it wants the world to know about the Walloon's, and their willingness to serve.

| the Walloon King, Sir Louis Peeters IV, completley support the project, and the king even opens up a new funding organization to better fund the reconstruction efforts. The 'Louis Funding and Supportive Construction Program (LFSC PRGM)' had also given oppurtunities to other Walloon citizens to support the construction efforts as well, and many from around the country come in support. Mutiple translators had to be brought in as French, Dutch, and German speakers flood to support, but none can understand. So, the translators begin to welcome bilinguals and new translators are signed up in the thousands. According to the Walloon Census, over 25% of the Walloon population is helping in the reconstruction efforts, some of the most cooperation ever seen in one single nation. The Walloon people feel more connected then ever, and crime rates plummet with this new construction program also bringing better security. The nation becomes safer and safer, and people feel less afraid when out on the streets alone in the dark of midnight. The new programs being created only increase the 25%, and within next year, it should rise to 38%. This national cooperation brings a sense of nationality within the Walloon people, and the king of Wallonia feels more like a king then he ever has with this new effort, this effort brings jobs and economic prosperity to Wallonia, as it grows more powerful, it grows almost in equal with its neighbors. The Dutch have been some of the most reluctant, considering past occurrences. But, the Walloons accept any help, no matter the origin or where they're from. People from Africa have even migrated to help as well. The population gains thousands of citizens. It seems the reconstruction effort has improved not only the nation, but the people.

[list][list][list][spoiler=[sub]Écrit pour l’écran RMB de[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH DE LIBERTÉ

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Rutannia, Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, New Provenance, Tallahan, Allbania, Spain-, Ma-Li, Zingium

[list][list]SHŌWA 46 | OCTOBER 1971[/list]

[list][list]日本の対中政策

[pre]JAPAN’s CHINA POLICY[/pre][/list][/list]

[pre] H E A T E D D E B A T E [/pre]

[list][list][/list][/list]

[table]

[tr] [/tr]

[tr][td][sub][pre]君が代は

千代に八千代に

細石の

巌と為りて

苔の生すまで

[/pre][/sub][/list][/list][/td][td][sub][pre]May your reign

Continue for a thousand,

eight thousand generations,

Until the tiny pebbles

Grow into massive boulders

Lush with moss[/pre][/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

NATIONAL DIET — AFTERNOON

[sub]TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]

| In EISAKU SATO’s speech, it was announced that the Prime Minister would begin an urgent new effort to open government and commercial contacts with Beijing. The Prime Minister’s statement, delivered before the Diet, was the first attempt to bring order to a Japanese policy toward China that has been in disarray since RICHARD NIXON suddenly changed American policy toward Beijing in July. It is vitally important that new principles are created for relations with Beijing and that the Government obtains a “comprehensive consensus” for the Japanese people to support, according to the Prime Minister. Currently, Japan maintains diplomatic relations with Taiwan, and although trade between Japan and China has grown rapidly in recent years, trade with the Nationalists is even greater in numbers. Japan’s China policy is expected to be heatedly debated during the Diet session. The Liberal Democrats are divided on this issue and the Prime Minister has been criticized by the opposition for not having anticipated the new American policy towards China, Japan’s number one ally. |

| The Prime Minister was interrupted by firecrackers that exploded in the well of the lower house. Protesters outside shouted “Destroy the Okinawa reversion agreement!” there was a sign that said: “We Oppose the Okinawa Reversion Agreement.” This special session of the Diet was called to ratify a treaty with the United States under which Okinawa would be returned to Japan. Many Japanese leftists are against the pact because it provides for the maintenance of American military bases on the island. The firecracker throwers were members of the Okinawa Youth League. The league wanted Americans out of Okinawa, but did not want the island to return to Japanese rule, claiming that Okinawans were being wronged under Japanese rule before World War II. It’s unclear what league members wanted. In the Prime Minister’s speech, similar to NIXON’s State of the Nation report, important points were mentioned: |

[list][list]▌[sub]A new page will be added to the history between Japan and America regarding the reversion of Okinawa. However, it was noted that the continued use of military bases by the Americans was a “prerequisite” for the reversion.[/sub]

▌[sub]Japan’s voice must be heard in the current international monetary crisis, as leaving a solution “entirely to the Americans” cannot be justified. This was an indirect warning that Japan would resist U.S. pressure to revalue the yen.[/sub]

▌[sub]“Acts of violence must be fully and comprehensively reported, whether committed by a single person or an entire group, or the foundations of a democratic society will be destroyed.” This pointed to the steady increase in violence by radical leftists in Japan.[/sub][/list][/list]

| Speeches by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, TAKEO FUKUDA, and the Minister of Finance, MIKIO MIZUTA reinforced the Prime Minister’s speech. Until recently, Japan’s China policy consisted mainly of having trade and making pragmatic political decisions as necessary. But NIXON’s announcement, known in Japan as the “Nixon shock,” put an end to this approach. Sometime later, the government secretly sent a foreign service diplomat to Beijing as a member of Japan’s unofficial trade mission. The Chinese Foreign Minister provided direct, albeit informal, communications to Tokyo and Beijing. The Government firmly believes that there is only one China and hopes that Taiwan’s fate will be resolved through negotiations between the parties involved. The Prime Minister defended a policy of supporting the admission of Chinese Communists to the U.N. and opposing the expulsion of nationalists as a “transitional measure.” The expulsion of Taiwan is not only certainly unrealistic from the point of view of the international situation, but it could also worsen tensions in the region. |

Rutannia, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Allbania, Spain-, Ma-Li, Zingium

[list][spoiler=🇵​​🇱​​🇦​​🇾​ ​🇲​​🇪​ ​🇫​​🇴​​🇷​ ​🇦​​🇲​​🇧​​🇮​​🇪​​🇳​​🇨​​🇪​⦂ ​​​​🇭​​🇺​​🇲​​🇦​​🇳​ ​🇸​​🇦​​🇨​​🇷​​🇮​​🇫​​🇮​​🇨​​🇪​]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RzlfiZmq33c[/spoiler][/list]

[list]░░░ 𝐄𝐋 𝐇𝐀𝐋𝐂𝐎𝐍𝐀𝐙𝐎

[sup]𝐒𝐢𝐠𝐥𝐨 𝐗𝐗 - 𝟏𝟗𝟕𝟏 | 𝙴𝚂𝚃𝙰𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝙼𝙴𝚇𝙸𝙲𝙰𝙽𝙾𝚂[/sup][/list]

[sup]The new march began on the 10th of June, when students from UNAM and IPN met at Casco de Santo Tomás, a subunit of the IPN institute. The plan conceived by the leaders was to march from Santo Tomas to Manuel Carpio Avenue, to Avenue of the Teachers. Then arrive at the Calzada Meixco-Tacuba and finally move onto the Zocalo, the capital square where the national palace was located. Besides the university students, members of worker unions showed up in solidarity with various leftist political groups. The march from Santo Tomas started small, but soon enough, it was beginning to accumulate more and more participants as it made its way through the city streets. The atmosphere was charged with energy and determination as the diverse group of protesters marched towards their destination at the Zocalo. However, the federal authorities had already been privy to the plans of the students. Mexico's intelligence agency, the Federal Security Directorate (DFS), had already infiltrated many of the opposition groups and was constantly fed information about their activities. Capitán Luis de la Barreda Moreno, director of the DFS, tipped off the Ministry of the Interior about the protest, leading to a swift and coordinated response to contain the demonstration before it reached the Zocalo. The Federal District Department (DDF) mobilized units of the Mexico City Police (PCM), and the ministry of the interior mobilized army units garrisoned at the military college. However, the state was adamant not to repeat the fisaco that was the 1968 riots and kept the official authorities under strict orders to use minimal force and avoid escalating the situation. Rather than engage the protestors directly, the state created a new paramilitary force to deal with them; they are the Halcones.[/sup]

[sup]The Halcones (Falcons) origins came from a joint venture between the DFS and the CIA to create a paramilitary force to repress any political movement that criticized the government. Its creation was guided by the hand of Alfonso Corona del Rosal in 1966, an old PRI vanguardist from the Calles era of party politics. The Halcones had their start in political violence by conducting abductions of activists and dissidents during the late 1960s. It was eventually expanded upon in 1970 by the DFS to conduct anti-protestor operations on behalf of the state without needing to get their own hands dirty. Recruitment typically consisted of DFS members as leaders, military veterans as sub lieutenants, and finally the grunts, consisting of the lower rungs of Mexican society. The poor, convicts, and general gutter trash made up the bulk of the Halcones. On that fateful day, the gendarmerie and police began their operation when the protestors arrived at the Avenue of the Teachers, blocking them from advancing any further. From there, convoys consisting of gray military trucks and unmarked vehicles made their way towards the plaza before dismounting around a corner. The halcones had arrived, and under the command of Miguel Nazar Haro, they began their dirty work. Armed with bamboo sticks, knives, and for some M1 carbine rifles, they went through the gendarmerie line into the crowd of protestors, beating anyone indiscriminately. The violence escalated quickly as they launched an attack at the forefront of the march, where the press was along with correspondents from international agencies. The beating continued in the center of the march, and they started shooting from a building on the street of Tláloc and another contiguous to Cosmos Cinema.[/sup]

[list][list][spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Rutannia, Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Allbania, Spain-, Ma-Li, Zingium

The Great Game Part 7: Seizing an Opportunity

[sub]October, 1971[/sub]

When Suharto caught wind of what had transpired in Pontianak, his advisors, particularly Ali Murtopo were quick to advise him to cover up the incident. The bizarre events that preceded them along with the fact that many of the workers involved didn’t even want to return to the construction site would make the government look weak and the project for the new capital as a pointless investment. Worse still, Ali Murtopo argued that Suharto’s own reputation was at stake. After all, he was the biggest proponent of the project and its most prominent public supporter. In the eyes of the Indonesian public, the Pontianak Capital Project was Suharto’s project.

However, going against his right-hand man’s own advice, Suharto allowed the incident to spread. Newspapers aligned with the government reported on the accidental fire and the damages it had caused. Part of the foundation for the Nusantara Palace had collapsed in the blaze and several pieces of machinery had been damaged. Houses near the construction site also burned to the ground, leaving many homeless. Obviously, the strange occurrences that had preceded the fire and the stories of ghostly apparitions and lights in the sky were omitted while the fire damage was put at the forefront.

Suharto then went out to Kalimantan and photographers followed the President as he personally surveyed the damage and met with construction workers and supervisors who had remained. Ali Murtopo followed closely, still apprehensive about the image the disaster would portray. However, his concerns soon proved to have been unfounded. The whole plan from the very beginning was to put pressure on the People’s Consultative Assembly and its leader, A.H Nasution, to put more money into the project. After all, the fire had affected the surrounding city and it was the government’s responsibility to help the people. In the end, Suharto’s efforts paid off. Public pressure had fallen hard on the legislature which was forced to pass an emergency funding bill that would go toward the recovery from the fire.

While the MPR had control over the state treasury, the executive was in charge of managing those funds. It gave the President and the cabinet of ministers wide authority over how and where to spend the money. In practice though, it was Suharto who ultimately determined where the money went to, a lot of it was funneled toward projects that would expand his own power over the country, gain him allies, and maintain the support of the people. The rest was distributed among members of his own family, particularly his wife Siti Hartinah and his siblings, including his younger half-brother Probosutedjo who had business interests in the forestry and construction sectors. It allowed Suharto, his children, his wife and close family to live in luxury while close friends and members of Aspri to live comfortably and afford foreign goods that ordinary Indonesians couldn’t afford.

However, Suharto’s latest raid upon the treasury would go toward the Pontianak Capital Project and more specifically toward the sole company working construction at the site, the state-owned Waskita Karya. Since 1969, the company has been chaired by Probosutedjo, Suharto’s younger brother. Since then, Waskita Karya has been involved in several construction projects directly benefiting Probosutedjo’s own companies including the Menara Hutan Buana company engaged in logging and the timber industry and his real estate dealings. It was no coincidence that Probosutedjo was also a leading board member at Semen Indonesia and Krakatau Steel, two companies also partially involved in the Pontianak Capital Project and other projects connected to the Suharto family.

The fire in Pontianak had been transformed from a potential catastrophe, into a business opportunity for the shrewed Suharto who had pounced upon the chance to expand his control over the state’s finances for his own personal gain. Not only would the newfound funding allow him and his family to continue living in luxury, but also allow him to expand his power over the government at the expense of the Radikals, the Old Guard and even KAMI by gaining the support of the people through massive projects he could take credit for. From the Pontianak Capital Project, to new rail and road across the archipelago, to brand new oil and natural gas exploration, to the construction of new mines, the mechanization of agriculture, and the expansion of the ports in Medan, Batam, and Pontianak and finally the exploitation of vast quantities of timber in West Papua and Borneo.

As far as the President was concerned, he was winning the Great Game. The Old Guard was too busy consolidating themselves and dealing with Sukarno-era politics to pose a real threat, the Radikals were appeased by Suharto’s quiet support for their expansionist designs and the student organizations were happy as long as the state continued to invest heavily in education and crack down on leftist agitators. Slowly but surely, Suharto felt like he was gaining control. Not just through sheer political power, but also through his growing wealth. All Suharto had to do was wait and soon, men like Nasution and Jusuf could be pushed aside.

Rutannia, Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Allbania, Spain-, Ma-Li, Zingium

Astarina wrote:THE WINDS OF CHANGE...

...SOW THE SEEDS OF CHAOS

August 1, 1971

Vientiane, Laos Province, Kingdom of Siam

| The last 12 months had been a time of great change in the fledging Laos Province. While outgoing Governor of the province, Phoui Sananikone, had toed the line between bowing totally subservient to Krung Thep and advocating completely for the wishes of his people, his predecessor had stepped over that line completely. Under Phoui, small-scale demonstrations had been allowed, so long as they were not overtly pro-communist in nature - under the new Governor, Major General Vang Pao, they were outlawed entirely. This served only to stoke further tension, as did the decision to ramp up taxes to levels equal to those in Siam proper. Phoui had negotiated to have them at a lower level to lessen the financial burden on the considerably poorer Laotian community, but Vang famously, or perhaps infamously, declared a month into his rule that "freedom is not free". In other words, the people of Laos - especially since conscription was not enforced on them as it was on the those in the core Siamese provinces - should pay more for protection from the communists on the eastern border, and waging guerrilla warfare in the jungles of the province. |

| The people of Vientiane 'celebrated' the one year anniversary of Vang's appointment by flocking to the streets, burning effigies of their Governor and calling for the introduction of the vote for Laos. Concerned by the remaining presence of the Pathet Lao, upon liberating Laos the King had pledged a "transition" with his appointed Governor in control until such a time as "sensible, peaceful elections" were deemed possible. All this meant to many Laotians was that their right to vote would only be allowed on a whim, and may perhaps never be allowed under Siamese governance at all. The wealthier members of Laotian society and business owners had broadly supported Siamese governance given the business opportunities, and that the main alternative was communist rule. However, Vang's increase in taxes had made even some of them join the August 1 protest. |

| The demonstration was met with predictable brutality. Over 100,000 of the city's 2.7 million people were in attendance, many carrying signs with slogans such as "ລົງກັບວັງປາວ" (Down with Vang Pao) and "ປະຊາທິປະໄຕໃນປັດຈຸບັນ" (Democracy now). The march down Vientiane's main streets was peaceful at first, only disrupting traffic, but as riot police arrived, things escalated. The orders to disperse were unsurprisingly ignored, and some protesters began throwing stones at the police. The police returned fire with tear gas, at which point the protest became a full-blown riot, with some angry civilians throwing Molotov cocktails. Police advanced into the crowd, beating them with batons and arresting hundreds as screams filled the streets. Some were beaten so badly they died, and at the end of the day, 12 police officers and 26 protesters had died, with hundreds more seriously injured. |

| Governor Vang called for calm and order via a radio broadcast, assuring his people that the current order is working for their safety and prosperity, and urging them to reconsider any "seditious riots" in the future. Notably, there was no apology or even acknowledgement of the 26 protesters who had died, angering many of the pro-democracy advocates in the province. |

| As much as the Governor would like his people to remain calm, anyone who received word of the protest-turned-riot could plainly see that it was unlikely they would do so under the status quo... |

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Rutannia, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Allbania, Spain-, Ma-Li, Zingium

AP News: History of Bolivia Up to 1971

1952 Bolivian Revolution - April 9 - 11, 1952

The Bolivian National Revolution’s origins can be found during the Great Depression, and the defeat of the nation’s military during the Chaco War. The Great Depression had greatly weakened not only the Bolivian mining industry.

Increased radicalism from the Revolutionary Left Party, and Socialist Falange Party ate away at the oligarchic control Bolivia’s elites had held over the economy, and political system for decades.

The most important of these parties would be the catch-all revolutionary nationalists, the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR), led by Juan Lechin and his Bolivian Workers’ Union, Victor Paz Estenssoro, and Hernán Siles Zuazo.

Starting in the mines, the miners, and the MNR led a popular uprising with town after town falling. On April 12, 1952, the military surrendered to the miners, and the MNR.

Estenssoro Government 1952-1956

Following their victory in the Revolution, the MNR would quickly begin to fragment between the left wing Trotskyists under Juan Lechin, and the conservative Walter Guevara. Estenssoro trended towards the middle of his own party, but recognized the growing divide.

Opting for a decentralized armed forces, mostly made up of workers’ and peasants, the MNR would begin to be pulled to the left. The Army itself was reorganized as a tool of the party, rather than a proper army to oppose the new government.

Universal suffrage was extended to the entire populace, and most contentiously, Paz would abolish term limits allowing himself to continuously stand for elections. This controversial move almost immediately sparked an attempted coup against him by Rene Barrientos. Having instead chosen to empower the worker’s militias, Paz managed to quash the coup.

Nonetheless he was deeply unpopular, he would choose to not run as President for the MNR again. Instead he threw his support behind candidate Hernán Siles Zuazo.

Hernán Siles Zuazo - 1956 - 1965[/B]

Zuazo would become president during a tumultuous period within his party. With Juan Lechin and the left wing of the party growing louder, and more uncontrollable, Lechin would demand the role of the vice presidency. Instead, Zuazo would turn towards the right, taking on Walter Guevara as Vice President.

This shift to the right caused mass defections by those who supported Juan Lechin. This split would be felt not only within the party but within the Bolivian Workers’ Union would would be coerced into following Lechin, despite his controversial personality.

President Zuazo would attempt to win over favors with the workers’, nationalizing more foreign businesses, and adopting a neutral view on foreign policy. This would instead merely anger the right wing, many of whom were suspected of being on the United States’ payroll. With falling popularity, and dissent from all sides Zuazo would choose to resign in 1965, calling for emergency elections.

Walter Guevara 1965 -1970

Guevara would become leader of the MNR, and the nation as a whole. Benefitting from a fragmented left wing, Guevara would come into office almost unopposed. Coming into office as a staunch free market supporter, Guevara would cut taxes, and tariffs across the board.

More unrest would come in 1969 when Guevara attempted to privatize the various state conglomerates, including the mines of Bolivia. This move prompted the worker’s militias who had served as the brunt of the military forces to attempt a coup against Guevara led by Juan Jose Torres. Guevara would turn to the more right wing, and more party-aligned Bolivian Army to quash the coup.

With the coup quashed, the Bolivian Army, which had aligned itself with Victor Paz who had come out of retirement as the situation fell apart, demanded Guevara not stand for a second term, lest they be forced to launch a coup against him. President Guevara would decline to run, with Victor Paz winning an easy victory with no opposition.

Return of Victor Paz Estenssoro - 1971 - Onwards

Once the unpopular statesmen, now considered the last hope of the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement, Estenssoro has his work cut out for him. The MNR is fragmented between right and left, most of the original leadership has exited the party to form left wing splinter factions. The labor unions are at their most mutinous, and Guevara’s reforms lay unfinished, and unpopular.

Adopting the rhetoric of “free market, and state guidance”, Estenssoro seems to be attempting to bind the reforms of both the left, and right, in order to bring the party back together. While it will be difficult, Estenssoro has some advantages. The left wing is in a state of disarray. Even the popular Juan Lechin has been increasingly growing despised by the leadership of his splinter party, Revolutionary Party of the Nationalist Left, if Estenssoro were to extend his hand out to them they may be willing to remerge, leaving Lechin isolated.

Another positive, is both the army, and militia’s are in a weakened state, and Estenssoro may be able to use this to his advantage, bringing them both back under the state’s hand, and ending the numerous failed coups’ that have taken place since the 1952 National Revolution.

No matter what choice is made, Estenssoro will have to make difficult compromises, and may have to engage in brutal tactics to rebuild the MNR.

Rutannia, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Allbania, Spain-, Ma-Li

OCTOBER , 1971

The Biological Research Center & The Man Behind It

| [B]Straub Brunó Ferenc a biochemist, who in his youth was a research assistant under Szent-Györgyi Albert Imre, who [Szent-Györgyi Albert Imre] won a Nobel Prize In Physiology or Medicine, in 1937. [I]Straub Brunó Ferenc[/I] would go on to work at the Molteno Institute in Cambridge before returning back to [I]Hungary[/I]. |

| [I]Straub Brunó Ferenc[/I] return to [I]Hungary[/I] would see the biochemist, enter the world of politics who initially joined a political party but after his last party dissolved. The biochemist has been working in politics as an independent. Despite his foray into politics, [I]Straub Brunó Ferenc[/I] would still continue working in the field of academics in [I]Hungary[/I], presently employed as the vice-president of the biochemistry department of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. |

| But now [I]Straub Brunó Ferenc[/I] would open the Biological Research Centre of the [I]Hungarian Academy of Sciences[/I], located in [I]Szeged[/I]. With [I]Straub Brunó Ferenc[/I] becoming the first director of the [I]Biological Research Center[/I], while still working in his position as vice-president of the biochemistry department in the [I]Hungarian Academy of Sciences[/I].

The [I]Biological Research Center[/I] would have 4 institutions. Namely; the Institute of Biophysics, the Institute of Biochemistry, the Institute of Genetics and the Institute of Plant Biology.

The agenda for research topics in the [I]Biological Research Center[/I] would primarily be focused on several fields of molecular and cell biology. |

| The plan with the [I]Biological Research Center[/I] is to not just be a research center to bolster [I]Hungary[/I]'s own scientific knowledge and advancements. But also that of the international world, through international scientific publications and patents. |

______________________________________________

Rutannia, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Spain-, Ma-Li

[pre]1971, Oktoba — October, 1971

Presidential Residence, Gulu-Arua Road, Gulu, Northern Province (Mkoa wa Kaskazini)[/pre]

[list][pre]The Republic Of Nilemba • Jamhuri ya Nilemba[/pre][/list]

[list][list]IDI AMIN — THE CONQUEROR[/list][/list]

The inert political tensions within Milton Obote’s cabinet had reached a boiling point, several instances of ethnic favoritism and undermining of national unity, had cost President Obote the allegiance and cooperation of Nilemba’s several tribal groups, such as the Acholi and Teso tribes, that make up much of the country’s powerful tribes, along with Obote’e own Langi Tribe, that the other two are accusing Obote of using state funds and resources to benefit the Langi. These accusations were after all far from baseless, the evidence was quite clear, as they kept mounting and pushing the President into an indefensible position. All this culminated in much of the public and opposition and anger directed towards Obote, followed by a nationwide display of support to depose Obote from power, and declare new special elections for the country to choose a new head of state. However, it is there that the agreements of the opposition parties and tribes would come to an end, their plot against President Obote had only come to ask the question, who amongst them is best fit to reign over this fragile system of rivaling clans, tribes, and linguistic groups, all united by a foundation of degraded Nilotoc ethnonationalism.

Each of the candidates competing for the Presidency however, seemed to only have the interest of their tribes in mind, while ideally as men in the representation of their region and communities would care about the interest of their constituents, a man in a position of the highest office in the land, and the perceived representative of the country in the face of the international community is meant to put aside their ethnic favoritism and supremacist ideology. Yet despite the clear task at hand, Nilemba’s opposition parties continued to class ideologically to take hold of Obote’s position, leaving room for a certain man of wide ambitions, a man who himself is paranoid of losing his job, as the commanding chief of the Nilemba Armed Forces (NAF), both under the Obote Administration which continues to limit and regulate Amin in his job, and from the opposition party that has displayed mistrust and intent at removing Amin several times during his tenure in the past decade. Idi Amin was not the kind of man to wait and see where history takes him, both during the colonial era, and during the last 10 years of a career change to support the independence of his country, Idi had always taken his destiny onto his hands, making quick work of influencing and infiltrating new organization, building trust and providing his useful skills to gain prominence, and his work at had now brought him to be commanding officer of the country’s military.

Soon after however, Amin would reach his decision after learning of Obote’s new legislation in the making, to name the President of Nilemba as the ultimate commander and chief of the NAF, effectively diminishing or undermining Amin’s Job, but this will not be a task too easy as Obote would come to find. By the time he’d return from a diplomatic mission to Singapore, he would find himself and his government deposed and exiled, realizing that he may never be able to return to Nilemba, to the country he had founded from the burning flames of ethnic cleansing and ecological disasters. 14:00 hours earlier, the Chief of the Armed Forces, Idi Amin Dada Oumee, had gathered his supporters within the military to mobilize on Gulu, the airport was the first to be seized, followed by the media centers and police departments around the city. Nilemba was put under virtual lockdown, her capital city now engulfed by military tanks and infantry occupying the streets, by the time the opposition vying for power had realized their government had just been deposed in a coup, propelling the ambitious Amin into power, with it, declaring himself second President of the Republic of Nilemba.

Back on Obote’s Plane, news of the coup and his removal from power had sent him into a spiral, suffering a panic attack just as his advisors ordered the plane redirected to Kenya. Once he had landed, Idi Amin had already mobilized the armed forces into the Victoria region, cementing its legitimacy to Nilemba, while also increasing security around border crossings into Kenya, Ganda, and Sudan. All whilst Obote had recovered, making quick work to infiltrate and identify loyalists troops within the NAF, hoping to recruit them into launching a counter-coup, with the perceived help of Kenya, however as Obote plotted, the help he thought he might receive from Nairobi may as well be nonexistent, and his plans only proving to trial the patience of the Kenyan Government, resulting in his depart from that country too. Obote had turned to the north, to Somalia, where he was to meet a likely ally that would help him in his plans to restore his rule in Nilemba.

Idi Amin had at last, secured his position as the President and head of state of Nilemba, and in an ironic twist, the NAF would be also brought under his complete control and authority of the Presidential Office, fulfilling Obote’s plan to make the Presidency the highest command and chief of the armed forces. Opposition powers challenging the newly declared President Amin would struggle to gain the momentum needed, to provide Amin with a counterforce to his presidency, often invoking tribalist ideologies that had alienated them from nationwide support, and only served to further cement Idi Amin as “The Conqueror” of unjust corrupt government, and a liberator of the people, a narrative that had been helped along further with the seizure of national media outlets in the capital and other urban centers such as Mbale, Lira, and Jinja. Idi Amin established absolute certainty of his role, with his position as head of state and head of government, through guaranteeing his stay in power, given the massive help of intelligence, supplies, assets, and recognition granted to his government from the UK, Israel, as well as other western aligned nations, that liked to see a hardline anti-communist government in Nilemba, serving their interest in the region, amidst the rise of leftist governments and rebel groups in the neighboring D.R. Congo, Sudan, and Ethiopia.

What is uncertain however, is what role will Milton Obote or the enriched Langi Tribe have in retaking the country, or how far his tribe willing to aid him in his endeavor, will he move ahead with attempting a counter-coup or be forced to sit back and begin an early retirement? What faith awaits the Busoga people, both exiled in Ganda and under severe repression within Nilemba, who are desperate to reclaim their homeland and dignity, will their right of return to the Sogaland be granted and permanent peace with Ganda established, or will they continue to suffer another 40 years of exile, oppression, subjugation, and grief, while Idi Amin maintains an air of hostility with Ganda’s Bantu kingdoms? What geopolitical game is Idi Amin’s Government expected to take in a volatile region surrounded by nations already uneasy with his power grab, will he oppose Somalia’s bid to reclaim Obote’s government, will he move ahead with destabilizing South Sudan, distracting the Arab nationalist sympathizers in Khartoum, as part of an effort to aid his Israeli Allies, will he commit to further incursions into the D.R. Congo to cement a sphere of influence predicated at surrounding Ganda to secure the sovereignty of the Nilo State? And most of all, what faith awaits Idi Amin’s Nilemba?

———————————————

GLORY BE NILEMBA!!

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Rutannia, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li

[list]1971년 10월 23일

[sub]First Signs of Weakness[/sub][/list]

[list][sub]National Assembly Forces Park’s Hand[/sub][/list]

[sub]SEOUL, Rutannia[/sub]

| It had been six months since the legislative election that had left Park governing alongside the People’s Party, during that time the coalition had just about held together given its slim majority of just six over the opposition. Fortunately for the government a bulk of the nine independents are conservative leaning and the Democratic Republicans although in opposition are more likely to favour the government over the left-leaning opposition. The government had comfortably passed its budget in early June despite what felt like a landslide of amendments submitted by the opposition in order to drag out the ordeal for the government. However in its short six months it was now facing a larger more significant challenge. |

| Since the United State’s change of tack in relation to the People’s Republic of China, which had blindsided both Korea and Japan, it was becoming clear that the PRC was economically supplanting the Republic of China. Trade had become vitally important to Korea’s economic plan, and continued refusal to change official recognition was making that trade more difficult. Korea’s reluctance to act on the matter straight away was more so out of reaction to Japan’s own political crisis over the matter (although that was in conjunction with the Okinawa Reversion Treaty), but the Alliance’s Foreign Affairs spokesperson, Choi Seo-jin lodged an opposition motion to ‘recognise the People’s Republic of China as sole legitimate representative of China, while maintaining relations with the Republic of China (Taiwan)’. The motion had completely blindsided the government, just as the US’s own announcement had, the motion itself wasn’t an issue the type of motion however would hand power to the opposition. It would also be seen as a confidence motion, as a government has to maintain control of foreign, economic and home policy in order to remain in office. |

| Naturally the moment the motion was lodged the whips of the two governing parties went into a frenzy attempting to figure out whether they had the numbers to vote down the motion. After an hour it was becoming clear the government would lose the vote, even with the help of the DRP and several of the independents. It had been a policy of the People’s Party going into the election, and those who hadn’t been appointed to cabinet were holding firm on voting with the opposition. All available AMs had scrambled to the National Assembly chamber by the opening stages of the debate, it was beginning to look like one of the most packed debates of the new session thus far. Foreign Minister, Kim Young-sam, took to the podium following the opposition spokespersons speech, seemingly rather calm given the likelihood of defeat. However Kim did not speak against the motion, instead he said the government would be withdrawing from the debate and would begin working on tabling their own bill to officially recognise the People’s Republic of China as the sole legal representative of China. In short the government had killed the opposition motion, whilst shooting themselves in the foot. They had removed the threat of the government collapsing, however they had fallen right into the opposition's trap of being forced to go along with the policy. |

| The government had scraped through the day and the opposition had failed to take control of the order paper, but the government was now significantly weakened, it had been shown that a small number of rebels could effectively sway the government to their will if they sided with the opposition. If the government was to last another three and a half years they would need to keep an iron grip on discipline. |

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li

[pre]| TWENTY-SEVENTH OF OCTOBER | 十月二十七日 |[/pre]

[pre]| 1971 |[/pre]

[list][list][list][pre]PRC ★ PEOPLES’ REPUBLIC OF CHINA

中华人民共和国 |[/pre][/list][/list][/list]

THE PLIGHT OF LAOS NOW A FEAR FOR CHINA:

THE CONTINUAL ENCROACHMENT OF WESTERN ALIGNED NATIONS ALONG CHINA’S PERIPHERAL NOW COULD CALL FOR BEIJING TO ACT AND SHOW ITS ASIAN NEIGHBORS THAT ITS TOLERANCE IS NOT UNLIMITED!

老挝的困境现在令中国感到担忧:西方国家不断侵占中国周边地区,这可能要求北京采取行动,并向其亚洲邻国表明,它的容忍度不是无限的!

[pre]| Laos a rebellious province of a Monarchical power, nearly a perfect area for the People’s Republic to secure a future buffer state, could a People’s Republic of Laos give China the buffer it needs and Lao a nation of their own? |[/pre]

| CHINESE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION ARMY COMPLAINS OF INCREASED TENSIONS WITH SIAM FORCES AND WITNESSING ATROCITIES COMMITTED BY SIAMESE GOVERNMENT FORCES - 中国人民解放军抱怨与暹罗军队的紧张关系加剧,并目睹暹罗政府军犯下的暴行 |

[pre]| As news of the so-called “Lao Revolution” in Chinese Media reached the streets of the major Chinese cities the facts on the group were becoming more and more evident on the ground. Two PLA Army Corps [160,000 men] have already been present in the region assisting North Vietnam and preventing any unauthorized cross over into the PRC. Chen Yi’s recent statements of claiming the Lao to be Brothers to the Chinese people for their Revolutionary Mindset / 革命心态 the calls for assisting the possible revolutionaries became stronger. The PLA has already begun to conduct smuggling missions of cheap military equipment and other guerrilla necessities for the Pathet Lao. PLA officials claim to the Politburo that the Pathet Lao and the majority of Lao people yearn for Chinese assistance towards the Lao Revolution in more overt ways. |[/pre]

| THE RED FLOOD AND THE EIGHT HUNDRED MARTYRS - 赤水与八百烈士 |

[pre]| Although the Cultural Revolution has damaged some of the efficiency of the Chinese military it did come with unique opportunities for the Chinese state to build influence abroad. It gave a near census to the Chinese Communist Party on who is willing and able to give their life to the cause the Red Guards youthful in their abilities and naive enough to follow orders easily that may lead to their unfortunate demise, with this came the call for Eight-Hundred Martyrs across Southern China. 300 from Guangzhou, 200 from Nanning, 300 from Kunming, 100 from Dali, and 100 from Xishuangbanna answering the call came to the Xishuangbanna. These eight hundred martyrs were to split into cadres of eight with one of them being proficient in the Lao language each cadre would be armed with only machetes and a handgun to protect them from Siamese government forces and assist the Pathet Lao in a very limited capacity. The main role of these eight-hundred men and women from the ages of 18-30 were to bring the Lao people into a closer relationship with the Chinese people and create a positive view of the Chinese People’s Republic. They would also seek to educate the Lao Countryside and Urban centers on the theories of Mao and the idea of a People’s War to liberate and birth an independent Lao state. The Eight Hundred Martyrs were to split their time in villages staying for a couple of days to a week depending on their perceived ‘hospitality’ of the locals towards them and their goals and during their stays in towns/villages/cities were to spend the morning educating locals, their day assisting locals in work, and nights if needed to assist the local Pathet Lao unit in any operations they could be required in. The entrance of the Eight-Hundred Martyrs was referred to as the “Red Flood” by the cadres as they were to enter through any portion of the border necessary to enter the country and avoid Siamese loyal forces. The Red Flood is to commence on the 27th of October, 1971 how many shall enter without resistance and how many will be martyred by the imperialists of Bangkok? |[/pre]

| THE CHINESE PEOPLE’S VOLUNTEER BEGINS RECRUITMENT DRIVE - 中国人民志愿者启动招募 |

[pre]| In a attempt to avoid direct Chinese forces from engaging inside Laos the People’s Liberation Army was to allow Soldiers of the PLA to volunteer for the Chinese People’s Volunteers / CPV / 中国人民志愿军. Across China soldiers were to be allowed to volunteer for this service and would be rewarded well for doing so. More importantly this unit is to be led by Mao’s oldest son, Mao Anying the 49 year old Lieutenant General of the PLA and veteran of WW2 fighting in the Soviet Red Army and in the Chinese Civil War alongside his father. The CPV hoped to receive 80,000 volunteers in its first recruitment drives to build 8 divisions for a possible liberation of Laos. |[/pre]

[list][list][pre]SERVE THE PEOPLE![/pre][/list][/list]

[list][list][pre]为人民服务![/pre][/list][/list]

Astarina, Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li, Nilemba

31 , OCTOBER , 1971

Introduction Of The Beautiful Municipal Policy

| As the final days of the closed legislative branch administration era looms over, prime minister Goh Hock Guan and his cabinet. After looking at ongoing poll figures for the Parliamentary Election, neither Parti Rakyat Semenanjung [PRS] or the Democratic Action Party [DAP] will be able to secure a future where they could continue pushing their Mazist ideals without needing to make compromises to accommodate the ideologies of the other parties. [I]Goh Hock Guan[/I] and his cabinet agreed. They should create a policy that'll leave behind a positive legacy for this administration and not have the administration remembered as either "[I]one of great promise and potential but misguided[/I]" or "[I]one of great failures with the benefit of hindsight[/I]". |

| The basic core principles of the policy would be for:

[List][I]— To prevent people from moving out of their city/town/village.

— Infrastructure such as housing and commercial buildings, should last longer then a singular generation.

— To make the streets of Malaysia not just automotive friendly but people friendly. Without catering more or less to either side.

— A city/town/village block should be able to accommodate the basic needs of the entire residency in said block. Things such as education, healthcare, basic commercial goods and housing.

— A city/town/village block should be made in a way that it would foster the growth and development of a local community and identity.

— A city/town/village should have public transport that reaches all aspects of the city/town/village. Such as taking public transport from their home to a very touristy spot.[/I][/list]

The policy would be built along these 6 core principles, to allow for the nation to develop in a truly unique but modern way. |

| The policy would outline what the government should enact to reach the 6 core principles. The policy would state that

[List][I]" To achieve the core principles, the present and future administration, will need to enact reforms to municipal planning, municipal development, construction laws and infrastructure quality checks. Including to a certain extent limitations on the automotive industry to prevent the rise of private transportation in cities and towns. "[/I] |[/list]

| As the policy was signed into Malaysia's legislation, the policy was given a term of 8 years to achieve its goals before the policy would officially require either renewal to extend its life or to be dropped all together. |

______________________________________________

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Spain-, Ma-Li

[list][list]SHŌWA 46 | NOVEMBER 1971[/list]

[list][list]沖縄協定が国会承認

[pre]OKINAWA PACT APPROVED IN THE DIET[/pre][/list][/list]

[pre] O K I N A W A R E V E R S I O N A G R E E M E N T [/pre]

[list][list][/list][/list]

[table]

[tr] [/tr]

[tr][td][sub][pre]君が代は

千代に八千代に

細石の

巌と為りて

苔の生すまで

[/pre][/sub][/list][/list][/td][td][sub][pre]May your reign

Continue for a thousand,

eight thousand generations,

Until the tiny pebbles

Grow into massive boulders

Lush with moss[/pre][/sub][/td][/tr][/table]

NATIONAL DIET — MORNINGTIME

[sub]TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]

| The Okinawa pact was approved by Diet’s lower house, under which the island will be returned to Japan next year. The vote guaranteed ratification, although the pact will still be analyzed in the House of Councillors (upper house). The vote was 285 to 73. The Socialists and Communists, who have a total of 105 seats in the 491-member house, opposed the pact. Komeito and the Democratic Socialist Party also opposed it. The vote in the U.S. Senate on November 10 was 84 to 6, approving the pact. However, President RICHARD NIXON will not sign it until Japan adopts implementing legislation that ensures the continued maintenance of American military bases on Okinawa. Following the approval of the Okinawa pact, Japan’s House of Representatives voted unanimously, for two opposition resolutions that appeared to conflict with the Okinawa oil agreement made between Japan and the U.S. |

| A plea by Japan to obtain a commitment from the U.S. that all nuclear weapons would be removed from Okinawa before the island returned to Japan. There will be no nuclear weapons on Okinawa at the time of the reversion, according to the Nixon Administration. But the joint statement on Okinawa by President and Prime Minister last November was interpreted by government officials on both sides as a concession to place nuclear weapons on the island only in an emergency. The statement noted that the reversion would be made without prejudice to the rights of the U.S. to consult with Tokyo if Washington found it necessary to place nuclear weapons on Okinawa. The second resolution concerns reducing the size and number of American military bases on Okinawa after the island’s return to Japan, although a detailed agreement on the maintenance of these military installations was part of the pact. Informal requests have already been made by Japanese officials to American officials for new commitments on the nuclear and base issues. But it remains to be seen whether the Nixon Administration will do more than it promised. The LDP agreed to support the resolutions as a face-saving concession to the opposition, which had blocked the Diet’s proceedings from moving forward. The opposition spoke out against the pact because it provides that the bases will be maintained in Okinawa. |

| After four days of negotiations, the Socialists and Communists refused to accept the concession and therefore will not vote. Under Japan's postwar Constitution, a pact approved by the House of Representatives goes to the House of Councillors for approval. But if the House of Councillors does not act within 30 days, the pact is automatically approved. The 252-member upper house has 134 LDP members, thus ensuring approval if the pact is voted on. |

Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li

[list]SHŌWA 20 | AUGUST 1945[/list]

[list][list]皇帝降伏宣言!

[pre]EMPEROR DECLARES SURRENDER![/pre][/list][/list]

[pre]T H E E N D H A S C O M E[/pre]

TOKYO, IMPERIAL DIET — MORNINGTIME

[sub]THE EMPIRE OF THE RISING SUN, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]

| On Friday morning, dawn broke, but in Dai Nippon, it was already evening. His Majesty HIROHITO had accepted the Allies’ terms for surrender. There was little doubt about Japan’s ability to hold out for months at least five days earlier, when Japanese radio was still talking of a 100-year resistance. Then, in rapid succession, the Russians declared war and nuclear bombs were dropped. Far more than just Hiroshima and Nagasaki were annihilated by the blast. The influential Asahi newspaper in Tokyo voiced concerns about the “destruction of our traffic system as well as our electrical, gas, and water supplies.” Officials urged farmers to raise crop yields. Due to a breakdown in communications, the Bank of Japan slowed the release of news. The NYSE has ended trading for the day. |

[list][pre]FIGHTING UNTIL THE END[/pre][/list]

| There was a proposal to surrender, but it was never communicated to the 70 million Japanese people. Instead, GENERAL KORECHIKA ANAMI, the minister of war, urged a final stand. |

[list]| KORECHIKA ANAMI, [sub]IMPERIAL JAPANESE ARMY GENERAL[/sub] | “I’m making an announcement to the whole army: Russia has joined the fight against us. Her intentions to invade and seize Greater East Asia are crystal clear, regardless of the ambiguity of her declaration. What more can we say except that we will spare no effort in our pursuit of victory in this holy war for the protection of our heavenly homeland? If we have to eat grass and sleep in the fields to stay alive, then so be it.”[/list]

[list][list]私は全軍に向けて言っています:ロシアは私たちとの戦いを発表しました. 大東アジアを侵略し、掌握するという彼女の意図は、彼女の宣言のあいまいさに関係なく、非常に明確です。 天の祖国を守るため、この聖戦の勝利を追求するために努力を惜しまないということ以外に、私たちは何を言うことができますか? 生きていくために草を食べて野原で寝なければならないのなら、それでいいのです。[/list][/list]

| KUSUNOKI, MASASHIGE’s spirit, and HOJO TOKIMUNE’s belief that life emerges from nonexistence and indestructibility from destruction: these are the tenets of the seven-lived warrior who serves the nation. |

[list][pre]GREATER OBSCURITY[/pre][/list]

| At Japan’s darkest hour, almost nothing could be seen. Nonetheless, there were whispers of a power struggle between War Minister Anami and the hawkish war lords on the one hand, and an unofficial, pro-peace “Committee of 21” on the other. Younger son IMPERIAL CROWN PRINCE AKIHITO, was rumored to be a possible heir. Then, in a historic editorial, the Tokyo newspaper Yomiuri Hochi prepared the Japanese people for the surrender news: “There is an ebb and flow in the tides of the affairs of every nation. The greatest bravery is required of statesmen when they put national interests ahead of their own. The bravery to self-immolate is required of individuals, but it could be argued that a nation does not have the right to give up. Therefore, statesmen must occasionally have the intestinal fortitude to save the nation at the cost of their concerns. However, political and military foresight are essential in such circumstances.” Even more bluntly, one newspaper informed the Japanese people that the war was lost: “The only thing left to do is to think out how to cope with this stark reality.” It is time for everyone in our country to stop denying the truth and start doing something about it. An individual’s most definitive statement should reflect his or her values and beliefs. Wars happen all the time. Combat is a harsh reality that can only be faced with steely resolve. |

[list][pre]NATIONAL CALL TO ARMS[/pre][/list]

| Likewise, defensive measures that actually worked kept up. The Japanese government issued a nationwide call for those who work in the transportation industry to be willing to give their “very lives” to ensure the safety and continuity of transportation. According to Radio Tokyo, “general mobilization for production” will carry on. Jointly, the military and civilian authorities issued a statement reiterating the old order that all Japanese “guilty of disquieting speech and behavior, also those spreading rumors,” would be “strictly punished according to the military code.” Actually, denial of reality was futile. The atomic bomb, political isolation, and military encirclement were just the tip of the iceberg of the harsh reality that eventually arrived. Furthermore, the fact that Japan had been at war for eight years, with the pace of conflict only increasing, was beginning to take shape as a manifestation of reality. Her productive system must have been under tremendous stress even before the bombings, as it was unable to compete with the advanced economies of the West. Her island community must have been under even more stress. |

[list][pre]LEAVES OF THE CABBAGE WERE RESTRICTED[/pre][/list]

| Everybody grows their own vegetables, whether in air-raid trenches, inside their homes, or in window boxes. In March of last year, each person was allowed only three cabbage leaves per week. A daily allowance of 370 grams of rice per child is in place. The standard serving size for adults over the age of 19 is 330 grams. Factory workers receive 390 grams, construction workers receive 540 grams, and military personnel receive 830 grams. Scarce fuel supplies are a major problem. Tokyo got cold during the winter of last year. Eight 60-pound sacks of coal or charcoal per year are allowed per household. Seven liters per month is the maximum allowed for cooking gas. Family meals can be prepared for the first two weeks of the month. In an effort to save money after the 20th of the month, many opt to eat with friends, purchase coal on the black market, or eat food that has not been cooked. The government of Hokkaido has been "voluntarily" recruiting white-collar workers since 1942 in an effort to increase the region's coal production. As a result, many secretaries have taken up mining as a second job. |

[list][pre]SUFFICIENT ELECTRICAL SUPPLY[/pre][/list]

| However, there is no shortage of power. Due to the widespread destruction and closure of manufacturing facilities, there is now an abundance of electrical power. The bombings also produced another surplus: debris, which the Japanese used as kindling. Propaganda is ingrained in Japanese society. A democratic leaning can be found in academic communities. There are progressives who want to run the country. Most of them are still-brave and-visionary university professors. The militarists, however, face no resistance. Nobody can keep their act together, not even the Communists. On the lookout for HIROHITO. Whether or not the entirety of this report was accurate, it was accurate in many key respects. This was the setting against which one could assess the general tone in Japan, the public's perspective on the war, and (given the lack of organized opposition to the warmakers) the people's unique loyalty to the Emperor. Without using the word “surrender,” Yomiuri Hochi made their predicament even clearer to the Japanese people by week's end: Now is the time to wait for the great command from the throne, and that is what we must do. Wishful thinking must be completely eradicated at this time, and rehashing the past serves no purpose. |

| The choice between life and death is now at hand for Japan and the Japanese people. All the people must be on high alert for the possibility of internal split and conflict in the midst of the worst national crisis in our history. Confusion within the government will not save Japan from the most pressing crisis it faces at the moment. To save the country and secure its future from the current national crisis, we must bring about complete unity between the Government, the Army, and the people. When a nation faces its greatest challenge, the mettle of its people is truly tested, even if the gravity of the situation is undoubtedly more than words signify. Aside from that, the Mainichi stated, “There is not a soul who does not grieve with anxiety in his fervent desire to do his part to bring ease of mind to His Majesty by quickly accomplishing whatever is troubling his Emperor.” |

[list]| HIROHITO, [sub]H.I.M THE EMPEROR[/sub] | “After pondering deeply the general trends of the world and the actual conditions obtaining in our empire today, we have decided to effect a settlement of the present situation by resorting to an extraordinary measure. We have ordered our government to communicate to the governments of the United States, Great Britain, China and the Soviet Union that our empire accepts the provisions of their joint declaration. To strive for the common prosperity and happiness of all nations as well as the security and well-being of our subjects is the solemn obligation which has been handed down by our imperial ancestors and which lies close to our heart. Indeed, we declared war on America and Britain out of our sincere desire to ensure Japan’s self-preservation and the stabilization of East Asia, it being far from our thought either to infringe upon the sovereignty of other nations or to embark upon territorial aggrandizement. But now the war has lasted for nearly four years. Despite the best that has been done by everyone — the gallant fighting of the military and naval forces, the diligence and assiduity of our servants of the state, and the devoted service of our one hundred million people — the war situation has developed not necessarily to Japan’s advantage, while the general trends of the world have all turned against her interest.

Moreover, the enemy has begun to employ a new and most cruel bomb, the power of which to do damage is, indeed, incalculable, taking the toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, not only would it result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are we to save the millions of our subjects, or to atone ourselves before the hallowed spirits of our imperial ancestors? This is the reason why we have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the joint declaration of the powers. We cannot but express the deepest sense of regret to our allied nations of East Asia, who have consistently cooperated with the empire toward the emancipation of East Asia. The thought of those officers and men as well as others who have fallen in the fields of battle, those who died at their posts of duty, or those who met with untimely death and all their bereaved families, pains our heart night and day. The welfare of the wounded and the war-sufferers, and of those who have lost their homes and livelihood, are the objects of our profound solicitude. The hardships and sufferings to which our nation is to be subjected hereafter will be certainly great. We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all of you, our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that We have resolved to pave the way for a grand peace for all the generations to come by enduring the unendurable and suffering what is insufferable.

Having been able to safeguard and maintain the Kokutai, We are always with you, our good and loyal subjects, relying upon your sincerity and integrity. Beware most strictly of any outbursts of emotion which may engender needless complications, or any fraternal contention and strife which may create confusion, lead you astray and cause you to lose the confidence of the world. Let the entire nation continue as one family from generation to generation, ever firm in its faith in the imperishability of its sacred land, and mindful of its heavy burden of responsibility, and of the long road before it. Unite your total strength, to be devoted to construction for the future. Cultivate the ways of rectitude, foster nobility of spirit, and work with resolution — so that you may enhance the innate glory of the imperial state and keep pace with the progress of the world.”[/list]

[list][list]世界の一般的な傾向と今日の私たちの帝国で得られた実際の状況を深く考えた後、私たちは非常な手段に訴えることによって現在の状況を解決することを決定しました.我々は、米国、英国、中国、ソ連の政府に対し、我々の帝国が共同宣言の規定を受け入れることを伝えるよう政府に命じた。すべての国民の共同の繁栄と幸福、および臣民の安全と幸福のために努力することは、天皇の先祖から受け継がれ、私たちの心に深く刻まれている厳粛な義務です。確かに、アメリカとイギリスに宣戦布告したのは、日本の自衛と東アジアの安定を確保したいという心からの願いからであり、他国の主権を侵害したり、領土の拡大を開始したりすることは、私たちの考えからはほど遠いものでした。しかし今、戦争は4年近く続いています。軍と海軍の勇敢な戦い、国家公務員の勤勉さと勤勉さ、そして 1 億人の国民の献身的な奉仕など、誰もが最善を尽くしてきたにもかかわらず、戦争状況は必ずしも日本が有利である一方で、世界の一般的な傾向はすべて彼女の利益に反しています。

さらに、敵は新しい最も残忍な爆弾の使用を開始しました。その破壊力は計り知れず、多くの罪のない命が犠牲になっています。このまま戦い続ければ、日本という国家は究極的に崩壊し消滅するだけでなく、人類の文明が完全に消滅することになります。このような場合、何百万人もの臣民をどのように救い、帝国の祖先の神聖な精神の前で自分自身を贖うことができるでしょうか?これが、権限の共同宣言の条項の受諾を命じた理由です。東アジアの解放に向けて一貫して帝国に協力してきた東アジアの同盟国に対して、私たちは深い遺憾の意を表明せざるを得ません。戦場で戦死された将兵やその他の方々、任務中に命を落とした方々、早すぎる死に見舞われた方々とご遺族の方々の思いは、昼夜を問わず心を痛めています。負傷者と戦争被害者、そして家と生計を失った人々の福祉は、私たちの心からの心遣いの対象です。わが国が今後受けるであろう困難と苦しみは確かに大きいでしょう。被写体である皆様の心の奥底を痛感しております。しかし、時間と運命の指示に従って、耐え難いものに耐え、耐えられないものに苦しむことによって、すべての世代が来る壮大な平和への道を開くことを決意しました。

国体を守り、維持することができた私たちは、善良で忠実な主題であるあなたと常に一緒にいて、あなたの誠実さと誠実さに頼っています.不必要な合併症を引き起こす可能性のある感情の爆発、または混乱を引き起こし、あなたを迷わせ、世界の信頼を失う可能性のある兄弟間の論争や争いに最も厳密に注意してください.国全体が一つの家族として代々受け継がれ、その神聖な土地が不滅であることを常に固く信じ、責任の重荷とその先にある長い道のりを心に留めておかなければなりません。総力を結集し、未来の建設に打ち込む。誠実な道を育み、精神の高貴さを育み、決意を持って仕事をすることで、帝国国家の生来の栄光を高め、世界の進歩に歩調を合わせることができます.[/list][/list]

Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li

[list]SHŌWA 22 | MARCH 1947[/list]

[list][list]ストライキの失敗

[pre]THE FAILURE OF THE STRIKE[/pre][/list][/list]

[pre]S T R I K E A N D L A B O R U N I O N S[/pre]

TOKYO, S.C.A.P HEADQUARTERS — NIGHT

[sub]THE LAND OF THE RISING SUN, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]

| Japan’s trade unions have discovered that democracy is like the art of love, it’s hard to learn while the General is in the parlor with the lights on. For DOUGLAS MACARTHUR, creator of the Japanese labor union movement in late 1945, the question was how to leave the parlor with GRACE and DIGNITY. The necessary discipline finally collided with the experiment in democracy that MacArthur was implementing in Japan. On February 1, the American military high command prevented a general strike in Tokyo, saving the Yoshida Government but causing workers to be pushed to the left — and convinced many unionists that MacArthur had developed an anti-union tendency. As a result, the PRIME MINISTER SHIGERU YOSHIDA was unable to contain inflation and confronted S.C.A.P. with a not-so-attractive set of measures: |

[list][list]i)すべてのストライキ統制を放棄し、政府と生産の崩壊を危険にさらすこと。

ii)日本の経済の方向性を即座に完全に引き継いで、政府を傀儡化する。

iii)米国の教えに反して、すべてのストライキを防ぐための抜本的な措置を講じること。

[pre]i) to abandon all strike control and risk governmental and production collapse.

ii) to take over immediately full economic direction of Japan, thus puppetizing the government.

iii) to invoke drastic measures to prevent all strikes, in violation of U.S. teachings.[/pre][/list][/list]

[list][pre]TWO BIG JUMPS[/pre][/list]

| Whatever MacArthur’s solution to this puzzle, the new Japanese labor movement will be an important factor in Japanese life for a long time to come. In just over a year, 4,400,000 workers have joined 17,000 unions in the two largest federations, N.F.L.U. (National Federation of Labor Unions) and the N.C.I.U. (National Congress of Industrial Unions). This was something unexpected. N.F.L.U.’s predecessors never had more than 400,000 members before the war. Imperial Japan’s “cheap labor” economy disapproved of unions. After 1937 “China Incident,” the militarists smashed them flat. The N.F.L.U. has returned under one of its former leaders — KOMAKICHI MATSUOKA, 59, who has been called “William Green of Japan” and hates communists. A more radical group established the N.C.I.U., appointed KATSUMI KIKUNAMI to be the president. Kikunami did not jump into the red, but accepted communist support. From this springboard of American standards, the Japanese jumped into the blue. |

[list][pre]PENMAN’S PROGRESS[/pre][/list]

| Japanese work techniques emerged from the Japanese worker’s effort to reconcile the structure of Japanese industry with the ideas of class struggle. The chairman of the Pilot Workers Union, SANSHI ISHIZUKA, 35, was wearing hornrimmed spectacles. Ishizuka, a war worker, returned to his job at Pilot shortly after Japan’s defeat, helped organize the Pilot’s 300 workers, with them achieving several immediate improvements. With inflation on the rise, the union asked for more money and a formal contract, but management refused. As requested by MacArthur, Japan’s Government had legalized U.S. labor guarantees. But the union ignored this, because a lawsuit would affect the company’s social standing. On the other hand, a strike would have paralyzed production, and the union had no money. There would be no strikes, because many workers who lost their homes in the bombing were living in the factory. |

[list][pre]“PRODUCTION CONTROL”[/pre][/list]

| The option chosen by SANSHI ISHIZUKA and his fellow workers was that no U.S. union would interfere. They call this a “production control strike.” Instead of leaving their jobs, the Pilot union members kicked the management out. They established a 30-man committee, divided thus into departments — production, sales, electric power. Then they stepped up production, used receipts to pay wages and buy materials. Ishizuka posted notices: |

[list][list]「経営陣へ:工場に来る場合は、役員室にとどまり、工場の建物には立ち入らないでください。」

[pre]“To the Management: If you come to the factory, please stay in the Board Room and do not enter any of the factory buildings.”[/pre][/list][/list]

| The workers greeted the strikers politely: |

[list][list]「これらの規則を守って、これらの施設に入らないようにしてもらえますか?」

[pre]“Could you observe these rules and avoid entering these facilities?”[/pre][/list][/list]

| Strikers continued pen production as normal, and did not swing toward American-style action until the company tried strikebreaking. Ishizuka got a mediator and the executives returned to the company. They gave everything that was asked of the union, they recovered a business that did not suffer from the stoppage. |

[list][pre]OUT OF THE PARLOR[/pre][/list]

| The failure of the strike taught workers and industry a lesson: look to each other and not to Yoshida or S.C.A.P. Union leaders Kikunami and Matsuoka met with leading industrialists, formed the “Economic Rehabilitation Congress” to work for better labor relations, supply allocation, distribution and price control. DOUGLAS MACARTHUR, emboldened to have provided constructive leadership for Japan, ignored the bad alternatives that had kept him locked in the parlor with Japanese labor. In a press conference, MacArthur proposed an early end to the U.S. military occupation, calling for future “control and guidance” by the United Nations. MacArthur’s reasoning: Japan has been demilitarized; democracy was established; now the Japanese need an opportunity to solve their economic problems free of the military. |

| DOUGLAS MACARTHUR has not yet held an all-out press conference. But when the SUPREME COMMANDER went to lunch with the Tokyo correspondents at their SHIMBUN ALLEY clubhouse, the journalists didn’t bother to bring paper or notebooks for their notes. But to record what was said they had to write it on napkins, chit books, and letters from home. The MACARTHUR DOCTRINE declared that Japan was ready for a peace treaty; such a delay would further damage the Japanese economy, which would require even more U.S. assistance; that after the treaty Japan would need direction and protection — and that the U.N. might well have that responsibility. The PRIME MINISTER SHIGERU YOSHIDA applauded the declaration that Japan was ready for a peace treaty. But he didn’t like the idea of a U.S. withdrawal. |

[list]| SHIGERU YOSHIDA, [sub]THE PRIME MINISTER[/sub] | “We are also in a battle with the communists and we have a dangerous enemy to the north . . . I don’t know the strength of the United Nations.”[/list]

[list][list]私たちは共産主義者とも戦っており、北には危険な敵がいます。 国連の力がわからない。[/list][/list]

Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Rudnatia, Ma-Li

[list][pre]USR ✹ The United Somali Republic

JCS ✹ Jamhuuriyadda Cusub ee Soomaaliya[/pre]

[list][pre]𝐏 𝐑 𝐄 𝐒 𝐈 𝐃 𝐄 𝐍 𝐓 𝐈 𝐀 𝐋 𝐄 𝐗 𝐈 𝐋 𝐄[/pre]

[list][sup][sub][pre]P A R T O N E - T H E E S C A P A D E[/pre][/sub][/sup][/list]

[table=plainheader][tr][td] [/td][td] [/td][/tr][tr][td]Part I[/td][td][sub][sup]November 1971 - The prisoner of the nation,

a man in exile, after his atrocities in Nilemba, was exiled and left to

rot in Somalia, but he was checked for his morning check,

he was nowhere to be found. . .[/sub][/sup][/td][td] [/td][td] [/td][/tr][/table]

| It had been a quite normal morning for the guards, waking that morning and to do their daily wake up call for Mr. Obote, the man who had been exiled from the State of Nilemba, a once powerful man now stuck in a cycle of wake up, cook, and sleep, similar to that of a pig. The guards went into his home, and knocked on his bedroom door for a role call. No one answered. They knocked, louder this time, (presuming he was sleeping) and told him to wake up. No answer. Eventually, they knocked down the locked door and saw nothing, no one. They searched, and searched, but found nothing but a burnt notebook and the humid breeze from the open window. They called for investigators from Mogadishu to try to find evidence of why this disappearance had happened. They found no evidence, no print, and most of all, almost no evidence of behavior changes beforehand. Usually, men who plan to escape exile begin to act insane, a main denomination they are up to something. Though, he said, did, and never really acted out of the ordinary. When the officers reported this, a news man came in and told them they found Obote, dead. Almost a week into the new month, they found out the 'dead obote' wasn't even him, it was a look alike. This confusing escapade became the first of a horrendous saga of Obote - the exiled Obote, escaped, loose, and dangerous. He was a wanted criminal, and would be the main focus for many police investigations.

[sup][sub]From the Perspective of Obote[/sub][/sup] | "Journal Entry 134;

Today, I finally got out of my little abode in that tiny village in the middle of nowhere.

But now, I feel lost. Luckily, I know where everything is, thanks to my worthy map.

This backwards nationalistic nation has some work around, which certainly can be. . . improved upon

I appreciated the old government, though their communist ideology kept me occupied, I appreciated

their intense control, it gave order to this broken nation. I already know now that Somali Police

will try to look for my 'body' and luckily I have a plan. I found someone who has almost the same

facial features as myself, I will just cut his hair alike and throw his dead body down a river.

They will think it is me, it will take a week or two for them to figure out it isn't me.

I plan to fly back to Nilemba with some Somalian Terrorists who agreed with my views,

and hated the new Nilemban president. We plan to assassinate him by night,

but for now, I tread seemingly endless jungles hoping to find a guide in the dark."

Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Great Britain Gb, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li

[list][list]November 1971

[sub]Belfast, Northern Ireland[/sub][/list]

[pre] T H E T R O U B L E S : O P E R A T I O N D E M E T R I U S , T H E B A L L Y M U R P H Y M A S S A C R E S A N D T H E D E A T H S O F T H E I N N O C E N T[/pre][sup]Part of the Troubles[/sup]

[list][sub][pre]"God help that poor girl and her mother and father, whoever they are."[/pre][/sub][/list]

[list][sub]— ANNETTE MCGAVIGAN'S MOTHER[/sub][/list]

NORTHERN IRELAND

[sub]Great Britain Gb[/sub]

| On 10 March, three off-duty soldiers of the Royal Highland Fusiliers, all under the age of 25, were murdered after being lured from a bar in Northern Belfast and shot by members of the Provisional IRA. The killings were the most tragic and shocking in recent memory, prompting mass change to the recruitment standards of the British Army and the approach to British involvement in the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Tensions have not been this high between the IRA and the British Government in some time, with many at home seeing the attacks as a clear provocation and intent to escalate the conflict. |

[list]| [sub]Reginald Maudling, Home Secretary[/sub] | “The battle now joined against the terrorists will be fought with the utmost vigour and determination. It is a battle against a small minority of armed and ruthless men whose strength lies not so much in their numbers as in their wickedness”. [/list]

| The three soldiers were honoured with military funerals in Scotland, with brothers John and Joseph McCaig buried together in Ayr. Their older brother, who serves with the Royal Marines in Singapore, was flown home for the service. On the same day, 20,000 people gathered in Belfast and Carrickfergus to honour the soldiers, many openly weeping. The Reverend Ian Paisley led the mourners, but this did little to soothe the tensions. |

| Days after the attack, loyalists destroyed Squire’s Hill Tavern near where the bodies had been found, despite the owner of the pub denying any involvement. 4,000 loyalist shipyard workers took to the streets of Belfast to demand internment against the IRA, and a few days later Northern Irish Prime Minister James Chichester-Clark flew to London to request more troops, but resigned after the numbers committed were far less than he expected. He was succeeded by Ulster Unionist Leader Brian Faulkner. |

| The attacks set off a chain of events that few expected, with the British Army stepping up their operations against the IRA. This culminated in Operation Demetrius, the mass arrest and internment of people suspected of being involved with the various branches of the IRA. Across the 9-10 August, the British Army launched dawn raids throughout Northern Ireland, arresting 342 in the initial sweep. Reports from the ground note the abuse towards those arrested, and the introduction of internment, caused major clashes between civilians and the military. It was also noted that alongside the British Army, Ulster loyalist paramilitaries including the UVF were supporting the operations. The use of these paramilitary organisations highlighted the growing tensions between the Northern Irish civilians and the British Army, with some noting that there was a sense of vengeance amongst certain troops. |

| Though over 1,000 were arrested, it was not without bloodshed. These tensions came to a rise in the Ballymurphy Catholic district of Belfast, where the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment shot and killed 11 people in one of the worst cases in recent memory. According to a report conducted by local newspapers, many of the victims were tending to the wounded, including Father Hugh Mullan, a Catholic priest who was reputedly waiving a white cloth whilst tending to a wounded man. Press Officer for the British Army Mike Jackson claims that 1st Para returned fire after being fired upon by Republican gunmen, and that those killed were those very same gunmen. The chaos of the attack was underscored by the lack of concrete evidence, though the killings sparked further violence in the days to come. |

| Ensuing violence led to the worst riots in Belfast since August 1969, with thousands taking to the streets, “seizing” the city, hijacking vehicles and burning buildings. Barricades were established around the city to stop the British Army advancing, while sporadic violence between the Loyalists and Republics ensued. In Derry, barricades were erected around Free Derry once again, and local troops describe the area as having “effectively seceded from British control”. Along with the 11 killed in the Ballymurphy massacre, a further 9 civilians (both Protestant and Catholic) were killed, along with two members of the Provisional IRA and two members of the British Army. Ardoyne in North Belfast became another flashpoint as Protestants abandoned their homes, burning them as they left, so that they would not fall into Catholic control. Over the course of Operation Demetrius, 7,000 were left displaced or homeless, many of them Catholics. |

| The violence came to a brutal head with the reports of the death of 14-year-old Annette McGavigan. A resident of Drumcliffe Avenue in the Bogside, Derry, she was described as “an artistic, bubbly and good-natured teen” with ambitions to become a nurse. She had left St. Cecilia’s College early due to the ongoing rioting in the area and was reportedly gathering rubber bullets that had been littered around the area with her friends, a common practice in these areas. The rioting began to wane at around 18:00, and Annette, still wearing her school uniform and holding an ice-cream in her hand, was shot in the back of the head while standing at the corner of Blucher and Westland Street. According to some reports, she was shot while collecting rubber bullets at riot souvenirs. Father Edward Daly, who administered McGavigan the last rites, recollected: |

[list]| [sub]FATHER EDWARD DALY[/sub] | “I saw a young girl lying on the ground with an ice-cream beside her. She had been hit in the head and was on the point of death. I gave her the last rites and then had to break the news to her mother, who collapsed. It was very difficult. It made a very powerful impression on me.”[/list]

| Annette became the 100th victim of the Troubles, and amongst the youngest. The British Army did not make any comment and the Ministry of Defence has declined to release intelligence documentation relating to her death, despite the efforts of her family. |

| On 23 October, 3 Catholic civilians were shot by undercover members of the British Army in Newry, Northern Ireland. Four Royal Green Jackets soldiers were stationed in a Woolworths department store after receiving a tip-off that the Provincial Bank across the street would be the target of a bank robbery by the Provisional IRA. The 3 civilians were shot and killed due to suspicions they were part of the IRA on the night of 23 October. The deaths sparked fury amongst Catholic residents, though the soldiers were acquitted by jury. After the ruling, mobs descended onto Newry and rioted for several days, before being brought back under control by security forces. |

| In response, the Provisional IRA vowed to step up their operations against the British and the Unionists, culminating in the Red Lion Pub bombing on Ormeau Road, Belfast. The attack was the largest in a chain of events that saw retaliatory bombings by both the IRA and UVF. On 20 September, a bomb exploded in the Bluebell Bar in the Protestant Sandy Row area of Belfast, injuring 27 people but none injured seriously. On 29 September, an IRA bomb exploded in the Fourt Step Inn on the Protestant Shankill area of Belfast, killing two. The UVF retaliated a week later, bombing a pub on the Catholic Falls Road in Belfast, aiming to kill Catholics but instead only killing Winifred Maxwell, a Protestant woman. |

| In the late afternoon on 2 November 1971, three members of the Provisional IRA entered the Red Lion pub just beside the Ballynafeigh RUC station on the Ormeau Road. Two planted the bomb whilst the third stood guard with a gun. Before leaving the pub, they shouted “you have ten seconds to get out”. Some customers made it out of the front door, whilst others who tried to leave via the side door found it locked for security reasons. The bomb exploded six seconds after the warning, causing the walls and roof to collapse. Three Protestants were killed, with around 26 injured. The UVF have vowed retaliation for the bombings. |

____________

Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Rudnatia, Ma-Li, Slipway

Kingdom of Portugal

1971

The Last Days in Lourenço Marques

The day is bright and hot, the beautiful city of Lourenço Marques shines as the last stand of Portuguese control on the last days of Portuguese control. For this city in a few days would switch hands to the Africans and to the new nation Mozambique. Tens of thousands of Portuguese citizens were preparing to leave or leaving already. For them it was a day of change. Unwanted but necessary change. Thousands are fleeing to the airport for their flights home to Portugal. Many women and children cry while their fathers or husbands frowning but they say nothing. Many of these men are angry that such a country was being left behind so easily.

The airlift of Lourenço Marques to Portuguese West Africa (Angola) and then onto Portugal would take 30 days to complete and take 200,000 souls packed onto military or civilian planes from across Portuguese East Africa. Portugal no longer owned Portuguese East Africa for it is now the independent and sovereign state of Mozambique.

Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li

[list]16, رمضان 1391 | NOVEMBER 4TH, 1971

[list][sub]Islamabad, Pakistan[/sub][/list][/list]

[pre] T H E T H I R D I N D O - P A K I S T A N I W A R[/pre][/list][/list][/list]

[sub]Holding Off Against Indian Forces[/sub]

[list][pre]"With faith, discipline, and selfless devotion to duty,there is nothing worthwhile that you cannot achieve..."[/pre]

[list][pre]- Muhammad Ali Jinnah[/pre][/list][/list]

| Within the grasp of the new month, the Pakistani Republic had entered into war with the state of India, despite the fact that no official deceleration had been announced nor signed. It came rather suddenly after Pakistani defense in the East Pakistani War, which angered the Indian State, and almost simultaneously, the Indians invaded Pakistan. The war would not be won easily by the Indians, for one fact was clear; the Pakistani were not planning on losing this war. Pakistan would march and trample over their foreign enemies until they gave up and left the state its independence and its fraternity. Though in diplomatic terms, the Pakistani state had been much more unstable than the war side of the nation. The blue flag had waved over the capital building with glory and liberty since the independence of the first Pakistani Republic. The Pakistani Navy went to the Karachi Coast to protect against the Indian invasion. The coastline has gone through a heavy defense pact which bonded all coastal states to the single pact in which private industry (for the time being) gave up all sea claims in order for national security to be in order. The Civil Ensign was also changed to prevent further confusion within the state to see if an enemy ship was upcoming. The Pakistani Air Force was much more in a debt than the rest of the armed forces, due to the fact the Indian Airforce was almost 10x larger than the Pakistani Airforce. This did not stop victories in the sky, however, as the Pakistani Men charged through the precarious skies in which the overwhelming Indian airforce met. The Pakistani bombed from above and using strategic positioning got the best of the much larger force. The airforce had some help from the Navy, as it shot into the skies from down below, creating a predicament for Indian forces. The Nation, Republic of Pakistan, would not stop working to protect its independence, it would fight fiercely until the last man fell, to protect the homeland, for Allah, for all men of Pakistan . . .

[list][spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler][/list]

Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Ma-Li

[ Rise of Taurus: Part 2 ]

[ São Leopoldo, Brazil: 1971 ]

| Following the extensive testing in front of the main ministry of defense officials, it became clear to engineers and designers at Taurus that they have other competitors that were racing with them to the finish line. The contract currently had three competitors, all attempting to make the big push for the contract to be the standard producer of the future rifle for the Brazilian Military. Currently it was Taurus, Imbel and Condor that were vying for it all with their respective weapon designs. Condor was entirely new to the ‘lethal arms’ side of manufacturing, as for the longest time they have produced strictly non-lethal and less than lethal alternatives for police departments across Brazil. Taurus saw Imbel as its main competitor, as the alternative company was trying to introduce 5.56 into Brazil with their MD-1a model. Which by itself is a long shot, as the Brazilian military had studied the issues that the 5.56 caliber has had for American and coalition troops in Southeast Asia. Given that Brazil itself is also a nation with a high amount of jungle and the Amazon River self, Taurus truly has begun to believe that their model will sweep competition off the table. Leading to where the designers and engineers are currently, trying to make sure they do not mess up their own design by over complicating it any further. Similar to the FAL models that the Brazilian military and civilian police have used for the longest time, having the same caliber should make the decision fairly simple. However, nothing is ever simple when in regards to the bureaucracy of the Ministry of Defense and the Ordnance Department. |

[ Small Arms Department: Taurus Arms Headquarters ]

| Leaning back from the blueprint before him with cigarette in hand, Breno Castro would sigh and run his free hand over his face. Taking a puff from his cigarette, he’d read over the blueprint before him of the ‘Para’ version of the T12a1. He had been originally on the design team for the standard model, but had been reassigned to the ‘Para’ design team. The reason being was rather comical to anyone on the outside of Taurus, he had been caught in the middle of intercourse with his bosses daughter. Rather than being fired or worse, he had been exiled to the designs team of lesser model weapons. Which paid far less than the other weapons that Taurus made, fortunately for him he had finally come to a breakthrough with the ‘Para’ model. Currently he was just double checking his work, making sure all was accurate before submitting it for review and testing. Stubbing his cigarette out, he was about to pick up the papers when the door to the designing room opened. A close friend of his, Cristiano Rocha, had entered the room and was clearly excited about something. |

[ Cristiano Rocha: ] “Breno, they’re about to fully test the final model of the T12 if you want to come see it. Apparently they want to submit it within the next couple of weeks.” Cristiano relays the information to his friend, Breno doesn’t even respond as he grabs the keys to the office and basically shoves Cristiano out the door. Locking up, both of them rush towards the testing area of the facility.

| Both friends arrive at the testing area in but a few minutes, having shown their badges to the guards to be allowed entry. The testing room was almost the size of a hanger itself, with a massive dirt berm at the back to stop any rounds from continuing forward. A wood table had been set up, with the fully sized model of the T12a1 laying on it, three magazines of 7.62x51 played beside it. Out in the middle of the testing room, was a pig carcass that had been strung up by hook and chain. Allowing the weapon to be tested more efficiently against flesh, muscle, bone and tendon as it would have to send a 7.62x51mm round through all of those. Breno and Cristiano stood off to the side, along with a good number of other engineers and designers. Some of them gave Breno nasty looks but kept silent, turning their full attention back to the weapon before them. Rather than their boss or even the CEO or founder of the company, one of the designated supervisors and testers stepped up to the table. Everyone watched with rapt attention as the man loaded one of the magazines into the rifle and slapped down on the charging handle, and many quickly covered their ears after the first shot had been fired. Sound dampening padding had been added into the testing area, but it still wasn’t enough to silence the deafening crack of the rifle. Downrange, a decent sized chunk of flesh had been blown open on the carcass itself. A few more single shots did similar damage, before the tester switched the weapon to full auto and everyone fully covered their ears as the hateful bark of the weapon belched out the hard hitting rounds into the carcass. Clearly the weapon could only be fired in bursts on such a setting, as the user could likely go deaf but also have very little chance of hitting the target when just holding the trigger down and letting the lead fly. A few well placed bursts actually cut the carcass in half, one half dropping to the dirt floor and the other half still hanging by the hook. During such demonstration of the full auto capabilities of the weapon, the tester had reloaded and was currently on the last magazine for the rifle. Switching back to semiautomatic and taking well placed single shots, allowing everyone to see the fairly good accuracy of the weapon at the range it was being tested for. After the last round had been fired the crowd erupted in applause, many of them fully believing with such a demonstration that they had fully won the competition. Because during the first initial showing to the army and the ministry of defense, the weapon had jammed 3 times. Twice during full automatic and once during semiautomatic, all on the first 2 magazines. What had initially been believed to be a weapon design issue only, it was both weapon design and ammunition. The sear on the trigger was too thick, causing the bolt to get caught when recoiling. While the ammunition supplied had been steel with an anti-corrosion coating, rather than pure brass. Fortunately now they had the perfect rifle, the perfect rifle to win the competition for the standard rifle of the Brazilian Military. |

[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]

COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY

—]

Adriatican Islands

Amsterwald

Anglo Channel

Arcanda

Bhaarat Lok

Cascadla

Cheezaslovakia

Connomia

East Germany Ddr

Great Britain Gb

Greater Kurdistane

Hatzburg

Israelli

Kewtpuff

Kotakuan Ii

Ma-Li

Maziya

Metropolitan Francais

Mutawakkiliti

Nevbrejnovitz

Newauroria

New Provenance

Nileia

Nippon-Nihon

Osivoii

Paramountica

Paseo

Peking Zhongguo

Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia

Pontianus

Provenancia

Ranponian

Rio De La Plata Argentina

Rutannia

Saudi Arabiyah

Socialist Democratic Republic Romania

Spainard

Spain-

The Confederate Prussian Empire

Vancouver Straits

Victoria Harbor

Vietnam Sv

Virnall

[/spoiler]

Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Ma-Li

Rising Discontent; Slaves Disappear En Masse

1971

Until Every Chain Snaps: A Freedman’s Story

Messaoud Ould Boulkheir - 1993

| The greatest asset in our successful revolution against the Beidane slave drivers was the Beidane themselves. So arrogant was their belief in the invincibility and unassailability of their position and role in society that they could not believe we would ever be plotting a revolution right under their nose.

The most difficult part of planning any slave rebellion, and in fact the thing that has doomed almost every slave revolt in human history (besides our beleaguered comrades in Haiti) is merely cost versus gain. For most slaves to remain loyal meant not only you were safe, but your family as well. To be fed, and taken care of, even if your existence meager and dependent on the whims of an abusive class of slave owners and feudal lords. In the same way the capitalists keep their own workers cowed in a state of passive acceptance of the status quo through wages, and financial anxieties, the slave society of Mauritania was an intensification of this, in a way unseen since the days of the medieval era.

However, the same way we see that the inherent contradictions of capitalism eventually lead to its downfall, so too can we see the collapse of the slave society at an even faster rate. The 1969-1971 economic crisis, and the subsequent economic malaise proved to be the fuse that would light the eventual conflagration that was the Mauritanian Civil War. A populace that no longer has anything to lose, especially when the alternative is starvation, and desolation, will more openly turn to rebellion and radicalism rather than against it. Societies natural inclination is towards a mellow status quo, but when the status quo is tantamount to death, people will shift to whatever solution brings them closer to peace.

Religion too, which has always commonly been called by Marxist’s as the opiate of the masses played a key role in the reenforcement of slavery. Cultivating religiosity within the wider populace was considered among the highest priority for the government. Even while draped in the finery of socialism, the Mauritanian People’s Party continued to proclaim itself as Islamist in nature. Moktar Ould Daddah believed he could maintain the continued existence of slavery by tying it into Islam. Deference to authority, submission to masters, and the mandate to rule were tied into general Islamic teachings. Many of the slaves were deliberately never taught to read, so it is perhaps unsurprising they took the words of imams, and others who of course were tied into the regime. Even today, through all the progress made by our People’s Republic, we still see the continuation of Islam as the most prevalent religion.

For my part, I never expected my small illegal political organization, to grow into what it has nowadays. The Communist Party of Chinguetti first began as a small reading club named the League of Mauritanian Communists in 1970. As the situation continued to deteriorate nationally, more and more disaffected Mauritanians, especially those of the middle class freed Haratine who despite a level of socio-economic development were still second class citizens to the Beidane.

We would begin a period of organization, reaching out and establishing contacts throughout the local communities. Most importantly we would facilitate the removal of slaves from their homes, and the creation of an underground mutual aid network to keep our group and community alive, during the crisis. As the situation continued into 1972, our numbers had grown to 10,000 in some way with our group, which in a population of 1.1 million people put us in the race with 1% of the nation having membership. While it was still small, we were growing rapidly among the scorned middle class, and would soon make our moves towards the slaves as well who made up 30-35% of the population at this time.

From the beginning I have always asserted had Ould Daddah been able to convince the Beidane elites of the threat of slave rebellion, and the growing threat of our League, he may have kept his grip on power. Constrained to capitalism, and elitist feudalism as Daddah was he would not be able to see his threats taken seriously, and his nation lost with it.

Nippon-Nihon, Nileia, Maziya, Spain-

Assembled with Dot's Region Saver.
Written by Refuge Isle.