Post Archive
Region: Commonwealth of Liberty
[list][list][sub]S O C I A L I S T R E P U B L IC O F R O M A N I A R E P U B L I C A S O C I A L I S T Ă R O M Â N I A [/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list]Turceni Energetic Complex[/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]Martie 1970, Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist Român, București, Republica Socialistă România[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]March 1970, Central Committee of The Communist Party of Romania, Bucharest, Socialist Republic of Romania[/sub][/list][/list]
| His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation, unveiled his ambitious plans for the construction of the Turceni Energetic Complex in late 1968, after the construction of the Galati Steel Works. Positioned as the cornerstone of Romania's industrial prowess and energy independence, this complex is set to become one of the largest in Europe, boasting a staggering maximum production capacity of 1320 megawatts.
| His Excellency's blueprint for the Turceni Energetic Complex is nothing short of revolutionary.
Drawing on the expertise of Romanian engineers and utilizing the latest advancements in energy technology, the complex is designed to harness the rich coal reserves of the region efficiently.
It is situated strategically in the heart of Romania's coal-rich Jiu Valley in Oltenia region.
| The construction timeline is ambitious yet meticulously planned, with groundwork set to commence in the summer of 1970, teams of skilled laborers and engineers will converge upon the site to begin the monumental task ahead. The Genius of the Carpathians envisions a workforce fueled by the patriotic ambition of building a brighter future for Romania.
To extract the necessary fuel for power generation, an additional number of 8 coal mines will be established in the vicinity of the complex, as well as an extensive transmission network to link up with the power grid of the rest of the Socialist Republic of Romania
The completion of the complex is set to early 1977 with the first activities commencing in early 1978
[list][list][sub]| "The Turceni Energetic Complex represents a monumental achievement in Romania's quest for energy independence and industrial advancement. Under the visionary leadership of His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation, this ambitious project is poised to redefine the nation's energy landscape and solidify its position as a leader in the European energy sector. With meticulous planning, technological innovation, and dedication, we are confident in the successful realization of this historic endeavor." - Scînteia, National Newspaper |[/sub][list][list]
[sub]E scris pe Tricolor unire! Pe roșu steag liberator! Prin lupte sub a lor umbrire, spre Comunism urcăm în zbor![/sub]
[sub]Trăiască Partidul Comunist Român în frunte cu al său secretar general, tovarășul Constantin Rotaru![/sub]
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Arcanda, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
Post by The Great And Powerful Enclave suppressed by Paramountica.
Any Super mutants
[list][list][sub]𝚇.1969[/sub][/list]
I L R E G N O D' I T A L I A
[list][sub]LIBRI, BANDIERE E RIVENDICAZIONI[/sub]
BOOKS, FLAGS, AND DEMANDS, IV[/list]
[list][list]THE HOT AUTUMN[/list]
[list][pre]Amid unique circumstances,
Workers and students unite,
Strikes and protests spreading like wildfire.[/pre][/list][/list][/list]
[list][list][pre]▌ R.A.I. Radiotelevisione italiana
[ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UG49U-1VntA ][/pre][/list][/list]
[list]| [sup][nation=short]Arcanda[/nation][/sup] The deafening police sirens. The clip-clopping of the horses. The long lines of cop cars and trucks. Burning vehicles. For many, the days of Autumn would come as a shock, even after 1968's widespread student movement. This time, a movement had inflamed passions across the country, and from North to South, none of the major cities were spared by what would be instantly called l'Autunno caldothe Hot Autumn. Student unions, determinedly closing ranks around the demands formulated last year, had this time successfully established links with the industrial workers' unions. Starting in early September, then rising in scale and scope, strikes have spread from the industrial cores of Turin and Milan to many more factories in Middle and South Italy; the assembly lines of Turins FIAT have all but stopped, workers occupying the factory; in Genoa, dock workers and train conductors followed suit, as did the steelworkers in the industrial towns dotted between Milan and Turin. In Rome's La Sapienza university, the Arts and Humanities campus is once again occupied. Even the South is now witnessing the movement, with Naples, Bari, Ancona and Palermo all experiencing strikes, once again from dock and railway workers. Reasons differed from North to South; in the more industrialized and well-off North, the labor market has hit nearly full employment; however, cuts have been announced as gains in efficiency have increased year-on-year for now fifteen years. Moreover, the three-year contracts that are common in this area are now reaching their end, and thus up to negotiationthe exiled Italians from Venezia Giulia, who have arrived after the war, and who boast above-average skills and organization, feel they have been dealt an unfair hand compared to the established Northerners, and thus have played a large part in mobilizing their unions. All are demanding the implementation of workers' self-management policies, broader pay, and a forty-hour workweek; such demands are spearheaded by the Kingdom's many unions, with even the moderate Confederazione Italiana dei Sindacati Lavoratori taking part along the traditionally more radical Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro and Unione Italiana del Lavoro . Meanwhile, the South is still seeing high levels of unemployment; economic opportunities and standards of living are still well below that of the North, and unions there have mostly declared strikes in solidarity with the North and for more state involvement in regional development. Across the country, students have renewed last year's demands, mainly higher wages, greater access to education across all social strata, Republicanism and an end to the Church-State relations; in terms of international policy, they demand the end of American military presence in Italy and a clear anti-war stance of Vietnam. Fringe feminist groups, inspired by the women's liberation movement across the Atlantic, have also introduced new demands, pertaining to greater gender equality, the availability of over-the-counter contraceptive means, and the legalization of divorce and of abortion, sometimes provoking splits within the nascent workers' movement. Among the students, too, a multitude of organizations have emerged, most formed within the last three years, widely distributing pamphlets and magazines in an unprecedented effort to spread the gospel of the revolutionthe PCI, of course, has taken a major if reluctant role owing to its sheer size and influence, vanguard organizations of the so-called New Left are also proving excellent organizers, such as Antonio Negri and Nanni Balestrinis Potere Operaio (building on a workers-based interpretation of Marxist doctrine, and focusing all efforts around workers' action and self-determination) and its rival, but nonetheless ally of circumstance, Adriano Sofri and Giorgio Pietrostefanis Lotta Continua (which places emphasis on student-worker coordination and the spread of doctrine through social centers, many of which have been set up in factories affected by the strikes). |
| Faced with a larger and better organized movement than last year, Mariano Rumor's cabinetcoincidentally weakened, as internecine strife over minute aspects of government broke up the Premier's unstable coalition over the summerfinds itself critically under-equipped. Now only comprising of the Democrazia Cristiana, whose competing center-left and center-right factions are in a constant process of deal-making and influence-sharing, it has to count with external and volatile support from its erstwhile Socialist allies. With few cards in his hand, Rumor, never the crusader but always the negotiator, has pledged to listen to the workers' demands and has summoned the Cofindustria, the sprawling organization and long arm of Italy's big business, to the table. But so far, little progress has been achieved, and much of the radical students' demands pertaining to social and foreign policy are virtually impossible for Rumor to enact. To address the current disorder, police action is ongoing to contain groups of more radical protesters and put an end to the running battles between anti-riot forces and students. |
| With no end in sight as the unions and workers alike have vowed to "keep going until 1970 if needed", the situation is being carefully monitored by the SIFAR and the Armed Forces, all wary of foreign intervention from the East. While no direct threat is yet posed to the state of law and the current form of government, the ever more radical demands of the far-left, unfettered and unpunished, are ever more alarming to the security-military establishment and has awakened the conservative spectrum, which ranges from neo-fascists to royalists and religious conservatives. It is said that relations between King Umberto and the heir to the throne, Prince Vittorio Emanuele, have reached their nadir in light of the current situation, and the gap between the two men, the former calm and conciliatory, the latter more prone to impulsion and provocation, has only widened... |
[list][list][list][spoiler=[sub]Commonwealth of Liberty[/sub]
EVVIVA L'ITALIA!
]
[nation]Adriatican Islands[/nation]
[nation]Al-Oman[/nation]
[nation]Amsterwald[/nation]
[nation]Arcanda[/nation]
[nation]Brazil Toucan[/nation]
[nation]Cascadla[/nation]
[nation]Cheezaslovakia[/nation]
[nation]Connomia[/nation]
[nation]East Germany DDR[/nation]
[nation]Great Britain GB[/nation]
[nation]Greater Kurdistane[/nation]
[nation]Israelli[/nation]
[nation]Kewtpuff[/nation]
[nation]Kotakuan II[/nation]
[nation]Ma-li[/nation]
[nation]Maziya[/nation]
[nation]Metropolitan Francais[/nation]
[nation]Neepal[/nation]
[nation]Nevbrejnovitz[/nation]
[nation]Newauroria[/nation]
[nation]New Provenance[/nation]
[nation]Nileia[/nation]
[nation]Nippon-Nihon[/nation]
[nation]OsivoII[/nation]
[nation]Paramountica[/nation]
[nation]Paseo[/nation]
[nation]Peking Zhongguo[/nation]
[nation]Pontianus[/nation]
[nation]Provenancia[/nation]
[nation]Ranponian[/nation]
[nation]Rutannia[/nation]
[nation]Saudi Arabiyah[/nation]
[nation]Socialist Democratic Republic Romania[/nation]
[nation]Spainard[/nation]
[nation]Sudesam[/nation]
[nation]Turkiye 1st[/nation]
[nation]Vancouver Straits[/nation]
[nation]Victoria Harbor[/nation]
[nation]Vietnam SV[/nation]
[nation]Virnall[/nation]
[/spoiler][/list][/list]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Slipway, Zingium
[list][list]SHŌWA 45 | JANUARY 1970[/list]
[list][list]新たな10年の日本
[pre]JAPAN IN A NEW DECADE[/pre][/list][/list]
[pre] T H E S E V E N T I E S [/pre]
[list][list][sub][pre] オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり
O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly![/pre][/sub][/list][/list]
TOKYO AFTERNOON
[sub]TOKYO BAY, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]
| Japan, the home of 100 million people, entered the 1970s with self-confidence and a feeling of readiness to deal with whatever challenges might arise, combined with a disturbing uncertainty about what those challenges might be. The Japanese people, crammed into four narrow islands smaller in total area than California, emerged from the wreckage of World War II to become the worlds third strongest economy, behind only the United States and the Soviet Union. The country, which has just renewed its conservative leadership mandate, mixes its feudal past and space capsule future in strange and magnificent combinations that are unsettling to foreigners and even many Japanese. Japan is the only non-Western nation that has living standards that approach those of Western countries the Japanese overtook the Italians to rank 19th in per capita income last year while maintaining concepts of loyalty and obligation straight out of some sword‐flashing Samurai drama. Society is inexorably changing towards greater freedom of choice for the individual, greater mobility, and more flexible family ties. The older pre-war generation has difficulty speaking to those who began studying after World War II and some members of the new generation are now finding their way into Parliament and other corridors of power. |
| The Japanese seniors call the post-war generation Dry. The term refers to a person who decides a course of action not out of a feeling of loyalty or obligation to family or company, but based on self-interest. At the same time and this is where the complexity of this society lies, which has a supposedly modern, rational, and scientific value system that competes with the traditional intuitive system of ownership of the individual soul the violence and vehemence of students protests can be seen as the manifestation of a rebellion against the rationalism from the West and the dryness that elderly associate with the post-war generation. Japan ended 1969 with general elections seen as marking the country's course for the following decade. Conservative EISAKU SATO promised that the way forward would involve a partnership with the Americans to safeguard the economic growth of developing nations and the stability of Asia. The PRIME MINISTER promised to maintain the security treaty more broadly as long as the United States maintains bases in Japan, as a deterrent to war in Asia. |
| Many of the voters agreed with The PRIME MINISTER, for although a considerable number almost 32% of the 69.7 million eligible voters did not bother to vote, those who did awarded 288 seats in the 486-seat lower house to the Liberal Democrats. The Socialists, the LDPs main opponent, who advocate unarmed neutrality rather than American bases on Japanese soil, won just 90 seats. The Komeito, or Clean Government Party, won 47 seats and the Communists went from four to 14. The Democratic Socialist Party won 31 seats, the same number it had before the elections. The defeat of the Socialists, followed by the victory of the Komeito and the Communists, mutually, antagonistic but both assertively nationalistic, shows that unarmed idealist neutrality is finally dead as a political issue. From now on, the greatest opposition to the Liberal‐Democratic policy of partnership with Washington will most likely come from proponents of armed neutrality, be they leftist or rightist, and a Gaullist approach to international relations. The Japanese, for a quarter of a century, directed their energies towards the dogged pursuit of economic goals improving individual, family, and corporate fortunes. |
Paramountica, Rutannia, Arcanda, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
[list][list]SHŌWA 45 | JANUARY 1970[/list]
[list][list]家族の絆の希薄化
[pre]WEAKENING OF FAMILY TIES[/pre][/list][/list]
[pre] T H E S E V E N T I E S [/pre]
[list][list][sub][pre] オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり
O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly![/pre][/sub][/list][/list]
TOKYO AFTERNOON
[sub]TOKYO BAY, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]
| American financial aid, plus the hard work done by the Japanese, plus good fortune like the boom caused by the Korean War, drove the economys recovery. In 1960, the countrys gross national product was $37.8 billion, while per capita income amounted to $330. Since 1960, the Japanese have witnessed phenomenal growth. Last year, Japans GNP reached $140 billion, surpassing that of West Germany as the worlds third strongest. By 1970, GNP is expected to exceed $200 billion, while per capita income will increase to $1,500. What the changes meant for the TAKAHASHI family, who live in a village about 250 miles north of Tokyo, in the abundant rice plains of northern Miyagi Prefecture. The TAKAHASHI family owned 10 chobu of land 25 acres until land reform. The law passed during the American occupation prohibited ownership of more than 7.5 acres of rice fields. The TAKAHASHIS sold their surpluses to the government at confiscatory rates, other landowners did the same. It was only a few years ago that it acted to adequately compensate former landowners. |
| Not all farmers were as lucky as the TAKAHASHIS, who already had a good business to start with, but compared to the pre-war period there was a real revolution in the countryside. Households with televisions are quite common and some are even switching to color television. A rice cooker that eliminates a time-consuming but essential task and a washing machine are part of rural homes. Refrigerators, although few, are not rare. Ladies still do much of the agricultural work, but with mechanization, better fertilizers, and more effective insecticides, farming has become easier compared to what it was 30 years ago. The biggest problem is the overproduction of rice, whose price remains sustained. While the countryside modernizes, urbanization advances rapidly. Entire rural villages are empty and deserted or are left with ladies, elderly people, and children, while men seek well-paid jobs in big cities. The physical changes in large cities were also dramatic. Skyscrapers, roads are being widened to accommodate more cars and the subway system is being expanded to meet population demand, although these changes are slow due to the high cost of land. |
| More fundamental than physical changes is the weakening of traditional family ties and parental authority, but some parents still try to deal with their children traditionally, and this doesnt end well. KIYOSHI is an 18-year-old boy with no siblings who ran away from his home in a rural town. He couldnt stand having his parents controlling his life. He left his hometown, moved to Tokyo with the equivalent of $90 and a small suitcase, and looked for an old high school friend with whom he shares a room. The discomfort of KIYOSHI and his colleagues was demonstrated by the fact that almost 10,000 young people, of which 6,253 were students at 156 universities, were arrested this year for participating in acts of violence during university disputes and demonstrations against the alleged Governments alleged collusion with the United States on Okinawa and South Vietnam. Out of a population of 1.5 million young university students, around 26,000 are left-wing activists and sympathizers, of which 14,000 are affiliated with Communists (anti-government but also anti-violence) and 12,000 oppose Marxist Communists or anarchists. All of Japan, as a nation facing the seventies, seems to be in a similar state of mind to KIYOSHI. The Japanese know that they belong to world society. They know that as their national wealth grows, so does the weight of their responsibilities. But they havent yet discovered for themselves what they want to be or do. If their national objectives remain unclear, at least they know that the preparatory phase of the 1960s is over. Japans national confidence has been reborn and they are ready to take on a more demanding role. |
Rutannia, Arcanda, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
[list][list][sub]S O C I A L I S T R E P U B L IC O F R O M A N I A R E P U B L I C A S O C I A L I S T Ă R O M Â N I A [/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list]Construction of the Transfăgărășan[/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]Martie 1970, Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist Român, București, Republica Socialistă România[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]March 1970, Central Committee of The Communist Party of Romania, Bucharest, Socialist Republic of Romania[/sub][/list][/list]
| Amid the rugged peaks of the Carpathian Mountains, the first echoes of construction began to echo along the winding paths that would soon become the Transfăgărășan (Drumul Național 7C (DN7C) highway. Ordered into existence by His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation in 1967, this ambitious undertaking marked the genesis of a strategic lifeline, digging its way through the heart of Romania's formidable terrain.
At the behest of the Genius of the Carpathians, whose visionary and brilliant foresight saw beyond mere roads to envision a vital artery of connectivity between Transylvania and Wallachia, teams of engineers and laborers descended upon the mountainous landscape like ants upon a hill.
| The primary objective of the Transfăgărășan Highway project is to establish a reliable and efficient passage through the challenging terrains of the Southern Carpathians. With a maximum altitude of 2,042 meters, the highway will provide a crucial link for both civilian and military transportation, thereby facilitating economic growth, regional integration, and national defense.
The construction of the Transfăgărășan Highway presents formidable challenges due to the rugged topography and harsh weather conditions of the Carpathian Mountains. Steep gradients, rocky outcrops, and unpredictable weather patterns necessitate meticulous planning and innovative engineering solutions to ensure the successful completion of the project within the stipulated timeframe of 1970-1974.
[list][list][sub]| With its strategic importance for both civilian and military purposes, the completion of this ambitious project will undoubtedly enhance connectivity, promote economic development, and boost the national security of the Socialist Republic of Romania for years to come. |[/sub][list][list]
[sub]E scris pe Tricolor unire! Pe roșu steag liberator! Prin lupte sub a lor umbrire, spre Comunism urcăm în zbor![/sub]
[sub]Trăiască Partidul Comunist Român în frunte cu al său secretar general, tovarășul Constantin Rotaru![/sub]
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Rutannia, Arcanda, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
Post self-deleted by Rudnatia.
[list][list][pre]| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X
| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"[/pre]
[list][list][pre]Overwinning betekent groei en vooruitgang,
en we verlangen naar overwinning thuis en daarbuiten...[/pre][/list]
[pre]// 27 MAART 1970, VRIJDAG
CRIJNSSEN, NEDERLANDS GUYANA //[/pre][/list]
Ā L E AㅤㅤI E C T AㅤㅤE S Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤA N O T H E RㅤㅤH O L L A N DㅤㅤA C R O S SㅤㅤT H EㅤㅤS E A
[list]ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ[sub]Beyond the tumultuous expanse of the grand Atlantic Ocean, where brave souls dared to traverse its tempestuous waves and fierce winds, lay the distant outpost of Dutch Guiana and its regal jewel, the capital city of Crijnssen. Nestled upon the northern reaches of the South American continent, Crijnssen exuded an air of serene beauty, boasting pristine coastlines, crystalline waters, and the elegant facades of colonial architecture. A sanctuary of charm and elegance, the heart of the city opened its arms to all who ventured within, greeting them with the tranquil embrace of the Middelburg Marina. As one ventured deeper into the city, the enchanting aura of the Oudestad, the old town, unfolded before them, its splendour manifested in the form of majestic wooden edifices that bore witness to centuries of rich history. From its inception, Crijnssen pulsated with the vibrant rhythm of diversity and architectural grandeur.[/sub]
[sub]This Caribbean port city remained relatively modest in size until the tumultuous 1960s, basking in the tranquillity of its quiet streets and serene atmosphere. While it retained its allure as a favoured destination for affluent Dutch and American tourists, it lacked the bustling energy of its mainland counterparts. Adorned with the elegant remnants of Dutch colonial architecture, its stone-paved thoroughfares whispered tales of bygone eras. Dominating the skyline were the formidable bastions of Fort Zeelandia and the majestic spires of the Cathedral-Basilica of Saint Peter and Paul, serving as enduring symbols of the city's historical significance. Nestled amidst this picturesque setting, the white terraced houses stood sentinel along the coastline, their pristine facades gleaming like pearls against the azure expanse of the Caribbean Sea. Yet, despite its tranquil charm, the city remained a quiet haven until the tides of change began to stir in recent years.[/sub]
[sub]The population of Crijnssen grew unexpectedly starting at the start of the 1960s, which coincidentally was also the time frame when the Lowland Economic Miracle started showing first signs. With high birth rates all across Holland, both mainland and overseas, combined with increased immigration, the population of the nation quickly rose, and the Dutch Guiana also took its share from the booming population. From 77k in 1957, the city of Crijnssen became a considerably large city with 180k population in 1967, rising around 133.76% in total. With such unprecedented growth, like many things in the growing city, the skyline also changed rapidly. Housing demands, along with the growing local economy based on tourism, aided the construction of new, high rise buildings that transform a city.[/sub]
[sub]Tourism emerged as a pivotal cornerstone in the burgeoning tropical enclave of Dutch Guiana, alongside a rapid surge in the production of timber, metals, and coal. This fertile region teemed with an abundance of precious minerals and gemstones, including diamonds, quartz, and gold, with the Paraiba tourmaline standing as a rare and coveted treasure unique to the territory. The shores of Crijnssen, adorned with their bountiful aquatic resources, beckoned forth a thriving fishing industry, further enhancing the region's allure. Recognizing the vast potential inherent in the region and its capital, the Dutch government, under successive administrations led by prime ministers De Jong, Van Veerenjans, and Wolsheijner, embarked on a strategic investment campaign. Their concerted efforts bore fruit, laying the foundation for a robust and resilient local economy that empowered the people of Dutch Guiana. With each passing year, the territory flourished, propelled by the vision and determination of its leaders and the unwavering support of the Dutch government.[/sub]
[sub]Once a serene and tranquil haven, Crijnssen now echoed with the vibrant pulse of progress, emerging as the Little Miami of the South. Its once dormant economy ignited into a fervent blaze, illuminating the horizon with its radiant glow. Where once stood untouched stretches of pristine white sand beaches, now rose towering hotels, their facades gleaming in the sunlight, beckoning tourists from far and wide. Office buildings sprouted like stalwart sentinels, their presence a testament to the city's burgeoning commercial prowess. Amidst this whirlwind of transformation, the cherished landmarks of old underwent a revitalization, a testament to the city's reverence for its storied past. From the ancient cathedrals and churches left by the Dutch colonisers to the colonial-era houses and the revered Neveh Shalom Synagogue, each historical gem was lovingly restored to its former glory. As the tapestry of diversity unfurled across Dutch Guiana, the tide of progress surged forth, sweeping across coastal settlements and hinterlands alike. The triumphant rise of Holland, both at home and abroad, bore witness to the indomitable spirit of a nation forging ahead into a bold new era.[/sub][/list]
_______________________________________________
[/list][spoiler=[sub]Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor[/sub]
de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler][/list]
Rutannia, Arcanda, Nippon-Nihon, Batallon De Dignidad, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
[list][pre]A R E P Ú B L I C A D E P O R T U G A L[/pre]
[list][pre]"Acredito num mundo de ordem;
um mundo onde o nosso povo possa ser libertado das mãos dos corruptos.
Espero que talvez este mundo possa ser restaurado. . ."[/pre]
- João Luzdues, Primeiro Ministro de Portugal[/list][/list]
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
O Presidente de Portugal; Pavimentando um futuro para as pessoas!
| "Portugal progress to a new age, a world of new possibilities, as the Portuguese progress to new ages and new times, we can expect a much higher expectant of life today; life of the Portuguese people begin today as new world progresses! Trust the process. . ." stated from President Américo Tomás, during his conference with the EU ministers visiting Lisbon on 10th of March. The brand new advocate for European Union Membership is Antonio Veracruz, a Spanish Immigrant who is currently running for 2nd Senator of Lisbon, and the Portuguese Provencal Populace of Lisbon. The Prime Minister has had doubts about joining the European Union, (once known as the European Economic Union, or EEU) as in a conference with senators, he claimed that if Europe went down in flames, they would be forced to join the Europeans in a burning fire. The brand new incentive is to whether or not Portugal should become a member of the European Union; though a hot topic among many Portuguese People, the people have also advocated for a new alliance with a surrounding neighbor; Spain. Americo Tomas has had expansionist roots and expansionist policies, now focus towards historically Portuguese lands. Though no insightful action has been taken, it seems increasingly likely the people will be unhappy with desicions done by Americo Tomas.
| For Background; Americo Tomas is the current, what internationally is known as a presidential 'dictator', after establishing his regime in 1933. He gave promises to keep colonies in Africa and the Americas, however some of these promises remained unfulfilled. The military had become a new power in Portugal after the May Revolution, however, many Marxist Parties that were once in Portugal became larger with time, and many fled to the Northern Provinces after the revolution. Americo promised 'Order, Prosperity, and Freedom' which became the slogan of the regime. The people of Portugal had begun turning impatient with the promises after Angola, one of the last major colonies, failed to stay under control after international pressure. The military faced major budget cuts after the economic crumble of '65, which incited the internationally known 'Salazar-Caeteno Era.' This era marked the economic downturn of Portugal, and the downturn of Portugal in general. The streets of Lisbon became cultural hotpots after immigrants from Europe and beyond came to Lisbon. The country began facing major immigration issues with the unprotected borders. The government's promises diminished further with the '69 Rebellion, which incited a new Marxist uprising. It did not succeed after a strategic placing of Portuguese troops incited some welfare improvements. Americo began tightening control in far away colonies, and those not native to Portugal were not given government positions, excluding some foreign friends of Americo. Isolation is becoming more likely with Americo refusing to bring in foreign organizations, and people are becoming impatient. The nation itself is becoming less and less likely to become an actual stable state, and with many advocating for more democratic systems, Americo is in vein.
| Though the public remains silent, it becomes worrying to government officials. As men and women protest collectively on the streets, new measures have been taken to make sure such revolutions less than likely; even installing a new curfew in the city of Lisbon, the most common of the protests, behind the foreign colonies. The Colonial Wars have so far become more or less in Portugal's favor, as proper governments are installed inside Angola, Guinea, and Mozambique. Portuguese immigrants have been encouraged to move to these areas; so that the majority population can be the Portuguese. The new national recommendation systems promise new opportunities of prosperity and economic upturn as we all know it. Though the new policies can be obsolete to some; many have found it well kindred. The new policies have functioned smoothly, military officials have also supported the new policies by Americo. Though this has not been enough to save his reputation; which remains salty in the public eyes. Although many local officials have supported these policies, except Antonio Veracruz, the candidate for second senator of Lisbon. Though new laws and new policies can be worrying to some eyes; many have foretold that Portugal is a gun powdered keg; only so much can be done before someone, or something, lights it on fire.
[list][list][spoiler=Mas, como um barril de pólvora iluminado;
só se pode fazer muita coisa antes de acender o fogo. . .
- Juan Veracruz][sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Rutannia, Arcanda, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Zingium
[table=noheader][tr][td][pre]T H E S L O V E N E R E P U B L I C S L O V E N S K A R E P U B L I K A[/pre]
25th ANNIVERSARY OF SLOVENE INDEPENDENCE SEES JUBILATION, CONVENTION OF THE WORLD SLOVENE CONGRESS
[sup][pre]A quarter of a century on, the Slovene Republic has persisted. Independence celebrations fill Ljubljana for a joyous Jurjevo.[/pre][/sup]
[/td][/tr][/table]
[list][sup]SPLENDID SURVIVAL
APRIL 1970[/sup][/list]
Twenty-five years have passed since the Slovene Rising brought the Slovene Republic into being on JurjevoSaint Georges Dayfulfilling the long-plotted dreams of the Committee for Slovene Independence. What had originally been an Allied conspiracy to offset communism in Central Europe had produced a democratic nation of 5.5 million, whose thrumming industry and cultural capital punched well above its weight.
The towering cone of the Katedrala svoboda (Cathedral of Freedom), the extraordinary legislative building of the Slovene Republic as designed by the late architect Joe Plečnik, watched over hundreds of delegates from the whole of Slovenedom as they filtered in for the first assembly of the Svetovni slovenski kongres (SSK, World Slovene Congress), founded in 1968, on 22 April 1970. The national government had given its assent for the SSK to use the parliamentary facilities for their inaugural convention on the eve of the petindvajsetletnici Slovenije (Slovene Quadranscentennial)a not-so-subtle endorsement of the pan-Slovenism of the organization. Slovene delegates from Alpenland (Cascadla), Brazil (The Confederate Prussian Empire), Canada (Newauroria), the United States (Paramountica)Alpska republika, Brazilija, Kanada, and Zdruene drave respectfullyand any other place of notable Slovene settlement were welcomed into the hall as ambassadors of the wider Slovene nation. The keynote speaker was F. P. Videc, chairman of the First Slovenian Prekmurje Societythe oldest Slovene society in South America, founded in Montevideo in 1935. Discussions of the wider Congress included progress and strategies on Slovene-language activities, publications, schools, and youth programs in the delegates respective countries, as well as on Slovene interests and literature generally. Much rejoicing was to be had for the nations weathering of the Jadranski napadi (Adriatic attacks) of two years ere, though the Celovec Conference was scrutinized as regressive to Slovene interests.
[list][sup]In one great, historic motion, the hopes of Slovene nationalists at last came to light. Stretching from the Adriatic to the Alps, the Slovene Republic drew its first breath on JurjevoSt. Georges Day and a day celebrated in Slovene folklore. On the 23rd of April, 1945, Boris Furlan stood in a long, victorious row of advocates and resistance leaders on the steps of the Franciscan Church of the Annunciation in Ljubljanas Preeren Square. The birds sang, the sun shone, and the bells of ancient churches rang out across the landtogether as one, the nation allowed itself a sigh of relief as the years-long struggle for Slovene independence neared its end.[/sup]
[list][sup] THE SLOVENE REPUBLIC IS DECLARED, spring 1945[/sup][/list][/list]
The following day, on Jurjevo, President Boidar Jakac made an unusually smiling appearance to zealous crowds on the balcony of the University of Ljubljana on Kongresni trgwhere the State of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes had been declared in 1918to proclaim the permanence and prosperity of the Slovene Republic on its quadranscentennial. He once more committed himself to the wellbeing of Slovenes and their cousin peoplesthe Gottscheers, Friulians, Istro-Romanians who also have roots in the soil of Sloveniaand promised the endurance and zedinjenje of Slovenia for all time, despite its detractors. As silver is traditionally associated with quadranscentennials, the President and First Lady of the Slovene Republic spent the day handing out commemorative Slovene quadranscentennial silver tolarjev embossed with Carantanian panthers on a customary march up and down Ljubljanas main streets. Children were given candies and small booklets of Slovene poems, while in the evening, fêtes in every municipality remained open till late with Slovenian wines, music, and performances. Albeit not without troubles, Slovenias statehood has struck an identity and solidarity in all Slovenes, home or abroad. It was, as Jakac declared, an old nation in a young body.
In the late evening, diplomatic circles of Ljubljana were invited to a reception in the Katedrala svoboda as well as several representatives of the nations traditional nobility, where the Slovene government presented awards to foreign representatives: the Slovenian Srebrni častni znak svobode (Silver Order of Freedom) was presented to the Ambassadors of Greece (Adriatican Islands), Norden (Maritime Cascadia) and China (Osivoii) for their immediate support during the Adriatic attacks. On native Slovenes, several other awards were conferred; the Znak Davorina Jenka (The Order of Davorin Jenko) for musical achievements was given to Carinthian folk musician Slavko Avsenik (1957 winner of Worldvision) and the Vojvodska značka Valuk (The Ducal Order of Valuk) for international achievements was given to Slovenian ambassador to the United Nations Anton Vratua for his stalwart defense of the country during the Adriatic attacks. More than two dozen such conferrals followed on accomplished Slovenes of arts, literature, diplomacy, and industry; it was, altogether, a splendid ebb to a day redolent with jubilation.
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1722593
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★ UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC ★
[list][list][list][pre]
"Fear is, I believe, a most effective tool in destroying the soul of an individual - and the soul of a people."
ANWAR EL-SADAT
[/pre][/list][/list][/list]
_________________
[list][sub]𝐍𝐀𝐒𝐒𝐄𝐑'𝐒 𝐆𝐀𝐌𝐁𝐋𝐄:
𝐑𝐄𝐕𝐎𝐋𝐔𝐓𝐈𝐎𝐍𝐀𝐑𝐘 𝐒𝐓𝐄𝐏 𝐅𝐎𝐑𝐖𝐀𝐑𝐃 II[/sub]
[sub][sup]MAR 1970 - UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC[/sub][/sup]
[list][sub]The National Progressive Party held its first official National Congress on the second anniversary of the March 30th Program, one of the ways that the party has attempted to legitimize the March 30 reforms as a legitimate political manifesto rather than just an emergency programme adopted due to pressure from the national populace in the wake of the defeat. For many, this at least signaled that the National Progressive Party had genuine desire to lay the ideological foundation for leadership rather than just be another vehicle for Nasser's policies.[/sub]
[sub]In many ways the National Congress proved to be a new political event in the history of the United Arab Republic. While many would not call the elections "democratic" given that over a hundred candidate were disqualified for "reactionary" ideology (said excluded candidates ranged from liberals, islamists, radical communists, and more rightist nationalists), the 225 delegates that made up the new Central Committee of the National Progressive Party were for the first time elected, and many of them were grassroots politicians or popular figures newly involved in politics, and in some urban areas, student leaders who wanted to make their voice heard. Those 225 delegates were unlike the base that made up the Arab Socialist Union, actual politicians. In a sense, while their election was far from democratic, it laid the foundations for perhaps a future transition towards a more democratic future.[/sub]
[sub]In order to fully establish the ideology of the National Progressive Party, one of the first edicts approved in the Congress was the 'The Three Principles', an excerpt of which states:[/sub]
[list][sub][sup]
".....It is why many questions are to arise over the political ideology and direction of the party. Thus it must be made clear that we have a clear path that all party cadres are adherent to. This paper establishes the three pillars from which our party sets its foundation from:
1. 'The Coalition of the Working Forces' (Thaluf al-qiwah al-'amilah), which is composed of the peasants, workers, intellectuals, soldiers, and the national bourgeoise is the guiding character of the party, it affirms the mutual alliance between the various forces against external and internal enemies such as imperialism, feudalism, reactionary thought, counter-revolutionary activity, and colonialism. In this sense, the party also rejects the Marxist doctrine of class struggle, which runs anti-thesis to state benefit.
2. 'Arab Nationalism' (al-Qawmiyyah al-'Arabiyya), which guides our principles, for the National Progressive Party is a party dedicated to the Arab nation, to the liberation of the Arab peoples from all that harms them, and the elimination of foreign domination. The Arabist character of the National Progressive Party is it's heart and mind.
3. 'Scientific Socialism' (al-Ishtrkiyya), which forms the main goal of the National Progressive Party. The implementation of a Socialist revolution to eliminate the consequences of the rule of capital and to remove the last vestiges of fuedalism, the fight against foreign influence and overthrowing reactionaries, is the main goal of the National Progressive Party. Socialism is our lens of analysis, the framework from which we will build our nation...."[/sub][/sup][/list]
[sub]These three "pillars" are not new, having been the foundation of many former political organizations in the country. However where the National Progressive Party differs is in it's synthetization of these ideas into an actual political direction instead of vague promises. The theory of working forces also draws many similarities from the Maoist theory of 'New Democracy', where it before tended to be an undefined political point used by Nasser, it has finally been given an actual political and material definition.[/sub]
[sub]Aside from these highlights, the National Congress was a mostly theatrical event, the creation of five Commissions (political affairs, economic, organizational, internal affairs, information and technology) which were set to report directly to the General-Secretary with policy papers every month were perhaps the only major highlight in the latter days of the Congress. The party was still in it's infancy and much more important matters were ahead. [/sub]
[/list]
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The Dream of José Martí and the Acts of Fidel Castro: The Revolutionary Socialist Republic of Cuba in 1970
On a fateful day on May 19th, 1895 one José Martí was shot and killed by Spanish troops as he conducted an ill-fated two-man charge during the Battle of Dos Ríos. This battle was a skirmish conducted by Cuban rebels during the beginning stages of what would become the third in a trilogy of wars for independence against the Spanish. The man killed on that day had been responsible for lighting the spark that lit the flames of the Cuban nationalist and pro-independence movement. A poet, philosopher, essayist, political thinker and later revolutionary, Martí contributed greatly to the cause which one day saw Cuba attain its long-fought independence.
The writings of Martí and his political ideology survived well beyond the 19th century, going on to inspire many leaders in Latino America and beyond. While perhaps not as famous as independence leaders like Simón Bolívar, Martí nevertheless contributed both to the ideologies of the nascent nations of the region and to literature through his writings. One of the people he went on to inspire was a man named Fidel Castro. Castro, a Cuban of half-Spanish descent was a university student when he first embraced the ideas of Martí. Along with literature from other thinkers such as Karl Marx, Casteo would go on to actively participate in anti-government, anti-American and anti-imperialist protests, political movements and eventually revolutions.
On July 25th, 1952 Castro led his own revolution against an occupying force, this time against the self-proclaimed President of the Republic of Cuba, General Fulgencio Batista. Having risen to the position through a coup detat, Castro became one of many Cubans to lead an opposition against him. Founding his own clandestine revolutionary cell known as El Movimiento, Castro, inspired by Martí, sought to spark a revolution of his own and the eventual overthrow of Batista by raiding a barracks just as his idol, Martí had done once. But for Castro, his idea of revolution ended in failure and eventually in his arrest and imprisonment.
Prison did little to dissuade the young revolutionary, in fact it only emboldened him. From prison, he reformed El Movimiento into the Movimient del 26 de Julio, utilizing the date of the failed uprising against Batista. He also educated prisoners and fellow revolutionaries while in prison and managed to print his manifesto, La Historia me Absolverá which was widely reproduced and distributed throughout Cuba, spreading Castros ideas. Eventually, an arrogant Batista would release Castro and others from prison, believing him and the other members of MR-26-7 to be no threat. However, as Castro began to spread his anti-government messages and ideas, he was eventually exiled to Mexico.
It was from Mexico that Castro alongside his brother Raúl and the infamous Communist revolutionary Ernesto Che Guecara, alongside other rebels set off on the old yacht Granma toward Cuba in a final effort to topple Batista. From 1956 until his victorious entrance into Havana in 1959, Castro led a guerrilla campaign against the Cuban dictator. Batista, who utilized brutality to suppress dissent slowly lost popular support and as the situation grew more chaotic, the United States, arguably Batistas biggest backer turned on him. Ironically, many of Castros operations were backed indirectly by the CIA, with many weapons smuggled from the U.S to Cuba to aid the revolutionaries against Batista.
While the U.S eventually turned on Castro as well, it wasnt enough to stop the tide of Castros rebellion. As he triumphantly entered the capital of La Habana, Castro proclaimed victory over Batista and invoked the name of José Martí on numerous occasions. His victory over Batista and to some extent over the United States further reinforced his belief that he was truly the heir to Martí and his ideas. That he was destined to lead a truly independent and sovereign Cuba, one where the people would be free from imperialist, capitalistic, and criminal oppression. Vindicated by his success, Castro went on to carry out Martís ideas, mixing them with some aspects of Marxist theory which had inspired him as well along the way.
Initially, Castro fully intended to embrace the pro-democracy ideas espoused by Martí in his writings. Before his death, Martí wrote that he envisioned Cuba as a radical, liberal, independent and democratic nation, something Castro sought to emulate. However, the revolutionarys ideas soon changed as Cubas politics took a turn. Immediate intervention by a suspicious United States and a plot to overthrow him days within the formation of his provisional government convinced Castro that the revolution wouldnt survive in an environment in which counter-revolutionaries could be allowed to challenge or openly overthrow what he saw as a true government of the people. His views hardened over time, especially as radicals on the left and some on the right challenged his leadership within the loose coalition he led in the immediate post-revolutionary time. Eventually, Castro, his brother Raúl and other members who had actively participated in the Cuban Revolution consolidated power.
Castro, now as Prime Minister of Cuba began a series of sweeping reforms that transformed the country. His most notable pieces of reform was a literacy campaign and agrarian reform. The former placed a focus on education, with extensive investments into opening new classrooms, expanding schools, especially in rural areas and state laws mandating education for all minors. Education was made free and private schools were nationalized. Agrarian reform saw Cuba nationalize the vast majority of arable and valuable land across the island, stripping wealthy landowners of their land redistributing them to peasants who ran them as state-backed cooperatives. Over time, other industries such as services like banks and retailers, factories, and other infrastructure were nationalized. These acts would draw the ire of the United States which eventually imposed a trade embargo on Cuba and proceeded to make numerous attempts on Castros life and to overthrow his government.
Throughout the 60s, Castro became the protagonist of numerous global events. He became a figure of international renown, loved by his people, hated by the United States and wealthy Cubans, and admired by some around the world for his charisma and defiance of a superpower on his countrys doorstep. In 1962, Castros own actions nearly brought the world to the brink of nuclear annihilation when he accepted the deployment of Soviet atomic weapons on Cuban soil. Though that incident did little to dent his reputation domestically or abroad. In fact, it only solidified Castro as a firebrand and a wildcard.
As 1970 began, Castro, still Prime Minister of the Revolutionary Peoples Republic of Cuba, saw his country face a downward trend. A hurricane and a bad harvest the year prior pulled down Cubas economy, presenting the countrys worst economic performance since the imposition of the U.S embargo and the immediate post-revolutionary period. Cubas reliance on agriculture and sugar harvest along with generous handouts from the Soviet Union had made an otherwise weak economy even weaker. Manufacturing and industry grew at a snails pace and Cuba faced the consequences of post-revolutionary brain drain. In other words, Cuba was on the verge of economic collapse without proper action.
Now at a crossroads, Fidel Castro, arguably the most powerful man in Cuba had to make the choice between following along with the suggestions of the Marxist hardliners within the ruling Partido del Pueblo Cubano or to follow along with the moderates, themselves inspired by the reforms being conducted by Alexei Kosygin in the Soviet Union. Regardless of who Castro chose, the PPC was united in one thing. Foreign policy. Castro intended to continue stoking the fires of revolution in Latino America, while turning his sights to Africa and the Middle East, regions that he saw as being ripe for anti-imperialist and revolutionary agitation. Even when Cuba struggled internally, Castro continued to portray the country as strong abroad with a retinue of soldiers, engineers, builders and doctors ready to be deployed anywhere at any time in solidarity with the worlds nations struggling to be free.
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The Great Liberalization
1970 - Onwards
| As Prime Minister Paul Magloire took office, he ruled over a state in desperate need of political, social, and economic reform. Firstly, Magloire would expand the Haitian Action Party, bringing in moderate social democrats like Clément Jumelle, FDR-esque Liberals like Daniel Fignole, and numerous old school conservatives and paternalists like Franck Lavaud, Donald Cabral, and even Joaquín Balaguer.
With the Haitian Action Party now representing ideologies from across the moderate political sphere, Magloire would craft a bold new political plan for the new Haiti.
First, he would call a six months long session in which Haitian social, political, and economic laws would be rewritten.
Social Policy:
| While many would happily denounce everything Cantave had done during his term in office, it would be foolish to claim everything he had done as wrong, or dictatorial. Without many of these rules Haiti would have never survived the rising tensions of the 40s. Nonetheless, we must look to see which of the laws implemented by Cantave were excessive, too harsh, or too broad. Then we may build a safe, but fair society.
_____
National Internal Security Act
Perhaps the most contentious of Cantaves acts, the NISA granted the government the right to indefinite preventative detention. The reasons for this act being used could be very broad, and were not defined in the original act. Magloire would choose to amend the law narrowing the definition for what constitutes a necessary detention.
Under Amendment 1-1970, Preventative detention for any period without trial may be used as a counter to potential espionage, international terrorism, threats to racial and religious harmony, threats to Haitian Democracy and subversion against the government.
_____
Sedition Act
Numerous laws were passed by Cantave that criminalized and punished racism. These would be centralized into the Sedition Act.
Under the sedition act, comprehensive criminalization of acts that undermine the administration of government, the Act also criminalizes unilateral actions which promote feelings of ill-will or hostility between different races or classes of the population. This includes, assembly, speech; and the printing, publication, sale, distribution, reproduction, and importation of seditious publications.
_____
Public Order and Assembly Act
One of the most hated elements of the previous regime was the complete ban on public and private indoor assemblies. These bans shall be rescinded.
Under the POAA 1970 - All public outdoor assemblies especially those with political or civic purposes must seek approval from the local police. Denials for assemblies may include the likelihood of causing riots or breaching the Sedition Act.
_____
Newspaper and Printing Control Act
During the military-citizen rule, press freedoms, especially those that could be seen as promoting anti-government attitudes were heavily suppressed. Most media became strangled and centralized under Haitian state-owned companies (now under the state-owned holdings company) like National Television of Haiti, Radio Caraïbes, and Le Nouvelliste. These laws even for the time were excessive, and we must undo them.
Under the NPCA, all forms of media must register and receive a license from the government. This license may be revoked if any media fails to abide by the sedition laws, or is found to be in numerous violations of the libel and slander laws, or spreading disinformation on purpose. The license and media company cannot be owned by any foreign entity.
_____
Political Party Registration Act
Political parties virtually vanished overnight when the military stepped in. Old Haitian political parties like the New National Party, and New Liberal Party ceased to exist. From then on the Haitian Action Party became de facto rulers of a one party state, being unchallenged, and restricting the formation of new parties. As we liberalize, we must allow new political groups back into the fold.
With the foundation of the PPRA political parties will be allowed to form, as long as they do not breach sedition laws, or have ethnic, political, or racial foundations (I.e. racial, ethnic, religious nationalism, supremacism, or appeal).
_____
Inter-Faith Stability and Harmony Act
While we have refined many of the strict laws created by our predecessor, it is time we institute our own. The divide between Catholic Haitians and Voodoo-Christian Haitians is oftentimes tense, with 47.5% of our population including some form of Haitian voodoo in their religious practices, meanwhile the other half sees this often as heretical. To safeguard, we must protect both sides from being hijacked by political actors, and extremists, and encourage discussion and mutual respect.
Under the IFSHA, the government will have the power to restrict activities of religious leaders and other persons that threaten religious harmony; or amount to promoting a political cause, breaking sedition laws, or exciting disaffection against the government under the guise of propagating or practicing a religious belief.
_____
Economic Policy
| The Achilles heel of the Cantave government was its failure in matters of economic policy. GDP growth has remained largely stagnant, and shown little signs of recovery. If we are to build a stable Haiti, we must ensure our people do not starve to do so. Looking to Singapore, Japan, Korea, (and eventually Chile in 1973) we see the growth of export-oriented industrialization, combined with free market economics.
_____
State Owned Enterprise Reorganization Act
Quite frankly, our current management of state owned enterprises is a mess. Unprofitable, and inefficient, they are dragging our economy into the mud. While some want us to privatize, including those in the Chicago School, we will look towards the eastern model.
State owned companies will be reorganized under the control of the Quisqueya state-owned holdings and investment company. Here shares in these formerly entirely SOEs will be opened to the market, and the management of these companies will be transferred into more privatized hands. Nonetheless the state will maintain a majority stake in many of these companies, and use Quisqueya to invest in new ones. Only absolutely essential services will remain entirely under state jurisdiction being run by national departments, rather than as companies.
_____
Welfare Self-Reliance Act
The welfare state is a tempting offer, and one many nations have taken. Yet we see all too often its excessive spending outstrips input, as the nation falls apart. We will pioneer a new path forward, the National Mandatory Savings Board, which will see workers and employers mutually contribute to a workers individual fund which can then be used on healthcare, housing, education, and unemployment. On top of this, we will also use targeted social programs like food assistance, and housing subsidies. Hopefully, these help maintain a minuscule welfare spending budget.
_____
Tripartite Corporatism
Often considered a dirty word, corporatism has long been tarnished by fascism. We are not scared of the word, or its fundamental use to us in building a stable Haiti.
The state will establish the National Labor Syndicate, a state-owned trade union center that will align and help organize all trade unions together that choose to participate. NLS will work on a national, and local level to achieve better working conditions, and wages in cooperation with employers, with the state overseeing and guiding the whole process. We will also have 10% of our parliament made up of technocrats (intellectuals, employers associations and trade unions) to better represent the interests of the most educated.
_____
State-Owned Housing
Perhaps antithetical to our new move towards free markets, we have decided to undertake a massive building project constructing state-owned public housing.
The Haitian Housing Board will be under the control of the construction, development, and resale of old and new units. Local ward councils (selected directly by tenants) will be responsible for overseeing day-to-day operations and managing complaints. Each apartment block or house will be allocated based upon national ethnic makeup to ensure cross-cultural living, and to prevent the development of racial enclaves within the nation.
____
Low Taxes, Foreign Investment and Low Tariffs
A new priority for economic development will be to slash the disastrous protectionist policies of the past.
Tax rates, and tariff rates will be drastically reduced across the board with the final goal of encouraging foreign direct investment in Haitian companies, and the economy.
Rutannia, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Slipway
[list]March 11th, 1970
[sub]The Fate Of Bonaventure[/sub][/list]
The Fate Of Bonaventure
[sub]Ottawa City, Ontario, Newauroria EVENING[/sub]
| The fate of HMCS Bonaventure, the stalwart aircraft carrier of the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN), hung in the balance as high-ranking officers convened in Ottawa to deliberate its future. Bearing the weight of its wartime design and aging infrastructure, maintaining Bonaventure had become increasingly burdensome, prompting the exploration of three proposals submitted to the Department of National Defence (DND). |
[list]| [sub]Proposal 1: Overhaul the Bonaventure:[/sub] | This option, while the least expensive, was deemed a temporary measure, extending the carrier's service life by only 5-7 years at most. Estimated to take 1-2 years, an overhaul would provide a short-term solution but fail to address long-term viability concerns.
| [sub]Proposal 2: Sell Bonaventure and Purchase/Commission a New Aircraft Carrier:[/sub] | This proposal presented a middle ground in terms of cost but entailed a significant time investment. Considering acquiring a carrier from either the Americans or the British, this option aimed to modernize the RCN's capabilities albeit at a slower pace.
| [sub]Proposal 3: Commission a New Aircraft Carrier: [/sub] | The most ambitious proposal involved constructing a new carrier through Canadian naval yards in Vancouver or Halifax. While the most expensive option, it promised self-sufficiency in shipbuilding and bolstered national defense capabilities. Moreover, it could stimulate job growth through Canada's employment program.[/list]
| All three proposals remained under deliberation within the DND, with the impending elections likely to prolong the decision-making process beyond a year. The fate of HMCS Bonaventure, a cornerstone of Canadian naval history, hung in the balance as the RCN navigated its path forward amidst evolving geopolitical landscapes. |[/list]
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
[/spoiler]
Rutannia, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Slipway
[table=noheader][tr][td][pre] T H E R E P U B L I C O F P O R T U G A L O R E P Ú B L I C A D E P O R T U G A L[/pre]
[list][pre]""Acredito num mundo de ordem;
um mundo onde o nosso povo possa ser libertado das mãos dos corruptos.
Espero que talvez este mundo possa ser restaurado. . ."[/pre]
[list][sup]- João Luzdues, Primeiro Ministro de Portugal[/sup][/list][/list][/td][/tr][/table]
| [sup][sub]29 Março De 1979[/sub][/sup] | "Marcha em frente, meu povo!" e "A Coroa dos Portugueses"; Restabelecendo uma monarquia morta
[sup]| The People of Portugal have "blown the powder keg of the delicate balance." Americo Tomas, the president of Portugal; overthrown after a large protest at Lisbon. The people went and stormed the capital building and took the military and president by storm. The capital, after nearly 3 hours of defense, surrendered in the afternoon. The people cheered and played old royal anthems. This was a momentous victory for the people. The leader of the cause came from a unlikely source; The Crowned Prince of Portugal, Don Manuel III. After living in exile with his father for many years in London, he eventually went through as an English citizen, and migrated back to his homeland, Lisbon of Portugal. He then riled up many rebellions across Portugal, and eventually incited a new era of resistance. Americo was giving a speech that day about the unity of the Portuguese people; what it meant to be Portuguese. As he was giving that speech, royalists started chanting; "Uma coroa brilharia muito acima da sua cabeça!" As such, the officials protecting Americo told the president to flee in order to protect himself. The people, a few hours later, stormed the capital and took their rightful place at the head. After killing most of the protectors of the site, they crowned Don Manuel III the new king of the United Portuguese Kingdom. Don Manuel III sat at his throne and his first command was to install a parliament, for order in the society. The people would not allow the monarch to be in absolute control, however. They did not want another complete control prince. The Constitutional Monarchy and Portuguese Parliament was installed by the majority, and the Prime Minister was given the true legislative power. Now, Portugal has a form constitution in which the king was merely a leader figure for the people, to follow, mostly following a constitution likewise to the UK or other constitutional monarchies. The elected PM was Juan Veracruz, who was a leader in the rebellions. Portugal began to look deep inside itself and creating new laws and policies not just to fool or convince the people, as was with Tomas, but rather give them a new orderly state of prosperity and order. The great enlightenment began a new era of order in the Portuguese State. Colonies in Africa slowly became more independent, and the oversea empire that was the Portuguese Empire was slowly crumbling; bringing on a new age of progression and revolution. The hopes of a nation know create a new incentive to create a beneficial empire and reign of a prince.[/sup]
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
[pre]𝐌 𝐈 𝐍 𝐈 𝐒 𝐓 𝐑 𝐘 𝐎 𝐅 𝐆 𝐄 𝐍 𝐄 𝐑 𝐀 𝐋 𝐖 𝐄 𝐋 𝐅 𝐀 𝐑 𝐄[/pre]
[list]𝘾𝙧𝙤𝙬𝙣 𝙎𝙦𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙚, 𝙇𝙄𝙎𝘽𝙊𝙉, 𝙋𝙊𝙍𝙏𝙐𝙂𝘼𝙇[/list]
[pre]Establishment of the Kingdom of Portugal; Constitutional Preamble[/pre]
[sup]On the 25th of April 1974 the Armed Forces Movement crowned the long resistance and reflected the
deepest feelings of the Portuguese people by overthrowing the fascist regime.
Freeing Portugal from dictatorship, oppression and colonialism represented a revolutionary change and
the beginning of an historic turning point for Portuguese society.
The Revolution restored their fundamental rights and freedoms to the people of Portugal. In the exercise
of those rights and freedoms, the peoples legitimate representatives are gathered to draw up a
Constitution that matches the countrys aspirations.
The Constituent Assembly affirms the Portuguese peoples decision to defend national independence,
guarantee citizens fundamental rights, establish the basic principles of democracy, ensure the primacy of
a democratic state based on the rule of law and open up a path towards a society, with respect for
the will of the Portuguese people and with a view to the construction of a country that is freer, more just
and more fraternal. Meeting in plenary sitting on 2 April 1970, the Constituent Assembly does hereby pass and decree the
following Constitution of the Portuguese Kingdom.[/sup]
Rutannia, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-
[list][list]SHŌWA 45 | APRIL 1970[/list]
[list][list]千年の資本
[pre]THOUSAND-YEAR CAPITAL[/pre][/list][/list]
[pre] K Y O T O [/pre]
[list][list][sub][pre] オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり
O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly![/pre][/sub][/list][/list]
KYOTO, KYOTO MORNINGTIME
[sub]KYOTO PREFECTURE, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]
| Everything has two sides, particularly Kyoto. A few years ago, Kyotos city fathers decided to count its temples but stopped when they reached 2,300. An American interested in the beauties of Kyoto assigned himself a more viable project, and completed a census of 29 bars and clubs on a street he estimated to be 248 feet long. There is one on each side of the street, every 16 feet 9 inches. The two Japanese cars, each 5 feet wide, can pass next to each other on the same street without scratching each other, which is 9 feet wide from bar front to bar front. Nobody has an explanation for this, but in Kyoto, things are always like this. Some say that Kyotos climate is changeable, and they are right. It snows four times between sunny periods, with the sky so blue that it would be enough to explain why Kyoto is known as the Florence of Japan. |
| It snowed not just four times, but four different types of snow, starting with large flakes like chicken feathers, followed by sunlight, then a fine, sandy powder, then sunlight, then a few uniformly sized pellets. It ended with a coda uniting the three themes in a counterpoint of changing clouds. Tourists had never seen anything like it before, but locals didnt notice anything unusual. Residents are accustomed to Kyotos climate as a heavenly recognition of the city's special character. Kyoto was the countrys capital from 794 to 1868 and the center of the fusion of Japanese culture with Chinese art, language, and literature. The citys cultural life bloomed with great vigor after the vulgarities of political and economic pre-eminence were relinquished to Edo in the 19th century. Through this same abdication, Kyoto escaped the scourges of industrialization and urban expansion. The mountains that hold it inside a cup look the same as they did 300 years ago, looking like those landscapes from classical Japanese painting. Kyotos layout is gridded, and the ancient landscape appears at the end of the interrupted perspective of the commercial streets. |
| Kyoto, the most traditional in appearance, way of life, and spirit among Japans big cities, had a socialist mayor 20 years ago. Kyoto University created the countrys first center for Marxist studies, a distinction locals take for granted. On the other hand, they constantly cite the fact that it introduced its first tram in Japan as proof of the citys progressivism. The ladies of Kyoto are more elegant than those of Tokyo, partly because they prefer kimono to Western clothing, but mainly because they are trained in the nuances of speech and behavior inherited from feudal Japan. No English is spoken at Kyokos best ryokan (traditional Japanese inn), which you enter through a narrow alley off the busiest street in the arcaded shopping district or through the garden courtyard of a temple. In Kyoto, for 150 yen (42 cents) you can get more curry and rice than you can eat, or for a good price, you can get the worlds best Japanese food in an old house located in the middle of a moss garden. An American can request permission from the Imperial Household Office to visit Kyotos two imperial villas, Shugakuin and Katsura, and enter within 24 hours, although a Japanese must wait at least six months. The villas and their gardens are among Japans most charming tourist sites, as are the standard sights of Ryoanji Temple, with its plant-free Zen rock garden, and Saihoji Temple, with its moss garden, both welcoming to both foreigners and Japanese. Everyone has their favorite off-the-beaten-path temple in Kyoto, just like everyone in Paris has their favorite off-the-beaten-path restaurant. There are no unknown temples in Kyoto, but there are some beautiful (and important) ones that tourists, both Japanese and foreign, dont mind. A great place is Shinyado, no more than a 10 or 15-minute taxi ride from the city center. Even if there is a religious service, no one will be prevented from entering, as long as shoes are kept outside. There is no garden in Shinyado, but there is a cemetery where the Buddhist tombstones look like a Brancusi retrospective. |
Rutannia, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Independent Singapore
[list] | [sub]𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺[/sub][/list][/list]
[list] | [sub]07 𝖠𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗅 1970[/sub][/list][/list]
[list]──[/list]
[list] | [sub]𝖱𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖳𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗒𝖾𝗇 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺[/sub][/list]
[list][list]𝖠𝗃𝖺𝗆 𝖲𝗅𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗂𝗃𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖬𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝗇𝗇𝗈𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗐 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗇𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗁𝗂𝗉[/list][/list]
[list][list] | [sub]𝖱𝗈𝗆𝖺𝗇 𝖪𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈𝖿, 𝖺 30 𝗒𝖾𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗅𝖽, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖢𝗁𝗂𝖾𝖿 𝖤𝗑𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝖮𝖿𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝖠𝗃𝖺𝗆 𝖲𝗅𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗂𝗃𝖺, 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗋𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖠𝗒𝖺𝗆 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗌, 𝖺𝗇𝗇𝗈𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗅𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗐𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝗂𝗇 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍, 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝗂𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖢𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝖿 𝖲𝗅𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗂𝖺, 𝖫𝗃𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗃𝖺𝗇𝖺, 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗇𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗁𝗂𝗉 𝖻𝖾𝗍𝗐𝖾𝖾𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼 𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗋 𝖬𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗋 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖿𝗎𝗅𝗅𝗒 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗁𝖾𝖽.[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][list][list][sub]𝖪𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈𝖿 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖾𝖽 𝖻𝗒 𝗌𝖺𝗒𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗇𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗁𝗂𝗉 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝖬𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗋 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗈𝖽 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗋 𝗐𝗈𝗋𝗄𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗈𝗀𝖾𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗋 𝗈𝗇 𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖿𝗈𝗈𝖽 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼𝗍𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗒 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖺𝖼𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗒 𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗌, 𝗆𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗈𝖽 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼𝗍𝗌 𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗍𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝖿𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗈𝖽 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼𝗍𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝗄𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗍𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗇 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇.[/sub][/list][/list][/list][/list]
[list][list] | [sub]𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝗒𝗈𝗎𝗇𝗀 𝖢𝗁𝗂𝖾𝖿 𝖤𝗑𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝖮𝖿𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝗂𝗇 𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖻𝖾𝖽 𝖬𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖺 "𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗒 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖿𝗎𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗒 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗅𝗈𝗈𝗄𝗌 𝖺𝖿𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗂𝗍𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗌". 𝖨𝗇 𝖺𝖽𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝗁𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗌𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗇𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗁𝗂𝗉 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗋 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖻𝖾𝗋 𝗈𝗇𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗒 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗈 𝗈𝖿𝖿𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗐 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝖽 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖾 𝗂𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗄𝗂𝗍𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗇 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖲𝗅𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇 𝗉𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗅𝖾.[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][list][list][sub]𝖮𝗇 𝗍𝗈𝗉 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗇𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗁𝗂𝗉 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝖬𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗋, 𝖪𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈𝖿 𝖺𝖽𝖽𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗁𝗂𝗆 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝖺𝗆 "𝖽𝖾𝖾𝗉𝗅𝗒 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌" 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗎𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗒'𝗌 𝗐𝗈𝗋𝗄𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼𝖾. 𝖳𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗌 𝗐𝗁𝗒, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗀𝗈𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖢𝖤𝖮 𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗍𝖾𝖽, 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖺𝗇 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝖼𝗁𝖾𝖽 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝖠𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗋𝖾𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗈𝖿 𝖲𝗅𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗂𝖺 (𝖹𝖲𝖲𝖲). 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍, 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝖾 "𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅" 𝖺𝗇𝖽 "𝗉𝗁𝗒𝗌𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅" 𝗐𝖾𝗅𝖿𝖺𝗋𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗍𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗒𝖾𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗍𝗒, 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗂𝗆𝗌 𝖪𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈𝖿.[/sub][/list][/list][/list][/list]
[list][list] | [sub]𝖳𝗁𝖾𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗌 𝗐𝖾𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗇𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗒 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗅𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗍𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖲𝗅𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇 𝖿𝗈𝗈𝖽 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝗄𝖾𝗍. 𝖠𝗃𝖺𝗆 𝖲𝗅𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗂𝗃𝖺 𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗌 𝗈𝖿 𝗂𝗍𝗌 𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗌𝗍 𝖻𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗒𝗍𝗁𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖾𝗅𝗌𝖾.[/sub][/list][/list]
Rutannia, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[list][list][sub]S O C I A L I S T R E P U B L IC O F R O M A N I A R E P U B L I C A S O C I A L I S T Ă R O M Â N I A [/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list]Visit to Bessarabia - Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic - USSR[/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]Aprilie 1970, Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist Român, București, Republica Socialistă România[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]April 1970, Central Committee of The Communist Party of Romania, Bucharest, Socialist Republic of Romania[/sub][/list][/list]
| His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation, embarked on a significant diplomatic journey to Chișinău, Bessarabia, Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic, marking the first visit by a Romanian leader to the region since the 1940s.
| His Excellency's arrival in Chișinău was met with great anticipation and excitement, as both Romanian and Soviet citizens eagerly awaited the outcome of his meeting with Comrade General Secretary Kosygin of the Communist Party of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The agenda for their discussion was expansive and multifaceted, reflecting the complex dynamics between the two nations.
| The discussions between the Genius of the Carpathians and Comrade General Secretary Kosygin delved into various crucial aspects of bilateral cooperation. Both leaders emphasized the importance of collaboration in education and the arts, acknowledging the rich cultural heritage shared between Romania and the Soviet Union, particularly the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic, Buceag and Chernivtsi Oblast in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Plans for joint initiatives in these fields were outlined, aimed at fostering mutual understanding and cultural exchange.
| Additionally, the issue of Romanian support for Soviet aid and military presence in Kurdistan was addressed. His Excellency reaffirmed Romania's commitment to solidarity with the rest of the world, expressing support for the strategic initiatives in Kurdistan amidst the tensions caused by Saudi Arabia. The leaders deliberated on further avenues for cooperation in ensuring regional stability and security.
| A significant portion of the discussions was dedicated to Romania's nuclear energy program. The beloved and esteemed Conducător of the nation outlined ambitious plans for the development of nuclear energy infrastructure within Romania, highlighting the country's commitment to technological advancement and energy independence. In this regard, Soviet support for Romania's nuclear endeavors was crucial, with both parties discussing strategies for collaboration and technological assistance.
Of particular importance was the agreement on plans for the construction of the first Romanian nuclear power plant by 1988 in Cernavodă. This project signifies a milestone in Romania's pursuit of energy self-sufficiency and modernization. The two Comrades and the respective Romanian-Soviet delegations expressed mutual enthusiasm for the project, emphasizing its potential to revolutionize Romania's energy landscape and contribute to regional development.
The Romanian delegation led by the beloved and esteemed Conducător of the Romanian nation, beloved son of all Romanian people, also invited Comrade Kosygin to a State visit in the Socialist Republic of Romania for better understanding and increased co-operation between the two countries.
| The historical and cultural significance of His Excellency's visit to Bessarabia was not overlooked. The meeting provided an opportunity for the Genius of the Carpathians to engage with the Bessarabian Romanians living in the Soviet Union, underscoring Romania's enduring ties with the Romanians separated from their motherland in 1940.
Throughout the meeting, subtle references were made to Romanian Bessarabian claims by the Romanian delegation, hinting at Romania's aspirations to reclaim the territory lost because of the illegal and illegitimate Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact of 1939. While these sentiments were veiled under the guise of diplomatic discourse, they nonetheless resonated with the broader narrative of Romanian national identity, territorial integrity and the agenda of National-Communism projected by the Romanian Communist Party since the early 1950s.
[list][list][sub]| In the aftermath of the Chișinău summit, a sense of cautious optimism prevailed, as both the Socialist Republic of Romania and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics embarked on a new chapter of cooperation and mutual respect. The visit of His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation to Bessarabia stood as a testament to the enduring bonds between the two nations and the possibility of reconciliation and collaboration in the pursuit of the goals shared by both countries. |[/sub][list][list]
[sub]E scris pe Tricolor unire! Pe roșu steag liberator! Prin lupte sub a lor umbrire, spre Comunism urcăm în zbor![/sub]
[sub]Trăiască Partidul Comunist Român în frunte cu al său secretar general, tovarășul Constantin Rotaru![/sub]
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Rutannia, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[pre]Confédération Africaine de Football[/pre]
[list]1970 AFRICAN CUP OF NATIONS PART I[/list]
[list][list][sub]For most of the year, Sudan is a place of brutal sun and a fiery summer, something it shares with many countries in the continent but seems to suffer from worse. However in the winter months of December to March, things are a little easier if still quite hot by most standards, though it serves as the optimum time, if any, for any football tournament. Sudan had stepped up as the host nation especially considering that it is serving as an emergency host after the United Arab Republic, the original hosts, had to decline due to the ongoing political crisis with its Israeli neighbour. The Municipal Stadium, built to host the first African Cup of Nations, was once again called to serve its duty as one of the stadiums for this prestigious tournament. [/sub]
[sub]Tensions were high going into this tournament, two of the predicted heavy hitters going into this tournament, Ethiopia and Cameroon, were eliminated in upsets that shifted the balance of African football. The United Arab Republic was coming out of what can be described as nothing short of a total scandal after it was denied the opportunity to advance into the World Cup after a collapse against Ghana and Sudan not getting a result against Cameroon, something which U.A.R manager Alfredo Foni was vocally angry over.[/sub]
[sub]It didn't help that the group draw had put both the U.A.R and Sudan once again into one group, with their match set on the final matchday, setting the stage for an explosive contest. Nonetheless, the opening ceremony proved to be quite a spectacle, with Egyptian singer Abdel Halim preforming live before the start of the opening match.[/sub]
[sub]Group A, consisting of the UAR, Sudan, Ivory Coast, and Bugunda was certainly a feast for African watchers, as it contained three of the early favorites for the tournament. It also pitted a very intriguing matchup, one between the two most praised African strikers up to this moment, UAR's Ali Abo Greisha and Ivorian starlet Laurent Pokou. Indeed, we got to see that matchup on the first matchday. Ivory Coast's free flowing attacking play clashing with Foni's defensive-minded UAR. Most of Ivory Coast's attacking potential was nullified, however a moment of brilliance from Pokou unravelled the UAR's defense. Eventually it was up to Greisha to rescue the match with a second half banger that ended the match with a draw. The UAR would go out of that match to face Bugunda in the second matchday, which the UAR won comfortably 2-0. Sudan would win their matches against Ivory Coast and Bugunda, putting them comfortably on the top of the group by the last matchday. With Ivory Coast and Bugunda ending in Ivory Coast's favor thanks to Pokou hat-trick, the U.A.R needed to secure a win or draw against Sudan to advance.[/sub]
[sub]Described by many as a 'hate-match', the so-called 'Nile' Derby was once again ready to be pivotal. Tension was heavy as both teams entered the pitch, and it reflected in the match, a tense, not particularly exciting affairs full of physical challenges and defensive football. Sudan had secured their qualification, and so it was up to the UAR who desperately attempted to not lose rather than play to win. Just as it was looking like it was going to end in a draw which would have qualified the UAR, a sudden break from Sudanese striker Hasabu El-Sagheir at the 89th minute proved to be fatal, putting the fatal dagger in the UAR's qualification.[/sub]
[/list][/list]
FINAL MATCHDAY GROUP A
[table][tr][td]Team[/td][td]Goal Difference[/td][td]Points[/td][/tr]
[tr][td]Sudan[/td][td]+ 5[/td][td]6[/td][/tr]
[tr][td]Ivory Coast[/td][td]+ 2[/td][td]3[/td][/tr]
[tr][td]United Arab Republic[/td][td]+1[/td][td]3[/td][/tr]
[tr][td]Bugunda[/td][td]- 7[/td][td]0[/td][/tr]
[/table]
Rutannia, Arcanda, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Spain-, Slipway
[list]1970년 04월 09일
[sub]EXPO 70[/sub][/list]
[list][sub]The Korean Pavilion - The Two Worlds of Korea[/sub][/list]
[sub]SUITA, OSAKA, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]
| The swirling breeze of Osaka, the faint smell of cherry blossoms in the air, and the jammed crowds of people set the stage for EXPO 70 perfectly. The Japanese had spent a lot of money and time to perfectly set the stage for the event, which was in the East for the first time ever. Many in the Korean government had been somewhat hesitant about the venue given the two nations' past, but nonetheless the government pressed ahead with submitting their intentions to join the event. The Korean pavilion had moved away from that of four years ago when it reflected a more traditional Korean style, instead this time a more modern and sleek look had been adopted. The Korean theme had centred around presenting Korea as a modern and developing country, trying to shake the hermit kingdom stereotype that had haunted the nation up until the Japanese invasion. |
| The design of the Pavilion itself reflected openness, rather than opting for a singular building, it had been designed as a modern market square you would see in any town or city suburb in Korea. Covered by a mishmash of colourful and overlapping canopies that would toy with the spring sunlight as it shone down. Each of the market stalls would display a range of products and luxury goods from across Korea, some stalls would display prototype models, the most popular stand was that of the growing company known as Samsung. Samsung had been a growing name in Korea and had recently entered the electronics market, through collaboration Samsung had slowly been pumping out domestic electrical appliances. Other manufacturers present included Hyundai who were displaying a range of products including blown up blueprints of what will be Koreas first domestically produced car. |
| Across the makeshift market square people could sit and enjoy a range of traditional Korean cuisine that would be cooked in front of them, the whole pavilion being designed around a sense of community and openness, something Korea was keen to emphasise. Beyond the large food court area, on the other side, a display of textile goods showed off Korea's growing fashion industry. While Korea had seen heavy influence from the West, particularly the United States, many designers had intertwined Koreas more traditional concepts and fashions into the modern designs. Adapting iconic fashion designs like the pencil skirt to fit more traditional Korean colours, or even adapting items like the Hanbok into a more western style, ideal for everyday practical wearing. The blending of western styles with Korean influences had become incredibly popular in the fashion industry, the cultural aspect had for many become important to hold onto. |
| While Koreas 1970 pavilion lacked the grandeur of the one four years ago, it presented Korea as a more modern and sleek nation that looked to the future, while bringing forth elements and traditions of the past. EXPO 70 for Korea wasnt just a chance to advertise businesses and make connections, it was the perfect opportunity to advertise the country to the general public. Tourism was slowly becoming an increasingly important factor for the economy, and Korea was keen to capitalise on it. While tourists want to see the culturally elements they also want to be comfortable and EXPO was a perfect place to showcase that Korea is a country that is fit for the modern world, a country that could embrace modernity while holding onto the elements that made Korea, Korea.|
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Arcanda, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
Post self-deleted by Niwae.
𝗥𝗲𝗽𝘂́𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗰𝗮 𝗱𝗲𝗹 𝗣𝗮𝗿𝗮𝗴𝘂𝗮𝘆.
ᶜᴵᵁᴰᴬᴰ ᴰᴱ ᴬˢᵁᴺᶜᴵᴼ́ᴺ .
╰┈┈┈┈┈┈┈ 11/04/1970.
╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲
"The true essence of the people's dignity shall manifest when it no longer serves as a mere pretext for self-serving politicians to rationalize their agendas, but rather when they commence to prioritize the welfare of their constituents above any other prerogative."
The streets of Asunción were cheering a name, the name of a man who had transformed Paraguay, who had been destroyed when it was once great and had been left in ruins. In the 20th century, Paraguay was completely unstable; political instability and coups were an everyday occurrence. When Higinio Morínigo, a supporter of fascism and coloradismo, carried out the self-coup on that day in 1947, which would later be the cause of the February Revolution. After 8 months of a bloody civil war, the reactionary forces were defeated and Manuel Antonio Cortázar assumed power on March 1, 1948. Despite sharing the antiliberal ideas of the February Revolutionaries, he saw disorder in the liberal party that distanced him from joining them. He was an important intellectual for the February Revolutionary party, serving as Minister of Public Instruction and Justice during 1936-1937, during Rafael Franco's presidency. He was not exiled after Franco's overthrow, but welcomed by the liberal party to later return as a representative of the February Revolutionaries and be part of the February Revolution in 1947, after eight arduous months of a bloody civil war between those who rejected progress and those who believed in the dignity of their people. Once the civil war ended, Manuel Cortázar would rise to power due to his popular support, taking Rafael Franco as his right-hand man, who had the backing of the militias, mainly February Revolutionaries, after the revolution. It is undeniable that there was a price to pay. Figures like Alfredo Stroessner, Higinio Morínigo and other allies of Paraguayan Colorado political party were executed in the purge against the reactionaries after the war. However, this helped stabilize the country, as Manuel Cortázar managed to establish peace between the militia, government and civilians, forming a government through the Treaty of February between liberals, February Revolutionaries and their supporters.
Manuel Antonio Cortázar had a very heterodox vision for the time in Paraguayan politics. He thought of a more just liberalism where the free market and private property could coexist with workers' dignity, far removed from the dichotomy between fascism and communism. During the early years, the economy was characterized by strong economic dirigism oriented towards reconstructing the country and laying the foundations for a fairer society. Measures such as the 1948-1953 Five-Year Plan for National Rehabilitation were implemented, in which a reconstruction plan based on statism was carried out. Banks and key services were nationalized, a new currency was issued and infrastructure works in roads and energy were promoted. Price, wage and exchange rate controls were also applied to combat inflation. Land reform was carried out, expropriating 2.7 million hectares of large estates and distributing them to 125,000 peasants. Agricultural colonies and cooperatives were established, promoting the family farmer model and reducing rural poverty. Manuel increased investment in education, allocating 8% of GDP to this sector. Primary education of 8 years of universal, compulsory education was achieved through the construction of rural schools, leading to a significant reduction in illiteracy. The Ministry of Public Health and Social Welfare was created, allowing mass vaccination campaigns, eradication of diseases and primary medical care to be carried out. Health centers were built and the number of health professionals was increased. These policies laid the foundations for Paraguay's industrial and agro-export development.
Between 1955 and 1970, Cortázar continued in power and focused on modernizing and liberalizing the Paraguayan economy. He promoted free enterprise with social regulations, promoted private investment in productive poles and decentralized economic growth. Tax reform established a tax on business profits and selective tariffs to finance road works. More than 3,000 km of roads were integrated into the country. One of the most productive measures was the implementation of monetary and competition policies, where a US dollar-guaraní dual currency system was promoted to keep inflation under control. Anti-competitive behaviors were banned and a competition tribunal was created to promote a market economy with multiple suppliers. In the social sphere, the minimum wage was tripled through Wage Councils. Social security was expanded and labor reforms were implemented that recognized collective bargaining and union participation. New schools were built and the education budget was increased. Peasant property was protected through land registration, guaranteeing access to credit and technical assistance. This promoted modern family farming and contributed to the development of the agricultural sector.
After 22 years of continuous government, he had brought prosperity to the country. What was once a poor nation, where almost 70% of the population lived in desperate conditions of poverty, had been drastically reduced to just 21%, and continued to decrease constantly thanks to the policies implemented by the government. This government seeks equity, that is, equality among individuals so that they can compete and develop as people independent of the State. It rejects both the influence of oppressive socialism and indifferent liberalism towards others. When policies necessary to seek the well-being of the people are mixed, instead of favoring the interests of a single ideology, it will be the time when the people will be worthy. That was demonstrated by the one now being cheered in the streets of Asunción, a modern Asunción with buildings everywhere, while passing in his presidential vehicle greeting his people but it was not only Asunción that was in that state but the decentralized development had allowed many cities to be equally beautiful.
╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱
Rutannia, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Independent Singapore
[sub] JAN - APR 1970[/sub]
[list][list][list][sub][sup]REPUBLIC OF CHINA | 中華民國[/sub][/sup]
[pre]A SHORT COLLECTION OF STORIES[/pre]
[/list]
------------------------------
THE GENERAL
I[sub]n little over a year, General Hau Pei-tsun has emerged from an engmatic figure into a serious contender of power as his importance has increased leaps and bounds in the last year. Originally just the personal aide of Chiang Kai-shek, him leading the classified 'Active Confrontation' operation and the recent short conflict with the People's Republic of China which shifted the powerbase to military figures in general, has seen Hau's once low influence rise leaps and bounds over his comrades. [/sub]
[sub]It certainly helps that General Hau is no mere military career man, but an efficient adminstator and even a politician in his own right, something which has generally aided him throughout his not so short career. In fact, General Hau has been recently admitted into meetings of the top leadership as part of the 'National Security advisery', in which he has not been shy about offering his own thoughts. Generally, Hau has leaned towards conservative social and political policy while advising increased investment in industrialization schemes, and most vocally a strong national security to clamp down on dissent and crime.[/sub]
[sub]The General seems to have his eyes set on more than his current position as well, ambition has always been the trait of the great, but should Hau not be careful, he like Icarus might fly too close to the sun and burn his own wings, which would be most unfortunate indeed.....[/sub]
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THE YOUNG LION
[sub]Calling Chiang Ching-kuo a 'young lion' might be a bit unfair to someone whose career so far has spanned over 4 decades ever since he won plaudits for cleaning up Shanghai during the brief rule of the nationalists over the city, nonetheless it is true that Ching-kuo is part of a new generation of Taiwanese rulers, one who are less radical about their ambitions in retaking China, and more content with embracing Taiwanese psuedo-independence while pushing for reunification through other means. While Ching-kuo did not share the Generalissimo's fiery temper nor his immense charisma, but he inherited the sharp mind and wit of his father.[/sub]
[sub]Ching-kuo's Soviet past was not something he kept secret or ever discarded, in fact many of the influences of his Soviet upbringing remain today. A cold pragmatism, a focus on brutal efficiency, results over anything else. Ching-kuo's more reformist policies should not be mistaken for empathy or kindness, rather its just what brings results. One does not need to see far, Taiwan's state industry behemothes are the driving engine of the state no matter how much the private industrialists of the young country may claim otherwise. The public housing schemes, almost total focus on education, Taiwan's lower than average inequality compared to its regional counterparts, Taiwan may paint itself blue, but deep inside it was not so different from the reds it despised. Going forward, Ching-kuo will certainly not forget that. [/sub]
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THE CITY
[sub]Inbetween large geopolitical battles, it's rival governments both claiming ownership over them, the city of Taipei has long attempted to simply live and breath outside the confines of it's political chains. The people of Taipei are like any of the world, they seek a roof above their head, food in their stomachs, cheap low quality entertainment to consume with the family. In the midst of the neon lights and the ever-growing city scape, the city of Taipei is the beating heart of Taiwan.[/sub]
[sub]In the last decade it has grown on a massive scale, giant advertising now paint every building, corporate offices and industrial parks form practically overnight. The poster for the latest James Bond (translated to Chinese) hangs alongside a poster for the most recent Taiwanese movie, both equal in scale and size, the fusion of east and west, the influences of it's Japanese neighbor and it's American ally combining with local Taiwanese culture to create this cosmpolitan mix that can rarely be found anywhere else.[/sub]
[sub]Yet in the middle of it, Taiwanese citizens are forced to be part of this confrontation they do not want to be in. Many simply do not care about Communism or Nationalism but just want to work and live. Instead, Taiwanese secret police, dissidents with foreign ideologies, even the every shadowy triad compete to make the life of the average citizen a chore. He is not free, for if he says the wrong thing he may be labelled a Communist and subjected to the same white terror people speak about with hushed tones, meanwhile if he is too sympathetic he may be labeled a government stooge by the liberal intellectuals, or the last vestiges of Communism on the island. Escape all that and there's the hungry sharks, the businessmen and the triad, though not many difference between them other than their legal status, ready to bounce and exploit the citizen for all his worth.[/sub]
[sub]Undeniably if you can get past all that, Taipei is a magnificent city, 2 million people working together in a contradiction of chaos and order. Historical monuments clash with the neon lighting of electrical goods shops, traditional street food competes with gourmet restaurants and foreign imports for the stomachs and adoration, a city of contrasts but also just a deep sense of organization.[/sub]
-----------------------------
[/list]
[pre]"If when I die, I am still a dictator, I will certainly go down into the oblivion of all dictators. If, on the other hand, I succeed in establishing a truly stable foundation for a democratic government, I will live forever in every home in China" ~ Chiang Kai-shek[/pre]
Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[table=noheader][tr][td][pre] T H E K I N G D O M O F P O R T U G A L | O R E I N O D E P O R T U G A L[/pre]
[list][pre]"Acredito num mundo de ordem;
um mundo onde o nosso povo possa ser libertado das mãos dos corruptos.
Espero que talvez este mundo possa ser restaurado. . ."[/pre]
[list][sup]~ João Luzdues, Primeiro Ministro de Portugal[/sup][/list][/list][/td][/tr][/table]
Melhorando as economias de uma nação quebrada
[sup][sub]Fixing Economies of a broken Nation[/sub][/sup]
| After the revolution overthrowing Americo, the Portuguese nation faced a acquainted economic downfall over a period of time due to the unstable and easily replaceable government authority. When the nation finally got a solid constitution that solidified national law, the economy was focused on many ministries surrounding the economic growth of the nation. The Ministries (MEP, MEGP) oversee the economic process of the Portuguese nation. Trying to establish stable economic growth, the nation tries to mainline the economic uses of the nation, most government funding goes to MEP and MEGP. Establishing good outside trade is a part of improving national economic numbers.
| Outside trade has been vital to the survival of the Portuguese nation as a whole, empires being folded, and with their rare goods being beneficial to the economy of Portugal, increased trade with these nations has been nationally recognized as the best move towards success. The national power known nationally as the United Soviet Socialist Republics, or simply the USSR. Though the country does not share the same radical ideals of the country, the Portuguese government views them as a valuable trading partner. The most valuable by far, however, is our neighbor and longtime ally, Spain. Spain is one of our major allies in Military, Trade, and overall government and culture. Reasonable for two countries that have a long history with each other. The Portuguese Kingdom has always, and will always, support its cultural and economic partner. The King of Spain and Portugal visit each other regularly and have a mutual friendship. The countries both view each other well kept. Though Spain is not a part of NATO, in which Portugal is one of the founders of NATO.
| As well with the international trade system, the nation itself begins to trade with other nations. Using its (unstable) African colonies, it has been able to majorly improve exports by a increasing amount. This information puts hope into the heart of many Portuguese. The immigration policies have long since been decommissioned due to the unnecessary government funding needed for a useless propaganda department. Although the African colonies become more unstable as time goes on, the Portuguese have to prepare to release their African colonies to the decolonization movements. The nation, for now, keeps its empire and has all the intent to take advantage of these colonies while in their prime. The colonies in Africa have been utilized to their greatest extent and for over five hundred years, the colonies have become intermingled with Portuguese culture and heritage, mixed with the African culture of the colonies. The people of Portugal look forward to the nations appearance with hope. This hope can shine through the 'darkest of times'.
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
[pre]𝐌 𝐈 𝐍 𝐈 𝐒 𝐓 𝐑 𝐘 𝐎 𝐅 𝐌 𝐄 𝐃 𝐈 𝐀[/pre]
𝟐 𝐒𝐡𝐨𝐫𝐭 𝐒𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐢𝐞𝐬 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐍𝐍
| 𝘓𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘰𝘧 𝘏𝘰𝘱𝘦 |
Land of Hope is what Portugal is regarded as, a Kingdom with its roots invested in constructing a sinless Kingdom. But one can only do so much, can he not? The kingdoms of the land can be held by one king for a long time, for the entire life of his kingdom. The unity of a Kingdom depends on one mans decisions, the king can make a Kingdom fall but rise as well, for a mans decisions can be good, but also bad, so why, O why, does this kingdom fight in your eyes, O god? I know you're the greatest in the heavens, protecting us and our people with your mighty hand, and your mighty presence! Try us, O god, for we can persist through these trials you give us so we may reside with your heavens? Let this prophet say; a Hebrew cannot find himself in his own thoughts as a Assyrian cannot conquer lands without his origin, so why do we do the verse of this sermon? Please, O please, my god, free us from these hands of oppression, free us from this greater purpose of the foreign kingdoms that wish to topple us? Then show them what Jesus, our Lord, can do with the Holy Ghost! Show them our people as one whole entity of spirituality and virtue. . .
| Terra da Esperança |
Terra da Esperança é o que Portugal é considerado, um Reino com as suas raízes investidas na construção de um Reino sem pecado. Mas só se pode fazer até certo ponto, não é? Os reinos da terra podem ser controlados por um rei por muito tempo, durante toda a vida de seu reino. A unidade de um Reino depende das decisões de um homem, o rei pode fazer um Reino cair, mas também se levantar, pois as decisões de um homem podem ser boas, mas também ruins, então por que, ó, por que, este reino luta aos seus olhos, ó Deus? Eu sei que você é o maior nos céus, protegendo a nós e ao nosso povo com sua mão poderosa e sua presença poderosa! Teste-nos, ó deus, pois podemos persistir nessas provações que você nos dá para que possamos residir em seus céus? Deixe este profeta dizer; um hebreu não pode se encontrar em seus próprios pensamentos assim como um assírio não pode conquistar terras sem sua origem, então por que fazemos o versículo deste sermão? Por favor, ó por favor, meu Deus, liberte-nos destas mãos da opressão, liberte-nos deste propósito maior dos reinos estrangeiros que desejam nos derrubar? Depois mostre-lhes o que Jesus, nosso Senhor, pode fazer com o Espírito Santo! Mostre-lhes o nosso povo como uma entidade completa de espiritualidade e virtude. . .
| Creating New Buildings of Lisbon |
Don Manuel Kingdom Tower, is going to be under construction starting April 5th, 1970. This tower is planned to be at least one thousand feet taller than the current record holder for tallest building, the World Trade Center, the North Tower, in the United States of America, which tops out at 1,368 ft, while the planned height for this tower is over double that, being 2,456 ft. This new construction plan promises to bring not only a permanent home to the king but also a World Trade Center, much like the United States. The tower will be designed to fit the history of Portugal and it will also have a observation deck at the top of the tower open to the general public. This brand new construction project is estimated to have take around 2 years until completion, maybe 3 depending on the circumstances. The brand new construction team is the Portuguese-Lisbon LCC, or PLLLC for short. The commercial building company had previously undertaken the Palace of Parliament which takes the current record for heaviest building, and other government buildings in Lisbon. The Kingdom tower is their largest project by far and their hopes is that it will become a symbol of the Lisbon skyline and be iconic to the Portuguese nation. The design phase is completed and a base design has been chosen. Many hope that this project will go as planned look amazing when completed.
| Criando Novos Edifícios de Lisboa |
Don Manuel Kingdom Tower, estará em construção a partir de 5 de abril de 1970. Esta torre está planejada para ser pelo menos trezentos metros mais alta do que o atual recordista de edifício mais alto, o World Trade Center, a Torre Norte, nos Estados Unidos. Unidos da América, que chega a 1.368 pés, enquanto a altura planejada para esta torre é mais do dobro, sendo 2.456 pés. Este novo plano de construção promete trazer não apenas uma casa permanente para o rei, mas também um World Trade Center, muito como os Estados Unidos. A torre será desenhada de acordo com a história de Portugal e terá também um miradouro no topo da torre aberto ao público em geral. Estima-se que este novo projeto de construção leve cerca de 2 anos até ser concluído, talvez 3 dependendo das circunstâncias. A nova equipa de construção é a LCC Português-Lisboa, ou PLLLC, abreviadamente. A empresa de construção comercial já havia realizado o Palácio do Parlamento, que detém o recorde atual de edifício mais pesado, e outros edifícios governamentais em Lisboa. A Torre do Reino é de longe o seu maior projecto e a esperança é que se torne um símbolo do horizonte de Lisboa e seja um ícone para a nação portuguesa. A fase de projeto está concluída e um projeto base foi escolhido. Muitos esperam que este projeto corra conforme planejado e pareça incrível quando concluído.
Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-
West Indies Federation - April 1970
Rising Tensions - April 1st-18th
While the events of the Black Power protests across the Federation, most notably in Trinidad, cooled to an extent during March the collaboration between the National Joint Action Committee under Makandal Daaga and trade unions continued to simmer tensions between the government and the protestors. Now, the situation is escalating immensely. On the 6th during a clash in San Fernando, Basil Davis was shot dead by a policeman. The killing flared the movement back into the public consciousness just as it seemed to fade away. Now it is not just in Jamaica and Trinidad but spreading into St Lucia and Barbados, a major loss of control of the government. In response harsher government crackdowns were announced to secure order, but this only invited rebuke from Eric William's partners in government and on the 13th A.N.R. Robinson, member for Tobago, resigned from the PNM to form his own party.
As if to make things worse, just 5 days after the sugar workers in Trinidad, St Vincent and Barbados announced a strike. From there the rumors of general strike began to spread, and this was the last straw. Protests were one thing, fires were one thing, but a general strike would paralyze any attempt at negotiation between the government and the NJAC which was the one thing that Eric Williams needs to secure control. With initial negotiations failing amidst the backdrop of the wrath of labor, the cabinet met to decide their next course of action.
The Crackdown and The Mutiny - April 19th-30th
On the 21st of April, 1970, Prime Minister Eric Williams addressed the nation via radio and television. He again implored the valor and the understanding of the Black Power Movement's call for social advancement and equality, stating again that he is for black power. The fundamental feature of the demonstrations, he said, was the insistence on black dignity, the manifestation of black consciousness and the demand for black economic power. He surmised, The entire population must understand that these are perfectly legitimate and are entirely in the interest of the community as a whole. The Prime Minister went on, stating now that he has decided to act now as the total breakdown of the movement seemed imminent and that this action was necessary to secure public order and ended his speech with a declaration of a State of Emergency.
Near instantly his forces acted. Police forces raided the homes of 15 Black Power leaders in Trinidad, with other raids occurring from the 21st to the 24th rounding up some 30-34 members of the movement in the lesser antilles section of the Federation. Protestors attempted to fight back against these raids and seizures, the police fought them from Kingston to Castries, and the situation soon went from bad to worse.
The same day that Eric Williams announced the State of Emergency, army officers Raffique Shah and Rex Lassalle, supportive of the Black Power Movement's goals, saw the declaration as a possible even worse threat to the freedoms of assembly and speech in the country. Fearful that the government may order the Trinidad and Tobago Regiment to deploy into the streets, they and several other soldiers announced a mutiny on the 22nd just one day after the State of Emergency was declared. The mutineers captured the home of the regiment, Teteron Barracks and began to make ready for a march to the capital. As the S.O.S. signal blared out from Teteron, it was the Coast Guard that was able to step in, bringing their guns to bear and firing onto the advancing rebels sending them scrambling off their course and back to Teteron. From there, Defence Force Chief Jeoffre Serrette brought up loyalist troops in Port of Spain to surround the barracks. By the 26th, all of the mutineers had surrendered and been taken to custody after rounds of shelling towards Teteron by the coast guard forced their hand.
This would represent the height of the now-called Black Power Revolution, as a curfew was enacted and Prime Minister Williams barely survives this Federation-spanning catastrophe. The right to assembly has been revoked, raids on the movement's leaders continue as the two sides branch towards breaking bread and hammering an end to the crisis. By the end of the month, the strikers had disbanded, yet danger and protest still loomed.
Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Independent Singapore
APRIL , 1970
The Third Malaysian Plan
| The [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55078291]New Development Plan[/URL] would be put to rest and renamed as the "Second Malaysian Plan". In its place would be the new 'Third Malaysian Plan'. A plan that'll develop Malaysia [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55195172]without[/Url] the limitations of Article 153 in the Malaysian constitution. |
| The [I]Third Malaysian Plan[/I] would be developed as a successor to the [I]Second Malaysian Plan[/I] except even further influenced by Mazist ideas.
The new plan would have a focus on:
[List][I] Erasure of absolute poverty.
Reduction of overall poverty.
'Desegregation' of the wealth among the Malaysian races.
Increasing the equality of job opportunities among the Malaysian races.
Fulfilling the [URL=https://www.nationstates.net/page=rmb/postid=55033582]necessities of man[/URL]
Industrialisation of the Malaysian economy. [/I] | [/list]
| Unlike it's predecessor. The [I]Third Malaysian Plan[/I] is focused towards developing Malaysia economically and not diverting efforts towards the rebuilding of Malaysia politically.
To secure the finances needed to industrialise the nation in a big way and ensure its future as a permanent feature of the economic system of the nation. It is planned to be achieved by granting subsidies to industry, regulation of trade with moderate tariffs and other government encouragements. These policies theoretically would not only promote the growth of manufacturing but also provide diversified employment opportunities and promote immigration. They would also expand the applications of technology and science for all quarters of the economy, including agriculture.
[List][I]The tariffs issued in moderation would raise revenue to fund the nation. The tariff could also be used to encourage domestic or national manufacturing and growth of the economy by applying the funds raised in part towards subsidies, to manufacturers. The tariffs would be used for the following:
[B] Protect domestic infant industries until they could achieve economies of scale and be able to compete with more established firms abroad.
[B] Raise revenue to pay the expenses of government public projects.
[B] Raise revenue to directly support manufacturing through subsidies.
The subsidies to industry, would rely on funds raised by the moderate tariffs, would be the best means of growing manufacturing without decreasing the supply or increasing the prices of goods. Such encouragement by direct support would make enterprises competitive and independent along with the nation as a whole. In part subsidies would be used for the following:
[B] Encourage the nation's spirit of enterprise, innovation, and invention.
[B] Support the construction of roads, canals and rail networks and to encourage/increase domestic commerce.[/I][/list]
There should also come the establishment of a central bank with the primary purpose to expand the flow of legal tender; monetizing government debt by issuing of FPN [I](Federal Promissory Note)[/I] used for a system of deferred payment.
[List][I] The FPN serves as a bill of exchange, convertible into Ringgit upon demand. The FPN would be used to financially spearhead industrial growth.
Essentially, the FPN would enable the government to run a greater deficit than it would normally have been able to. [/I][/list]
It's secondary purpose is to process revenue fees and to perform fiscal duties for the federal government. [B]75% of the central bank's stock would he provided by the investors, with the remaining % being owned by the central government. |
| However while industrialisation is generally great for a nation's economy. As a nation continues to industrialise, land that is usable for farming gets uprooted to make way for further advancement in a nation's manufacturing capabilities.
The second part of the plan would be to attempt to mitigate this issue by: establishing a system of personal and communal ownership of land in rural areas.
[List][I]As to allow for those who personally own land to continue their farm work as if nothing has changed and for a communal land to serve as a basis in which social activities between the surrounding personal land owners to take part in.[/I][/list]
Along with that, these rural areas should still be capable of producing steel, albeit at a smaller and slower amount then their urban counterparts. As although farming goods are important, steel serves as the backbone of a modern nation as the material is a, material used in multiple applications. Finally there would be a tax on food production, that is paid in kind to provide:
[List][I]A incentive for increasing local agricultural production[/I] |[/list]
| There would also need a educational reform, to push Malaysian education out of the colonial era and into the modern era. There'll also need to be an expansion of education, not just in urban sectors of the nation but in rural sections. Albeit the rural areas require more vocational education rather then formal education, as more jobs in rural areas require hard labour in comparison to urban areas which requires more technical knowledge. |
| The [I]Third Malaysian Plan[/I] would be a economic development plan that'll last over a 5 years period. |
______________________________________________
Rutannia, Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Spain-, Slipway
On the territory of the BSSR, the newspaper Nasha Niva was allowed to resume publication, but with certain restrictions. It had to be owned and controlled by the party newspaper Pravda. This allowed Nasha Niva to publish Belarusian literature and art, but only in Russian and what had already been published in Pravda. Nasha Niva became a kind of Belarusian branch of Pravda, and its activities were limited. However, it was allowed to write about Belarusian literature and art.
Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-
Post by Kanwang suppressed by Paramountica.
Good evening
Post by The Great And Powerful Enclave suppressed by Paramountica.
Good Day
Post self-deleted by Nippon-Nihon.
The Three Princes
| Scene II, Act II |
| Live by the Sword |
______________
[sub]April 1970[/sub]
The usual squabble and general tension inside the central government and cabinet had quickly changed into a heated war for power. The past skirmishes of sackings and media attacks had turned into a much bloodier game of political chess. Azikiwe's fall was as quick as his rise back to centre stage for the prized title of President and he looked to prove to his allies in the cabinet and wider political circle, from party advisors to regional administrations, that Balewa was not the man for the job. While genuine reform had been taking place across the board, from new taxes to combatting rising corruption in Nigerian ports, a third faction had arrived on the scene and was outside the central government - that being Yakubu Gowon. While he had always been seen by the political heavyweights as an outsider for the crown, his influence in the media, business and wider social scene made him a unique target. He could not be easily brushed aside, sacked and blamed for an error like a minister, but a constant threat from multiple angles.
By early March, President Balewa's long-term suspicions of the growing independence of the Nigerian Military, officially called the Nigerian Federal Armed Forces, came to truth. Gowon had gained the support of the influential National Military Council, which was part of the central government in advising Nigeria's military. Comprised of former generals and aspiring low-level Assemblymen, the council had slowly become the political arm of Gowon's increasingly powerful and influential faction which had commanded Nigeria's army for the last 5 years.
While the Ministry of Defence still had the primary effective power, having the say in the NMC not only offered an avenue of control for Gowon as a political opponent, but to a pathway of attack and criticism. Gowon would simply utilise his band of loyalists in the NMC to push forward criticisms of the government, ranging from a lack of spending on the navy to supposed supply issues with rations. However, while the UMC held a small share of effective power in Nigeria's military, they had become the primary spot for any critical decision concerning the ongoing operations in Biafra. On the 9th March, Gowon's allies in the NMC, most notably his now-former second in command during the civil war, Adekunle Fajuyi. Much older in years and experience, Fajuyi became the political mouthpiece for Gowon and would submit a new strategy for the operations in the Biafra region.
The plan would last 3 weeks and aimed, in theory, to eradicate the Biafran National Front (BNF) in a brutal campaign of military suppression. It aimed to politically disarm ultra-nationalist militants by the deployment of over 7,000 troops across all major towns and cities in the region. They would look to move in quickly and place much of the region's urbanites under temporary military rule. It was a highly ambitious plan, but Gowon saw it as the perfect chance to move one step closer to the crown jewels. Just 5 days later, Balewa made a cautious compromise, allowing the deployment of 3,000 men over 2 weeks, giving into the demands of an increasingly infinite array of Gowon loyalists. But the President had just played himself straight into the General's hands. Combine this with a lack of communication and failed efforts at ending the ongoing skirmishes between BNF and Nigerian troops saw it become a total failure, which quickly saw the NMC place total blame on the President, sighting his lack of commitment and an ineffective government to be the reason for the failure of the operation.
Come to the very early days of April, the President faced growing calls to withdraw troops from fighting and engage in the peace process with the remnants of Emeke-loyalists as well as calls for the Ministry of Defence to be disbanded and replaced by an enlarged and empowered NMC. This view, while not publically as widely supported, was ingrained in both key supporters of Azikiwe, who saw it simply as an opportunistic chance to get one back on his rival, and to Gowon, as another stepping stone to power and influence. With pressure on the President and not wanting to extend the problem to a wider context of failure and criticism, would downsize the Ministry of Defence and give effective power over the UMC. A major victory for Gowon, with a powerful political base, his popularity at some of its highest levels and a now-demoralised central government and President, sees the great game for power and influence shift to a greater battle of supremacy, from the media to business.
Every decision could prove fatal or harmless. One mistake could cost the Presidency. The rise of one sees the descent of another. The impetus of the finale comes closer and closer. The 3 Princes take their power bases to battle as it seems the biggest moment in the great game so far is to come...
Rutannia, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
Post by The Great And Powerful Enclave suppressed by Metropolitan Francais.
why was I suppressed?
[list]1970년 04월 21일
[sub]Take My Hand[/sub][/list]
[list][sub]Took you long enough to say it[/sub][/list]
[sub]Deoksugung Palace, Seoul[/sub]
| The days had become hectic, the Crown Prince was making more and more public appearances in place of his father, something that had been very quickly noted by the media. King Haneuls health had been in a steady decline up to and since his diagnosis, but he still insisted that he was to be seen by the public however infrequent. Crown Prince Hee-seung had begun residing in Deoksugung Palace, a much smaller complex than Gyeongbokgung (largely due to Japanese demolition) several blocks south of the royals main residence. Deoksugung offered a retreat from the hustle and bustle of the main palace, and a chance for the Crown Prince to unwind, and today was no different. |
| The day had been busy, first he was opening a museum in Pyongyang where he stayed for a couple of hours, before setting off in a Beechcraft Model 65-90 to Kaesong to view the groundworks of a new industrial hub that had been planned by jointly by central government and the Gyeonggi Regional Government, where hed spent another three hours touring the site and talking to the workmen. Then he was back to the outskirts of Seoul to view the new combined terminal building for Gimpo International Airport that was due to be opened later in the year. During his visits journalists would prod him with various questions, many focusing on his fathers decreased appearances, most of which were brushed off with a smile or just ignored. Finally by the early hours of the evening he finally returned back to Deoksugung Palace where he could just forget about the day. |
| The Crown Prince let out a loud sigh as he flopped onto the couch, his face pressed into the pillows, his mind racing with thoughts. Why did his father pick him? Why are journalists so nosy? Cant he just stay in the Palace all day? He had been non-stop all week, he realised he was quite privileged to be overwhelmed by touring buildings and shaking hands, but twelve hours of socialising and flying around was draining for someone whod prefer to quietly watch the world go by. His thoughts whurred around his brain until it all became too much, a soft sob would escape him, as much as he tried he couldnt stop himself from crying. Alone and spiralling Hee-seung felt like he was being buried under emotions hed left suppressed for so long, emotions a Prince shouldnt have. So lost in his own head hed fail to notice the footsteps and his name being called. |[list]
[sub]Suzaku: Hee? Where are you? Heeseung?[/sub][/list]
[pre]Hearing the sobs that had grown louder, Suzaku would quickly rush to the source, kneeling down besides the Prince, gently stroking his hair in an attempt to coax the Prince out of his seeming spiral.[/pre][list]
[sub]Suzaku: Hee, whats wrong? Tell me what's going on in that head of yours?[/sub][/list]
[pre]Suzaku would receive a muffled response, largely due to the pillow, causing him to sigh gently. Somewhat hesitant hed cup the Princes face in an attempt to get him to look at him. While the pair were close, Hee-seung was still a Prince at the end of the day.[/pre][list]
[sub]Suzaku: Heeseung, I need you to look at me, otherwise I cant understand you.[/sub]
[sub]Heeseung: I dont want to talk about it[/sub][/list]
[pre]Suzaku would grumble as he rolled his eyes, sitting on the floor next to the couch where the Prince layed. Leaning against it hed look up at the ceiling, trying to process what to say.[/pre][list]
[sub]Suzaku: I cant be of much use if you dont tell me what's going on. I can always reschedule tomorrow's events if you need-[/sub]
[sub]Heeseung: NO. I mean, itll only draw more attention. . [/sub][/list]
[pre]Heeseung sat up, his eyes were red from crying, his cheeks glistened from fallen tears. He took a shaky breath looking at Suzaku, whose face seemed to be fraught with worry and concern.[/pre][list]
[sub]Heeseung: Im sorry.[/sub]
[sub]Suzaku: For what? You have nothing to be sorry for. I just want to know what's going on in that head of yours. In the ten years Ive known you Ive never seen you cry. Youve always been the embodiment of stoicism.[/sub]
[sub]Heeseung: I didnt want this. I didnt want any of this. I was quite content with being far removed from the throne, I couldve had a quiet life, occasionally appearing for royal duties. Instead Im carted around to meet and greet, Im being constantly asked about getting married, to someone I could probably never love, and now my father is dying, and Ill be king sooner than I couldve ever thought.[/sub][/list]
[pre]Heeseung would pace about the room as he spoke, the tears only seeming to start again as he ranted. Suzaku would look at him with a pit developing in his stomach, his best friend having seemingly cracked under the pressure of keeping up appearances.[/pre][list]
[sub]Suzaku: M-maybe youll find someone who can make you happy, right? Youre a Prince, Im sure theres someone out there youll fall in love with, a pretty girl.[/sub]
[sub]Heeseung: Never going to happen.[/sub]
[sub]Suzaku: Dont be ridiculous, of course you will, why ever wouldnt you?[/sub]
[sub]Heeseung: Because Im in love with you![/sub][/list]
[pre]The moment the words left his lips Heeseung wanted the world to swallow him up, it felt like time had slowed. He felt like he was frozen looking at Suzaku whose face was full of shock, his mouth slightly agape. The pair were locked in their position for what felt like an eternity to Heeseung, eventually Suzaku spoke up, breaking the awkward silence between them.[/pre][list]
[sub]Suzaku: How long?[/sub]
[sub]Heeseung: Uh, seven years..[/sub][/list]
[pre]Suzaku would gently step closer to Heeseung, who began to step back in response, but before he could Suzaku grabbed his wrist with a small smile on his face. Closing the gap between them Suzaku would place a small kiss on Heeseungs lips, whose eyes widened in surprise. Breaking the kiss the pair would look at one another in a more comfortable silence than before. Suzaku would pipe up quietly.[/pre][list]
[sub]Suzaku: Took you long enough to say it.[/sub][/list]
| While the pressures of everything had not gone away, for Heeseung it was a moment hed only thought possible in his head, he could at least go on knowing hed have Suzaku by his side not only as his best friend, but as someone who loved him back the way he loved him. The paperwork of that evening had all but been abandoned. The pair instead stayed with one another all evening, spending a quiet time with another. Cooking, television, enjoying the night sky, relaxing. The pair knew deep down that they would have to figure out how they could love one another in secret. Korea couldnt cope with the concept of someone being openly homosexual, let alone the heir to the throne, but that headache could wait for tonight. Instead the pair would continue to find company in one another a way different from that of mere hours ago, and the chaos of public duty could begin again in the morning. |
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[table=noheader][tr][td][pre]T H E S L O V E N E R E P U B L I C S L O V E N S K A R E P U B L I K A[/pre]
AN OLD NATION IN A YOUNG BODY25 YEARS OF THE SLOVENE REPUBLIC DISPLAYED AT OSAKAS EXPO 70
[sup][pre]As Slovenia celebrates its quadranscentennial, it brings its ancient national identity to the 1970 World Exposition.[/pre][/sup]
[/td][/tr][/table]
[list][sup]WITNESS OUR SURVIVAL
APRIL 1970[/sup][/list]
At home, the 25th anniversary of the Slovene Republic aroused great celebration among the Slovenes. Newspapers widely reported the figure of no fewer than 3 million celebrants, and the organizers of the Slovenian pavilion at the 1970 World Exposition sought to bring this fervent momentum to the Republics display for the international community.
[list][sup]The vitality and obstinacy of the Slovene character kept the national patriotism alive through more than a thousand years of foreign domination.[/sup]
[sup] THE NEW YORK TIMES, October 1921 article[/sup][/list][/list]
Epitomized by Jakacs quadranscentennial quote of Slovenias persistence as an old nation in a young body, the 1970 pavilion would trace the age of the Slovene nation from antiquity to the modern day. The recurring motif would be of the kneji kamen (Princes Stone), a cracked Ionic pillar in Carinthia around which the kings of ancient Slovenia were crowned; the same symbol is featured in the logo of the Slovene World Congress. Ancient heroesthe Princes Tihomir and Valjhun, Kocelj and the Duchy of the Wends, the Counts of Celje, and many morewere to be depicted in art and sculpture. The legendary Kral Matja, a mytho-historical King of the Slovenes, appeared as a central motif. The pavilion itself was to be designed by ambitious 27-year-old architect Vojteh Ravnikar in a style that attempts to fuse the Vienna Secessionist style of Joe Plečnik with modernism. The World Slovene Congress delivered the pavilion fund a considerable grant, and the Congresss chairwoman, Sloveno-Canadian Minka Ambroič, visited the pavilion personally in late April.
President Jakac was said to have personally approved of the pavilion, and a super-sized print of his painting Novo Mesto in the Snow (1957) marked the transition to modernity in the pavilions inner exhibits.
Rutannia, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Great Britain Gb, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
International Association Football Federation | Fédération internationale de football association
FIFA World Cup 1970 | Copa Mundial de la FIFA 1970
THE DRAW
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32 teams fought hard to make it to this point, the pinnacle of international football, as you join us just weeks away from the start of the 1970 FIFA World Cup, at what can be described as the most important preliminary event of the tournament thus far. The draw will determine the route which the qualified teams will have to take on their campaigns to bring home the famed Jules Rimet Trophy and the chance to earn the title of Champions of the World. We are here live as the Casa Medina Hotel in Bogotá that has attracted the attention of the world's media, as we prepare ourselves for what will be yet another historic night. The coaching staff and representatives of our qualifiers from across the World, including select celebrities, dignitaries and representatives of the FIFA Organising Committee, headquartered at these very premises, have all arrived, with locals massing outside the hotel desperate to be the first to hear the latest news.
After another revolutionary qualification period, we see some familiar teams enter the tournament once again and some shock qualifiers looking to make their mark on the World stage. Many first-time qualifiers from Asia, Africa and the Americas look poised to disrupt the traditionally European and South American dominated tournament, with strong showings in the qualifiers and new exciting forms of football presenting a credible threat to the established order. The altitude of the tournament in Colombia will be a major concern, one benefitting certain nations but one that will surely come as a detriment to others. On top of that, the heat will also be cause for concern, with some teams likely to fair better than others.
In affiliated news, FIFA's push for sponsorship was seen major investment from companies across the World. These new sponsors, listed as FIFA's global and regional partners, will play a major part in the funding and organisation of these future tournaments. Already, as a result, advertising has reached far more individuals that any other World Cup before, and the televised nature of this World Cup means that for the first time, billions of people across the World will be able to tune into the World Cup, bringing the fans closer than ever before.
For the second time in World Cup history, the draw has been determined by the FIFA World Rankings, which enters its fifth year in existence as of this year. The rankings will determine which pot the teams will be drawn from, and is based on their previous performances and relative strengths. The FIFA Organising Committee announced that once again, no two teams from the same confederation aside from UEFA would be allowed to compete in the same group. It was also deemed that repeat qualifiers would not be allowed to play in the same group as the previous tournament, to further differentiate the draw, unless unavoidable.
As the formalities begin, lets now turn our attention to the draw itself, and find out who will face who in the Group stage of the 1970 FIFA World Cup!
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GROUP A: Pot A: Colombia | Pot B: South Africa | Pot C: Bulgaria | Pot D: China PR
Hosts Colombia are reserved the right to the first pick, being drawn as the top team in Group A. South Africa, the defending African champions, are drawn second. Bulgaria, repeat qualifiers and rising middle team in Europe, are picked third. Finally, China PR, our first time qualifiers, are drawn fourth.
Overall, a mixed group, but one that we're all expecting Colombia to dominate. The home advantage is always strong and especially in this part of the world where football is such an intrinsic part of the culture. We'll be expecting a top two finish from the hosts here. South Africa look in good form and could become yet another Africa side after the U.A.R. to make it past the first round, but some might argue they've not yet proven themselves outside of Africa. Bulgaria's run of form has only really started in the last few years, and though boasting talent, their slow tactical play may not be enough as they have shown a consistent trend of faltering under pressure. China PR are our dark-horses for the group, as what they lack in experience will be made up for in drive and determination as the underdogs of these four teams.
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GROUP B: Pot A: Korea | Pot B: Yugoslavia | Pot C: Costa Rica | Pot D: Uruguay
Pot A sees the defending Asian champions Korea looking for redemption in this tournament as the first pick. Yugoslavia enters as the second pick, the European side traditionally one of the strongest in these tournaments. Costa Rica, repeat qualifiers and rising force in Central America, picked third. Finally, Uruguay are picked in fourth, having missed out on the previous tournament and dropping down the rankings table.
I think this group is going to be difficult to call, every team brings something unique to the table. Korea have the experience and as we saw in the previous tournament, are no strangers to giant killing on the big stage. Yugoslavia are a footballing powerhouse and despite a consistent failure to reach the final four in the past few tournaments, are not a team to ever be underestimated. Costa Rica might be the weakest of the teams but are still capable of producing some dangerous play. Uruguay will be looking for redemption after a terrible slump in form, and with their strong qualifying performance I believe they will be enough to challenge for the top spots.
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GROUP C: Pot A: West Germany | Pot B: France | Pot C: Iran | Pot D: Haiti
Reigning World Champions West Germany enter the group as the pick from Pot A. France, coming off the back of rising form in Europe, are picked second. Iran, one of the toughest competitors from Asia, are picked third. Haiti, the only representative of the Caribbean qualified, are picked fourth.
I think on paper there are only two teams that should be heading through to the next round here. West Germany are on a title defence and have one of the strongest squads in the world right now, whilst France made it to the semi-finals of Euro 68 with ease despite a disappointing performance in 1966. Iran are a wild-card in this group, either capable of holding the top two teams to gain points or proving incapable of making a serious challenge. Haiti are an unknown, though they enjoyed an extremely strong qualification period, and as first time qualifiers the hopes and dreams of their fans will surely power them on.
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GROUP D: Pot A: Italy | Pot B: Norden | Pot C: Kurdistan | Pot D: Ghana
1966 runners-up and defending European Champions Italy picked first in this group. Norden, a traditional force in European football, picked second in the group. Kurdistan, first time qualifiers and fan favourites, picked third. Ghana, an exciting African squad joining the tournament for the first time, picked fourth.
I think this group will be a case of 'expecting the unexpected'. On one hand, both Italy and Norden are extremely experienced squads on excellent form, with the former one of the favourites to win the tournament this year. It would be difficult for any number of teams to displace them from the top of the group. However, we can't just write off our challengers in this group. Kurdistan are known giant killers and have proven this time and time again, whilst Ghana are one of the first teams to practice an extremely physical play which hasn't been seen thus far in Europe. Too tough to call, I think, this will be a group to watch for definite.
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GROUP E: Pot A: Brazil | Pot B: Portugal | Pot C: Nigeria | Pot D: Poland
Brazil, eager for redemption after some poor showings in recent years, are picked first. Portugal, in only their second ever World Cup performance, are picked in second. Nigeria, making their debut at the World Cup, are picked third. Poland, having dropped down the rankings since their last performance, are picked fourth.
I think Brazil should be the clear favourites for this group, I can't see any of the teams really troubling them too much and they should be able to make it out of this group with ease. Portugal are the second pick, another experienced and talented squad who have enjoyed a great run of form. Nigeria are the dark horses of this group, I think they have more than enough talent to challenge for that second spot and qualify for the next round, but their lack of experience makes it hard to say for certain. Poland, though good qualifiers, have proved fickle at the final tournament, but their squad are also talented enough to potentially cause an upset if they can find their balance.
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GROUP F: Pot A: Argentina | Pot B: Spain | Pot C: Netherlands | Pot D: Cameroon
World Number 1 and American champions Argentina picked first in this group. Spain, resurgent after some poor performances and difficulties in recent years, find themselves picked second. The Netherlands, contesting their first tournament independent, picked third. Cameroon, newcomers to the tournament, picked in fourth.
I know there's been a lot of speculation but I think I can safely say this is our 'Group of Death'. We've got four sides boasting some extreme talent and this will be the group everyone's eyes will be fixed on. I think any one of these teams could qualify for the next round, and it's without question that many of these games will be completely even matches. We can't decide who will go through, so we'll have to leave it up to the teams to sort it out on the pitch.
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GROUP G: Pot A: England | Pot B: Australia | Pot C: Peru | Pot D: Guatemala
Previous hosts England are picked in first. Australia, another Asian side enjoying strong form, picked in second. Peru picked third in their first independent performance. Guatemala, our Central American newcomers, picked in fourth.
I think it goes without saying the England should be the favourites for this one, they've got the grit, the experience and the talent and should find this group fairly easy to control. Australia just missed out on the second round in the previous tournament, faltering on goal difference, and thus will be hungry to try and make amends, but they'll have to contend with Peru, probably the best suited team for playing at this altitude, they will be a side to be reckoned with for sure. Guatemala are an unknown again, much like Haiti, as they have not yet shown how they can perform under pressure.
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GROUP H: Pot A: Mexico | Pot B: Sudan | Pot C: Czechoslovakia | Pot D: Romania
North American top team Mexico picked first for our final group. African leaders Sudan picked in second. Czechoslovakia, after their recent fall from grace, picked third. Romania, returning after over 30 years of absence, picked in fourth.
Another tough group to call here. Mexico definitely looking like the favourites, purely based on their skill and experience, and after failing to make it past the first round in 1966, they'll be definitely looking to make amends. Sudan similarly looking strong in form and hoping to progress past the first round for their first time. Czechoslovakia have dropped from Pot A to Pot C in just four years, failing to qualify for Euro 68, they will be wanting to show the World how good they truly are. Romania are our dark horses for this group, they boast a very talented young squad that I think could cause everyone some serious headaches in the group stages.
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And with that, the stage is set for the final showdown coming live in just a few months. The excitement is already building as fans clamour around the Casa Medina for a look, as the news will be bringing joy and maybe even worry to the millions tuning in around the world. Join us next time for our coverage of the 1970 FIFA World Cup, live from Colombia.
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International Association Football Federation | Fédération internationale de football association
GLOBAL PARTNERS
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[spoiler=tag]
Indonesian Federal Peoples Republic
[/spoiler]
Rutannia, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Great Britain Gb, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
The Three Princes
| Scene III, Act II |
| Die by the Sword |
______________
[sub]May 1970[/sub]
Judgement day had arrived for both General Gowon and Azikiwe. For one, it was the opening to vote out the President within the party, sparked by the onset of a political crisis between the central government and the Nigerian military. For the General, he needed to get out of it with some dignity and power left in government, even if it was the now-paralysed NMC. The President's declaration of what was in effect centralised all military control to the central government itself, leaving regional generals and commanders, where Gowon's powerbase had bloomed from, useless and powerless. If he was to be successful, it could leave him with little power and little political support. If he manoeuvres himself from the crisis, Yakubu could easily remain as an alternative to the Balewa regime, but to do that needed a scapegoat close enough to the cabinet, but far away enough to be vulnerable. His second in command, Adekunle Fajuyi, and loyalist from Day 1 was the perfect scapegoat for the belief of a "de-facto independent military" - which was the sole motive for the crisis itself.
The day after the speech, which had politically shut off the NMC from having any effective power, the government would announce further measures, with the suspension of regional commanders and government funding to any regional organisation with a direct connection to the military. With this, the central government could hoard all spending and make it much less financially costly to centralise military control into the hands of the government. In theory, it was perfect and simple. But practically, he would need to gain the support of the Senior Minister for Defence, Samuel Akintola, one of the few ministers who had remained neutral within the factional battle between Balewa and Azikiwe. Even if Akintola was to support it, the sizeable amount of regional commanders and their various regional councils was to be a strong obstacle in the way and provide an opportunistic delay to any rivals looking to take their shot, and Azikiwe was ready to fire.
By the 23rd April, Balewa had managed to suspend all of the regional councils and in terms of effective power was now, for the most part, in the hands of the Minister of Defence and Armed Forces. However, Akintola had remained stubborn and refused to publicly back the plan. While the central government continued to make inroads on Gowon's fleet of regional generals and military leaders across the country, Azikiwe had met with one of the Nigerian Democratic Parties' most influential members, Festus Okotie-Eboh. Having been sacked in November last year, Eboh quickly turned himself into an arch-anti-Balewa conservative, establishing a large foothold in the party itself. Azikiwe knew that he only needed 1/3 of the party to back a no-confidence vote, and the hope was that the President's efforts of centralisation were not only failed in effect but taken advantage of by General Gowon. To the 24th, Eboh was ready to support efforts in deposing Nigeria's forefathers of independence and democracy. As all sections of the party looked to make their pick, Yakubu had voluntarily resigned, as did a fair share of regional military figures and remaining fragments of the NMC.
With media backing, and a strong political base with a few relevant supporters inside government, Gowon would form the Nigerian Renewal Party (NRP) in an attempt to politically rival not just the President, but his party as a whole. While there was no parliamentary reputation, the general now-turned-political magnate looked to make his name for himself in the world of Nigerian politics. Now for the President, by the 27th April, a day after the formation of the NRP, Balewa's efforts, while successful in consolidating power to the central government, failed to disregard Gowon as a rival, and now was a direct political threat and still an influential figure inside the military, even with his resignation. But on the same day, a much more immediate ultimatum had come to the table - a vote of no-confidence. With support not only from Eboh but also a good amount of disgruntled AMs sighting a need for change, or just a promise from Azikiwe to be involved in government themselves, the possibility of being ousted was quickly accelerating to the reality.
The vote commenced on the 29th of April, and Balewa is now solely focused on efforts to prevent a clear attempt to remove him. He knew he could count on the loyalist section of the party, but that would simply not be enough for survival. Eboh's faction had only 50 members, and combined with the slither of Azikiwe parliamentary allies, was 70. Balewa looked to move various concessions on the day of the vote, promising to the farming sub-sect of the party fresh funding in turn for support. Whether they were false or not, possible or not, he didn't care. For once, it was purely surviving he cared for. But to the same day, Gowon had shifted his movements away from the scapegoating of his ally and now wanted to take advantage of the distraction of the vote. Sighting an opportunity to keep at least some ideological control of the military, his loyalist Adekunle Fajuyi, now aimed to become the new general of the Nigerian Armed Forces, and to do so, publically came and supported the President's efforts. Doing so not only placed him in the good books but offered a chance of concession via an infueltnail and powerful position at the core of military power.
But to the vote, Azikiwe failed. Balewa had survived his first attempt at being ousted, and perhaps even the last. With this, Azikiwe was sacked on the 30th, almost as a punishment for failure. The reasons for this were fairly simple. While he had the support of dissidents and Eboh's conservatives, it was the mainstream support for the President and strong suggestions that Nigeria needed to remain on the right path and changing hands so early would delay the recovery. Even with the government crisis, Azikiwe failed to get the votes and to May 1st, was merely a shadow of his former self and gone from a powerful government minister to a man fallen from grace.
However, as the very early days of May crept in, and Balewa now looked to continue the program of centralisation, which had been somewhat paused during the possibility of being ousted from office, the threat was now to Gowon. While perhaps not politically as intertwined as Azikiwe was, it was his experience and populistic appeal which provided the biggest danger. His influence in the media and still the military, partly due to Akintola's recurrence of outrightly supporting Balewa, created a multi-dimensional threat to his reign.
One of the princes falls with him all out. A power vacuum emerges as the President faces a fresher and more dynamic threat than ever in Yakubu Gowon.
Rutannia, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[ Burn them Out: Part II, Blood and Reports ]
[ 3rd of November, 1969 ]
[ Brasil National Correspondent Newspaper Report ]
| The month after allowing Federal officers into Brasília was not followed by peace, rather it embroiled the city into its own internal war. The small war being between the forces of the Federal Police and Military Police, and those followers belonging to the two outlawed socialist and communist parties of Brazil. Following the death of Felipe Rocha, despite the circumstances of his death, the workers union that was affiliated with the communist party took up arms and went to the streets. While such things simply started off as protests, it all changed on the night of the 15th of October when protestors fired on Federal Police officers that were enforcing the curfew placed on the city. The end result of that night was seven Federal Police officers were killed, fifteen were wounded and thirty protestors were killed with none being left wounded. While justified, the deaths of the protestors by such violent means resulted in the protests turning into outright armed rebellion. Such rebellion became officially known as the Brasília War on the 31st of October, when armed rebels attacked the Federal Police 5th Precinct headquarters in the south-eastern half of the city. The mob that attacked the precinct on that night numbered in the hundreds, with the Federal Police officers outnumbered three to one. Gunfire lasted until about six in the morning on the 1st of November, just a few days ago. Since then, all has remained relatively silent in the city as police reports believe that they hope a majority of the violence is at its end.
Currently, despite the ongoing unrest in Brasília, the economy is one the rise as more and more trade goods are being shipped out of some of the country's major ports. Allowing for a growth in the stock market, and giving an outlook to those not in the know that despite the conflict it seems that Brasil is flourishing. Which for those in the manufacturing sectors has brought about higher wages, despite the longer hours. A subject that partially brought about the ongoing fighting, as more and more labor unions within the nation are either dissolving or infighting, as the higher wages are more than some union leaders can keep up with. Prompting memberships in said unions to drop, as is evident with the Iron Workers Union in Porto Alegre, who have seen a 20% decrease in members. Due to the fighting in Brasília, all labor union members and representatives have been labeled as enemies of state unless proven otherwise. Given the state of affairs in the city, and the attack on various police forces by said workers unions affiliated with the city itself. |
[ Brasília, Brasil: Same Day ]
| The reports given by the newspaper were not wrong by any means, federal police and military police casualties in the city were indeed reported. However, they were not being reported as quickly as the newspaper would have many believe. Fighting in the city has lasted nearly all day and night in some areas, prompting the officers to have nearly constant patrols. Attempting to arrest or detain some of the fugitives was practically out of the question, as the city itself was truly a war zone and it was only a matter of time before combat units would likely be sent in. Various leaders of the socialist and communist parties have been arrested, and in some cases even killed, but a few of the more radical leaders have been able to go into hiding. Many hoping to outlast the heavy fighting and police presence in the city, but such a hope was not very likely as more and more of their members were killed or arrested every day. Lack of weapons was not the issue, but lack of numbers and lack of training were the biggest problem. Most of the people fighting for both parties were not military or even had police training whatsoever, leaving them to fight a losing war that has already left hundreds dead and many more wounded. The likelihood was that the fighting in the city would most likely end in the spring of the next year. During said time, the rest of the country would keep going forward and leave the rest of them behind. |
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Rutannia, Arcanda, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
Establishment of the Yemeni Navy
ـــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ
[list][sup]Al-Hudaydah, Yemen Arab Republic
April 1970[/list][/sup]
[sup]Yemen begins to build its navy with some fishing boats equipped with machine guns. After research and consultation with the Minister of Defense, Major General Abdullah al-Sallal and senior officers in the Yemeni army, President Hassan al-Zaidi announced the start of establishing the Yemeni naval force. Given the lack of a budget that allows for the purchase of warships at the present time, the president decided that it should be the starting nucleus for the Yemeni navy. Ten fishing boats will be equipped with machine guns. Young fishermen and sailors will be recruited and under the command of army officers to be Crew these boats. The headquarters of the naval forces will be in the port of Al-Hudaydah. A group of officers will also be sent to the United Arab Republic to study at the Egyptian Naval College. In Alexandria.[/sup]
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
[/spoiler]
Rutannia, Arcanda, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Slipway, Zingium
West Indies Federation - April 1970
The Rhythm of the Caribbean - Expo '70
Though the news of domestic issues at home may be troubling, the Federation has still found it best to export the Caribbean identity as far as possible and so has sent a presentation team over to the Expo '70 in Osaka, Japan to represent the islands. Establishing a wide and open pavilion of stalls and shops in the urban jungle that is Osaka, the sun held back by a long national flag acting as a roof, they bring with them the unique foods, drink and the uniqueness of West Indian flavors. From finely-aged Angostura rum, rich cocoa and chocolate from Trinidad, pure sugar and sugarcane from the cane fields of Jamaica, the cinnamon and spices of Grenada, rich slow molasses from Barbados and the hearty fruits of St Vincent, the Federation pavilion is awash with the smells of these luxury goods.
The smell of sweetness is not the only thing that brings attention to the Federation, lifting among the bustle of the Expo is the melodic tune that can be described as a broader sound than most other instruments -full yet shimmering with an edginess that excites and a sustain that soothes. The sound of none other than the harmonic Steelpan. A humble invention, made from the bottoms of oil drums or automobile rims, what started as a simple way to utilize scrap metal quickly evolved into a cultural symbol across the West Indies. Accompanying the steel band were the dancers, the bright feathers and accessories flowing and tingling as they swayed to the melody as if they were back home in carnival. Vibrancy, warmth, color and passion, the four pillars of the West Indies' representation here in Osaka where the greatest effort must be taken to stand out from those around us.
The strength of Caribbean culture, how many others can unite to a single banner and share in their differences and similarities alike, is the prime message to be displayed in this expo. The parade of colors, sounds and smells in a show of unity for the Federation. A message that today is strained through the events at home, but that tomorrow may grow ever stronger and resilient, a message to reverberate across the world, "Here every creed and race finds and equal place."
Rutannia, Arcanda, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
[list][sub]APRIL 1970[/sub][/list]
[list][sub]BUNDESREPUBLIK DEUTSCHLAND
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY[/sub][/list]
___
[sub]BONN, THE FEDERAL CAPITAL[/sub]
GERMANY UNVEILS PIONEERING EXHIBITION AT THE EXPO '70 IN JAPAN AS SCHOLL GOVERNMENT AIMS TO BUILD GLOBAL STANDING
| [sub]With EXPO '70 now under way in Far Eastern Japan, Germany's Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs were appointed to form a special commission along with select members of the Bundestag that would tackle preparations for Germany's participation in the Expo '70, a major event for the country considering this will mark its first time officially participating on a major scale in the international annual exhibition. Vice-Chancellor and Foreign Minister Willy Brandt, since demoted from his position as the country's nominal head of government, was appointed to head the commission and to carry out preliminary visits to the Expo's host venue in Japan to conduct initial surveys. Chancellor Sophie Scholl spoke before the Bundestag shortly after her assumption of office in November, publicly confirming her intention to support Germany's participation in the upcoming international exhibition. 'Faced with a new decade, this is our opportunity to put our best foot forward. The Germany this government envisions is a Germany with a commitment to building a new, modern Germany that is prepared for the challenges of tomorrow and the crises of today. It is my hope that in presenting ourselves through a historic exhibition in Osaka, we will be able to open new opportunities and build new pathways to our Vision for 1980,' the Chancellor told the Bundestag.[/sub] |
| [sub]The German pavilion, as planned by several of Germany's top architectural firms, would be comprised largely of circular structures and a modernist aesthetic. Sunken ground exhibits presenting the newest innovations, particularly in the aerospace and science and technology fields, would be scattered throughout the pavilion, which would largely have the space between structures dominated by park space, modern fountains and areas for rest and recreation. An emphasis on Germany's technological strength and industrial influence would be made, with symbolic statues being designed by college students from across the Federal Republic aimed at delivering inspiring messages about the perseverance of the German people and her unwavering commitment to the values of liberty and democracy. The colors of the famed golden tricolor would be displayed prominently, especially in the history exhibit, where a blend of traditional German and central European architecture blends into the new modern structures that dominate German society today. [/sub] |
| [sub]A massive blue, spherical auditorium would also be erected at the pavilion, backed up by Expo, a composition by Karlheinz Stockhausen dedicated to representing the forward-thinking nature of the pavilion. Its central theme would be futuristic in nature, blending traditional German motifs with the signatures of the progressive future the new government sought to envision for the country. While cultural exhibits would be set up, naturally, providing visitors a glimpse into the diverse nature of Germany's music and arts, there would still be a clear focus on science, technology, innovation and the future of the nation as a whole. An entire area of the pavilion would be dedicated to the "Berlin, Stadt der Zukunft" exhibition ("Berlin, City of the Future"), a collaboration between various urban planning and architectural firms about a sustainable vision for Berlin in the year of 2010. The pavilion would be opened on time at the opening of the Expo, with Vice-Chancellor Brandt and Chancellor Scholl representing the government of the Federal Republic. Along with the governmental delegation came a swath of German business leaders, innovators, scientists and entrepreneurs who represented Germany's scientific and industrial prowess, and were prepared to utilize the pavilion to bring in new investments and business arrangements to Germany, as the government sought to increase foreign investment to bolster the country's cautiously optimistic economic outlook for the decade of the 70s. [/sub] |
| [sub]Accompanying Germany's historic participation in the Expo would be new legislation approved by the Scholl government aimed at making a historic push in educational institutions to promote German culture and history in a cautious but optimistic manner. After a controversial debate over curriculum requirements, the Ministry of Education and Science would unveil new rules guiding the teaching of Germany's history in an unfiltered form. 'There is no doubt that if we are to move forward, we must educate the new generation on the mistakes of our past so we can build a future without those mistakes, with an eye forward and upward,' Klaus von Dohnanyi, the Education and Science Minister, told the Bundestag.[/sub] |
______
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Rutannia, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
[list][pre]APRIL of 1970[/pre][/list]
[pre]THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS
Союз Советских Социалистических Республик[/pre]
[pre]THE KREMLIN SOLIDIFIES ENGAGED MENA FOREIGN POLICY WITH SALE OF SAM BATTERIES TO EGYPT[/pre]
[pre]КРЕМЛЬ ЗАВЕРШАЕТ ВНЕШНЮЮ ПОЛИТИКУ Ближнего Востока и Северной Африки ПРОДАЖОЙ БАТАРЕЙ ЗРК ЕГИПТУ[/pre]
| [sub]With Middle Eastern tensions flaring, and Moscow aiming to shore up regional partners and allies as the United States continued to assume a more disconnected role in the region amid their continuing myriad of problems in Vietnam, General Secretary Alexei Kosygin convened a meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union with the aim of finally solidifying a new foreign policy in the MENA region - one of 'engaged military and diplomatic cooperation with like-minded socialist nations'. It would consist of stronger cooperation with the likes of the United Arab Republic and Kurdistan, as well as stronger support for nations like South Yemen, who suffered under an invasion by imperialist Saudi Arabian forces recently. The new foreign policy would be approved, as expected, unanimously by the Central Committee, a few days after the Committee ratified a deal between the Soviet and Egyptian governments on the sale of new surface-to-air (SAM) batteries to Nasser's military, including 2K12 Kub and Strela-2 weapons systems. The Kremlin easily obliged under Kosygin's leadership to requests for Soviet military personnel to support the deployment of these batteries, along with the deployment of Soviet air squadrons to protect them. Since the summer of '69 the USSR had been increasing its military presence in the country, so it was widely expected there would be no significant diplomatic consequence to the decision. The Soviet presence in the country, currently comprised of 2,500-4,000 personnel, would be projected to increase to 10,600-12,150 ground personnel in addition to 100-150 pilots by the middle of this year. The deployment would be codenamed Operation Kavkaz by the Soviet military command.[/sub] |
| [sub]The sale of weaponry to the United Arab Republic marked a significant shift in the USSR's foreign policy in the region, which previously had been characterized by support for existing partners like Kurdistan and nothing more. The UAR and the USSR had previously been hesitant to bolster diplomatic relations given Cairo's relationship with the United States and the West, but the incident concerning Yemen and Saudi Arabia brought the two nations together once more in solidarity. The Kremlin's decision to solidify its partnership with the UAR and Kurdistan among other nations would come with the intention of ensuring that Western influence in the region would spread not one step further, as had been attempted with the recent Saudi incursions into Yemen. Naturally, Kosygin's government maintained their conciliatory Detente-esque view to foreign policy issues, but a myriad of factors including the Soviets' complicated relationship with Yugoslavia, positive economic numbers indicating the success of Kosygin's signature economic reforms, and the return of the conservative faction of the CPSU to some level of prominence in the nation's political narratives would be significant motivators for the shift.[/sub] |
| [sub]Nonetheless, at a dinner with ambassadors in Moscow in late April of 1970, the General Secretary would affirm Moscow's commitment to diplomatic resolutions and the prevailing of international law and order in terms of the USSR's relationship with their adversaries. 'Our commitment to a more just, equal and peaceful world continues despite the rumblings of conflict unfortunately continuing to plague our societies and our newspapers . . . on the international forums, we will continue to take every effort to provide for the Soviet people and for the well-being of the great working peoples of the world.[/sub] |
____
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Rutannia, Arcanda, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Slipway, Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia, Zingium
[table=noheader][tr][td][pre]T H E K I N G D O M O F P O R T U G A L | O R E I N O D E P O R T U G A L[/pre]
[list][pre]"Acredito num mundo de ordem;
um mundo onde o nosso povo possa ser libertado das mãos dos corruptos.
Espero que talvez este mundo possa ser restaurado. . ."[/pre]
[list][sup]- João Luzdues, Primeiro Ministro de Portugal[/sup][/list][/list][/td][/tr][/table]
Criação da Seleção Portuguesa de Futebol
[sup]Creating the Portuguese National Football Team[/sup]
| Portugal has had other worries with the introduction of the revolutions and politics, which got in the way of past times and sports to really re-enter national use. However, now that Portugal has turned for the better and is stable, the past times made a return! Portugal is well known for being one of the best football teams in Europe and one of the best internationally, it currently ranks 12th as the best football federation in the world. The Head Coach of the Portuguese Team is Manuel da Luz Afonso, or simply Manuel Luz, who has led the team throughout the politically unstable time. The Estado Novo cut funding to the Football Team and redirected it to other causes. The team has regained its original funding and began resuming regular procedures after the kingdom had been established. The wider population decided to watch football games to escape the pains of life, so, the government had to put regulations as shootings in stadiums became almost routine due to drunk police officers and drunk civilians, which in total cost 50 lives, the largest shooting being in the Manuel Stadium which cost 20 lives. The government had increased police numbers and put in regulations on alcohol so they remain sober. The nation was shook after these shootings and took the right measures to make sure something like this never happens again.
| The World Cup qualifiers were exciting for Portugal, having almost a 70% win rate. The coach credits to the well trained team and how they train nonstop and are super human at football. Friendly matches are being held off until the World Cup is finished and Portugal can go back to regular matches with the rest of UEFA. The World Cup is highly anticipated to go in the favor of the state, however, these chances are even with the rest of the qualifiers. The Portuguese Football Federation now looks upon the issue of the PNFT; National Support. On the rise of the popular player Hilário da Conceição, the population became violent when he announced his retirement in '71. The population wanted to convince their team captain to stay, however it was non-negotiable at this point. The population demanded the PNFT to return with another team captain after '71, they needed a plan or assessment that there would be another team captain as good as Hilário. The PNFT never responded and the fans got more angry, arguments broke out on the streets as to which player would be chosen as the next captain and which player would evedentily become the best player. Most of these arguments devolved into petty fights. The FPF had the situation and told all players who the next captain would be; Fernando Peres as a temporary in '72. The people hated this response and demanded a pernament captain be selected, the FPF never responded and has not responded since then. Now, the FPF tries to prepare for the World Cup as fans look on with a glint of doubt in their eyes, and the Football fans all around the Portuguese State look on with a grain of salt in their eyes.
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
[pre]𝐅 𝐄 𝐃 𝐄 𝐑 𝐀 𝐂 𝐎 𝐏 𝐎 𝐑 𝐓 𝐔 𝐆 𝐔 𝐄 𝐒 𝐀 𝐃 𝐄 𝐅 𝐔 𝐓 𝐄 𝐁 𝐎 𝐋[/pre]
[list]𝙅𝙤𝙨𝙚 𝘼𝙡𝙫𝙖𝙡𝙖𝙙𝙚 𝙎𝙩𝙖𝙙𝙞𝙪𝙢, 𝙇𝙞𝙨𝙗𝙤𝙣, 𝙋𝙤𝙧𝙩𝙪𝙜𝙖𝙡[/list]
Speech of Manuel, Coach of the Mens Football Team of Portugal
| MANUEL DE LUZ ALFONSO [sub][sup]Head Coach of the PNFT[/sup][/sub]| "Good morning Portugal!"
*Crowd Claps*
| MANUEL DE LUZ ALFONSO [sub][sup]Head Coach of the PNFT[/sup][/sub]| "Portugal has seen a decline in our popularity of the sport of Football due to team retirement and the political issues of government; but now we can actually return to the regular game schedule that was arranged previously and we can also return to the old players, World Cup arrangements return to the regular schedule as well. "
*Some boo's can be heard in the wider audience, but otherwise claps roar through the stadium*
| MANUEL DE LUZ ALFONSO [sub][sup]Head Coach of the PNFT[/sup][/sub]| "We prepare for the World Cup with confidence; but please relax on the manner of Team Captains and Substitute Players; this has been sorted out in advance by the lead, FPF, in advance to prepare for situations that may need the action. Please be comforted that many of these situations will most likely not occur."
*The audience begins to clap quietly and the people have a smile on their face*
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
Rutannia, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Zingium
𝗥𝗲𝗽𝘂́𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗰𝗮 𝗱𝗲𝗹 𝗣𝗮𝗿𝗮𝗴𝘂𝗮𝘆.
ᶜᴵᵁᴰᴬᴰ ᴰᴱ ᴬˢᵁᴺᶜᴵᴼ́ᴺ .
╰┈┈┈┈┈┈┈ 11/04/1970.
╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳
╰─▸ ❝ @ The Congress once again manages to reach a signing agreement to maintain the alliance.
The Paraguayan Congress was exceptionally agitated due to the growing tension surrounding the signing pact, which ensured the political stability of the entire country and had been successful for decades. However, this pact had been slightly threatened by the interference of one of the candidates from the Liberal Party, César Báez, who was a prominent opposition figure. His neoliberal ideas contrasted with the more moderate positions of his opponent, Domingo Laino. If Báez's neoliberal wing won the elections, it would put at risk the political peace that characterized the Republic, unlike the constant instability in other countries. The Congress was mainly composed of members of the February Pact, formed by the Liberal Party, the Revolutionary Febrerista Party of Rafael Franco, and the National Revolutionary Party of Manuel Cortázar. This majority allowed them to carry out their political reforms.
Paraguay enjoyed a political stability that made it a true oasis compared to its neighbors, especially in contrast to the instability and turmoil of the civil war in Brazil. Despite constant requests from supporters of the Revolutionary Febrerista Party to provide some sort of assistance to Brazilian unionists, the Paraguayan government remained firm in its policy of non-interference in external affairs due to the risks it posed, both for the Liberal Party and the PRN.
Tension was palpable in the Congress as they awaited the results of the internal elections to choose the president of the Liberal Party. Affiliates of the party had to vote for their representatives, and the announcement of the results was delayed due to certain scandals, especially the sabotage carried out by Báez's sympathizers. Upon seeing the broad support that Domingo Laino was receiving, Báez's supporters attempted to frustrate the electoral process, even going as far as staining the ballots with ink. However, their attempts were countered by the Ministry of Order. Congress members breathed a sigh of relief upon hearing the results of the internal elections, as the faction supporting Domingo Laino emerged victorious and would be the party's representatives.
Subsequently, the representatives entered the Congress and renewed the February Pact, starting with the Febreristas and then the members of the PRN. This event was celebrated with joy by the Congress, as they saw that the country would once again maintain its stability. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Order initiated an investigation against Báez in an attempt to find possible links between him and the attempted electoral fraud. On the other hand, Manuel Cortázar held a press conference addressing topics such as the country's diplomacy and whether it would take any kind of role in response to the political instability of neighboring countries, among other relevant issues. Manuel Cortázar gave a speech highlighting the importance of cooperation among Latin American countries and questioned the tendency towards segregation and futile struggle.
╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱
Rutannia, Cascadla, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
Post self-deleted by Sarvatu.
When I had my old account some 3 years ago it used to be a normal forum where people talk about funny stuff. Now it's just used for role-playing purposes about their nations. I don't know when did the transition started but it happened
Cascadla
[list][list][pre]| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X
| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"[/pre]
[list][list][pre]Nederland luidt een nieuw tijdperk in,
lang leve het wonder...[/pre][/list]
[pre]// 12 MEI 1970, ZONDAG
HELSINKI, FINLAND //[/pre][/list]
Ā L E AㅤㅤI E C T AㅤㅤE S Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤY L E I S R A D I OㅤㅤI N T E R V I E W
[list]ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ[sub]The city of Helsinki stood as a radiant jewel upon the Northern shores, shedding its wintry cloak as the gentle embrace of spring enveloped the Finnish capital. Throughout the city, the once snow-bound streets blossomed with the vibrant hues of spring flowers, casting a spell of renewal upon its inhabitants. As the morning sun ascended into the azure sky, bathing the city in its golden light, tranquillity reigned supreme. Within the busy halls of the Yleisradio office in Kaartinkaupunki, however, the air buzzed with anticipation, for today was no ordinary day. Amidst the flurry of activity, a sense of purpose permeated the atmosphere as dedicated staff members meticulously prepared to receive a distinguished guest for today's broadcast. In the heart of the bustling studio, the control room pulsed with a symphony of organised chaos. Technicians darted to and fro, their movements choreographed with precision as they navigated the labyrinth of panels and consoles. Beneath a tangled maze of cables that snaked across the floor like serpents, the intricate web of equipment hummed to life, each component poised to ensnare the essence of the moment. Meanwhile, the skilled hands of makeup artists worked their art, their brushes and powders imbuing eager faces with an air of polished perfection.[/sub]
[sub]Wolsheijner, clad in a crisply tailored brown suit that hugged his frame with an air of understated elegance, settled into his seat at the table, facing the expectant gaze of the cameras. With a deft hand, he adjusted his red tie, ensuring its perfect alignment against the backdrop of his freshly shaved face. As he awaited the arrival of the presenter, his piercing blue eyes swept across the studio floor, his thoughts consumed by the imminent exchange that would soon unfold. In the blink of an eye, the young interviewer made her entrance, her demeanour exuding an air of poise as she approached, a folder of papers clutched in her hands, taking her place across the table from Wolsheijner. With the countdown ticking, Wolsheijner and the interviewer steeled themselves for the broadcast's start.[/sub]
[list]EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen, and welcome to Yleisradio. I'm Eevi Hyvönen reporting live from our main studio in Helsinki, and it's my privilege to host an important guest today for our special interview. Welcome, Mr. Wolsheijner.
[list][sub]Hyvää iltapäivää, hyvät naiset ja herrat, ja tervetuloa Yleisradioon. Olen Eevi Hyvönen, joka raportoi livenä päästudioltamme Helsingistä, ja minulla on etuoikeus isännöidä tänään tärkeä vieras erikoishaastatteluamme. Tervetuloa, herra Wolsheijner.[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: [chuckles] Thank you, Eevi. It is an honour to be here with you in Helsinki.
[list][sub]Dank je, Eevi. Het is een eer om hier bij u te zijn in Helsinki.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: Thank you, Mr. Wolsheijner. I hope you are well. If there is nothing you want to say beforehand, would you like me to start with the questions?
[list][sub]Kiitos, herra Wolsheijner. Toivon että voit hyvin. Jos et halua sanoa mitään etukäteen, haluaisitko minun aloittavan kysymyksillä?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: Of course.
[list][sub]Natuurlijk.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: First of all, you are recognised as one of the most prominent leaders in Europe. Under your leadership, Holland entered into a new era, what do you owe this fast progress to?
[list][sub]Ensinnäkin sinut tunnustetaan yhdeksi Euroopan merkittävimmistä johtajista. Sinun johdollasi Hollanti astui uuteen aikakauteen, minkä takia olet tämän nopean edistymisen velkaa?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: Well, Eevi, this is a common misconception that I have personally seen frequently in the European press. The development of Holland and the Lagerlandswonder is not the work of one single administration. Prime ministers before me have actually caused this phenomenon we are facing. De Quay, De Jong and Van Veerenjans have all implemented the right policies for the right conditions to form. I just happened to turn these conditions into our favour in the long term.
[list][sub]Welnu, Eevi, dit is een veel voorkomende misvatting die ik persoonlijk vaak in de Europese pers ben tegengekomen. De ontwikkeling van Nederland en het Lagerlandswonder is niet het werk van één enkele regering. Premiers vóór mij hebben dit fenomeen waar we mee te maken hebben feitelijk veroorzaakt. De Quay, De Jong en Van Veerenjans hebben allemaal het juiste beleid geïmplementeerd om de juiste omstandigheden te creëren. Toevallig heb ik deze omstandigheden op de lange termijn in ons voordeel omgezet.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: [listening to the interpreter] And what kind of conditions are you referring to?
[list][sub]Ja millaisia ehtoja tarkoitat?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: One of the main conditions needed for such an economic renaissance is a growing population. The Dutch government made the right moves to encourage population growth, with our guest worker model and our government programs targeted towards families. We also helped aiding innovation and technological advancements with state backing. Implementing market-oriented reforms, such as deregulation, privatisation, and reducing bureaucratic red tape, has enhanced efficiency, encouraging entrepreneurship, and attracting investment. Overall, our government has done so much for the Lagerlandswonder to happen, and I think shrinking it into a work of only one administration is a very shallow way of thinking.
[list][sub]Een van de belangrijkste voorwaarden voor een dergelijke economische renaissance is een groeiende bevolking. De Nederlandse overheid heeft de juiste stappen gezet om de bevolkingsgroei te stimuleren, met ons gastarbeidersmodel en onze overheidsprogrammas gericht op gezinnen. We hebben ook geholpen bij het ondersteunen van innovatie en technologische vooruitgang met steun van de staat. Het doorvoeren van marktgerichte hervormingen, zoals deregulering, privatisering en het terugdringen van de bureaucratische rompslomp, heeft de efficiëntie vergroot, het ondernemerschap gestimuleerd en investeringen aangetrokken. Over het geheel genomen heeft onze regering zoveel gedaan om het Lagerlandswonder te laten plaatsvinden, en ik denk dat het inkrimpen ervan tot een werk van slechts één regering een zeer oppervlakkige manier van denken is.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: Very well. Your nation has recorded significant military advancements in the near past, is there a certain motivation or rationale behind this? And what will these advancements change in Europe?
[list][sub]Hyvä on. Kansakuntasi on saavuttanut merkittäviä sotilaallisia edistysaskeleita lähimenneisyydessä, onko tämän takana jokin motivaatio tai perustelu? Ja mitä nämä edistysaskeleet muuttavat Euroopassa?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: Our first and foremost motive is obviously national defence, we want to ensure that Holland is ready to defend its territories in all possible scenarios. And our progress militaristically will change Europe by empowering the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. I feel like NATO members are overly reliant on the United States, and for that to change, we need to change our defence forces first. Europe needs to wake up and realise its potential once again, and for this to happen, we take one step at a time.
[list][sub]Ons eerste en belangrijkste motief is uiteraard de nationale verdediging. We willen ervoor zorgen dat Nederland klaar is om zijn grondgebied in alle mogelijke scenarios te verdedigen. En onze vooruitgang op militair vlak zal Europa veranderen door de Noord-Atlantische Verdragsorganisatie sterker te maken. Ik heb het gevoel dat de NAVO-leden te afhankelijk zijn van de Verenigde Staten, en om dat te veranderen moeten we eerst onze strijdkrachten veranderen. Europa moet wakker worden en zijn potentieel opnieuw realiseren, en om dit te laten gebeuren, moeten we stap voor stap gaan.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: And would Holland defend a fellow European country?
[list][sub]Ja puolustaako Hollanti toveriaan eurooppalaista maata?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: Holland is ready to protect a western country from communistic threats at any time. I think we as Europeans need to remind ourselves that an attack against one is always an attack against all, and we can never underestimate how dangerous the red menace truly is. This is why Holland is ready to defend an European state if necessary. Because, let's say, the commies attack Greece. Who can guarantee that one day they won't attack Holland? Who can guarantee the safety of the Free World if one of us falls?
[list][sub]Nederland is te allen tijde bereid een westers land te beschermen tegen communistische dreigingen. Ik denk dat wij als Europeanen onszelf eraan moeten herinneren dat een aanval op één persoon altijd een aanval op iedereen is, en dat we nooit kunnen onderschatten hoe gevaarlijk de rode dreiging werkelijk is. Daarom is Nederland bereid een Europese staat te verdedigen als dat nodig is. Omdat, laten we zeggen, de communisten Griekenland aanvallen. Wie kan garanderen dat ze op een dag Nederland niet zullen aanvallen? Wie kan de veiligheid van de Vrije Wereld garanderen als een van ons valt?[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: That is a very collectivist way of thinking. Our next question is this: As an emerging major power in Europe, how will Holland approach its foreign policy?
[list][sub]Se on hyvin kollektivistinen ajattelutapa. Seuraava kysymyksemme on tämä: Miten Hollanti lähestyy ulkopolitiikkaansa nousevana suurvaltana Euroopassa?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: Holland is determined to be a paragon of Western democracy and values, and this includes our foreign policy. We are in a no-compromise situation when dealing with the East, with a determined spirit to uphold and preserve our interests and defend our beliefs above others, which are liberty, freedom and justice. We plan on focusing on our allies and the Western world as a whole first.
[list][sub]Nederland is vastbesloten een toonbeeld te zijn van de westerse democratie en waarden, en dit geldt ook voor ons buitenlands beleid. We bevinden ons in een compromisloze situatie wanneer we met het Oosten omgaan, met een vastberaden geest om onze belangen hoog te houden en te behouden en onze overtuigingen boven anderen te verdedigen, namelijk vrijheid, vrijheid en rechtvaardigheid. We zijn van plan ons eerst te concentreren op onze bondgenoten en de westerse wereld als geheel.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: And what will Hollands stance be on Finland?
[list][sub]Ja mikä on Hollannin kanta Suomeen?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: Finland is not a priority for Holland. Holland is still interested in strengthening existing ties, however, the current stance of Finland in world politics does not give us much hope or faith, which is perhaps the number one reason why we choose to keep Finland out of our main agenda.
[list][sub]Finland is geen prioriteit voor Nederland. Nederland is nog steeds geïnteresseerd in het versterken van de bestaande banden, maar de huidige houding van Finland in de wereldpolitiek geeft ons niet veel hoop of vertrouwen, wat misschien wel de belangrijkste reden is waarom we ervoor kiezen Finland buiten onze hoofdagenda te houden.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: Quite understandable. The next question is about Hollands current political situation. Do you think Holland has recovered from the dissolution of Benelux?
[list][sub]Ihan ymmärrettävää. Seuraava kysymys koskee Hollannin nykyistä poliittista tilannetta. Luuletko, että Hollanti on toipunut Benelux-maiden hajoamisesta?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: I dont think Benelux was a competent union state to begin with. The entire concept of Benelux was rushed, mismatched and completely in ruins from the beginning. It was basically Holland doing all the work for other nations. I dont think the dissolution of Benelux was anything to recover from, it did little harm to anyone. If anything, it has benefited Holland in so many ways, removing many shackles from our feet.
[list][sub]Ik denk niet dat de Benelux überhaupt een competente uniestaat was. Het hele concept van de Benelux was vanaf het begin gehaast, niet op elkaar afgestemd en volledig in puin. Het was feitelijk Nederland dat al het werk voor andere landen deed. Ik denk niet dat de ontbinding van de Benelux iets was om van te herstellen, het heeft niemand schade berokkend. Het heeft Nederland in ieder geval op zoveel manieren geprofiteerd en zoveel boeien van onze voeten verwijderd.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: And did the Walloon Crisis affect Holland anyhow?
[list][sub]Ja vaikuttiko Vallonian kriisi Hollantiin mitenkään?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: [in a stern tone] The Walloon "crisis" was more accurately a period of unrest fuelled by specific individuals and groups, ultimately leading to a resolution that proved advantageous for Holland in the long term. In hindsight, Wallonia's secession appears to have been a beneficial decision for both parties involved. Holland has not suffered any notable negative consequences as a result of Wallonia's secession. Nevertheless, this does not mean that we have forgotten the victims of terrorism or the families affected by them. It was a despicable period of time for our nation.
[list][sub]De Waalse crisis was nauwkeuriger gezegd een periode van onrust, aangewakkerd door specifieke individuen en groepen, die uiteindelijk leidde tot een oplossing die op de lange termijn voordelig bleek voor Nederland. Achteraf gezien lijkt de afscheiding van Wallonië een gunstige beslissing te zijn geweest voor beide betrokken partijen. Nederland heeft geen noemenswaardige negatieve gevolgen ondervonden van de afscheiding van Wallonië. Toch betekent dit niet dat we de slachtoffers van terrorisme of de families die daardoor getroffen worden, vergeten zijn. Het was een verachtelijke periode voor ons land.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: So you dont think that the dissolution Benelux brought any negatives to Holland?
[list][sub]Etkö siis usko, että Benelux-maiden hajoaminen toi mitään negatiivista Hollantiin?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: [smiles] I mean, we witnessed the death of a state. Of course, there have been some negatives. But they are not very significant, and positives always outweigh them. Thats why I dont think it has affected us negatively in general.
[list][sub]Ik bedoel, we waren getuige van de dood van een staat. Natuurlijk zijn er ook enkele minpunten geweest. Maar ze zijn niet erg belangrijk, en de positieve punten wegen altijd zwaarder. Daarom denk ik niet dat het ons in het algemeen negatief heeft beïnvloed.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: I see. Our last question is about Hollands future. What do you think Holland will be like ten years from now?
[list][sub]Näen. Viimeinen kysymyksemme koskee Hollannin tulevaisuutta. Millainen Hollanti on mielestäsi kymmenen vuoden kuluttua?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: Our nation is becoming stronger every day, our economy, our population, our social situation I hope and think that this growth will multiply in the coming years to truly elevate Holland into a new era. We are in a time where growth is freakishly fast, and I do think that we will see a completely different world once we get to 1980. This applies for Holland too. Holland has been a paragon of innovation and technological advancement in Europe in such a short amount of time, I think we will see more of it. Our people, they have been more inclusive than ever, so I think socially we will see great changes. [chuckles] Overall, I believe we are heading towards a bright future.
[list][sub]Onze natie wordt elke dag sterker, onze economie, onze bevolking, onze sociale situatie Ik hoop en denk dat deze groei zich de komende jaren zal vermenigvuldigen om Nederland echt naar een nieuw tijdperk te tillen. We bevinden ons in een tijd waarin de groei bizar snel gaat, en ik denk dat we in 1980 een compleet andere wereld zullen zien. Dat geldt ook voor Nederland. Nederland is in zo'n korte tijd een toonbeeld van innovatie en technologische vooruitgang in Europa geweest, ik denk dat we er nog meer van zullen zien. Onze mensen zijn inclusiever geweest dan ooit, dus ik denk dat we op sociaal vlak grote veranderingen zullen zien. Over het geheel genomen geloof ik dat we op weg zijn naar een mooie toekomst.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: Anything particular that you think well see in the near future?
[list][sub]Onko jotain erityistä, mitä luulet näkevämme lähitulevaisuudessa?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: Well I think we may see Holland producing and manufacturing more, which will in return minimise our dependence to foreign nations. I also think our economy will grow bigger, as I said before, which will enrich our nation and our people.
[list][sub]Welnu... ik denk dat we Nederland misschien meer zullen zien produceren en produceren, wat in ruil daarvoor onze afhankelijkheid van buitenlandse naties zal minimaliseren. Ik denk ook dat onze economie groter zal worden, zoals ik al eerder zei, wat onze natie en ons volk zal verrijken.[/sub][/list]
EEVI HYVÖNEN [sup] T.V. PRESENTER, YLEISRADIO[/sup]: I see. That concludes our interview, thank you for coming here and it was an honour for us to host you here in Helsinki. Anything youd like to add, Mr. Wolsheijner?
[list][sub]Näen. Haastattelumme päättyy tähän, kiitos kun tulit tänne ja meillä oli kunnia isännöidä teitä täällä Helsingissä. Haluaisitko lisätä jotain, herra Wolsheijner?[/sub][/list]
ADRIAN WOLSHEIJNER [sup] PRIME MINISTER OF HOLLAND[/sup]: No, Eevi. Thank you for having me.
[list][sub]Nee, Evi. Bedankt dat ik hier mocht zijn.[/sub][/list]
[/list]
[sub]As the interview concluded, the broadcast seamlessly transitioned into a series of commercials, and the studio personnel began to tidy up. Rising from his chair, the tall gentleman exchanged a handshake and a smile with the young woman before exiting the studio. Outside, a sleek black Kieft awaited him. Across Europe, millions of viewers had just witnessed the words of one of the continent's most prominent leaders, watching it from their television screens and listening to it from their radios. Newspapers would soon carry headlines highlighting Wolsheijner's remarks, and the interview would help better introduce the Dutch statesman to foreign countries.[/sub]
[/list]
_______________________________________________
[/list][spoiler=[sub]Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor[/sub]
de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler][/list]
Rutannia, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
To the Office of: Internal Security Agency
Name of Operation: Reiteration
Date of Operation: June 13, 1970
Overview: Haitis shift to a more open democracy, and liberalized society has prompted the return of many left wing communists, democratic socialists, and black nationalists. Emboldened by Haitian liberalization, and the rising tide of black power movements, these men have flaunted the Haitian system, returning from their imposed exiles, believing the new government to be weak, and unwilling to enforce sedition laws.
The Prime Minister has strenuously reminded us of the importance of the suppression of these leftists and the upholding of the 1970 Sedition Laws, as well as our numerous other reforms. Should we fail, the October 25, 1970 legislative elections may turn violent, or lead to the rise of racial nationalists, or communists to power.
Within this document will be the 4 main targets, as well as a list of 2,000 other high risk upper, and upper-middle leadership within suspected left wing, or racial nationalist groups. Upon their elimination, the Prime Minister can move forward with breaking up and banning these groups with a much less threat of violence, or resistance among the disorganized remnants.
Main Targets:
Target 1: Luckner Cambronne Within the shattered remnants of the Haitian far right, racial nationalism still lives on. Despite their leaders dead, white and black nationalists still insidiously inflame tensions between our nation which struggles to leave its racist past behind. The worst among these is Luckner Cambronne, the so-called Vampire of the Caribbean. Ruling the leftovers of the Noirisme Unity Party, Cambronne has bankrolled his party's continuation through selling human bodies, organs, and blood abroad to whatever degenerate doctors wish to have them.
Even banned, and a wanted criminal, recent evidence has shown Cambronne has become a silent partner in Hemo-Caribbean a plasma center primarily targeted at poor Haitians, and people in the United States (especially African-Americans, and Mixed Race Americans). As unscrupulous as the man himself, Hemo-Caribbean has been among the largest contributors to the arrival of HIV/AIDS not only in Haiti, but even into the United States as tens of thousands of gallons of blood traveled to the United States alone.
Cambronne has evaded capture, as his home in Hinche is entirely on his pay, with corrupt police, and politicians on his pay, and the civilian populace loving Cambronne who showered them generously with gifts in return for their silence.
Operation Reiteration begins here, in the lead up to the operation, police will be transferred out of town for training purposes, and local politicians blackmailed into silence should they raise complaints during the operation. Haitian Special Forces will cooperate with the Internal Security Agency to make this operation swift, and most importantly uncompromised. With a man as wealthy and corrupt as Cambronne the team will be small, and kept close in line. Casualties should be expected as Cambronne will likely be surrounded by his militia the so-called TonTon Macoute, a terrorist organization that had been headed by Francois Duvalier for decades until the 1950s when he was killed in a military operation, and the group began to fragment, and turn towards petty criminality, largely falling away from their supposed high ideals of black liberation.
----
Target 2: Jacques Stephen Alexis Leftists are disorganized, constantly bickering, and at each other's throats over small doctrinal differences, this is how we keep them contained and managed. Unfortunately, there is Jacques Alexis, known as the organized, he is responsible for the recent organization of 81 prominent leftists into a united front. Merging the Black Power movements, leftover left wing trade unions, and non-PPLN aligned underground groups, Alexis has been responsible for the massive surge in communist, and black nationalist activities.
Unlike the others we know where Alexis is. Born, and raised in Gonaives, after his return to Haiti in 1970, shortly after the death of Cantave, he ended his government imposed exile, and began to agitate once again. Also unlike the other co-targets, he is unlikely to use violence against us. Despite this, that is no guarantee his other leftists surrounding him (many of whom are lesser targets), wont put up an active resistance. Due to this massive 81 group coalition, the capture, or assassination of every target on the list is of the utmost priority; however, the Prime Minister has empathized, Alexis must be taken alive.
----
Target 3: Jean-Jacques Dessalines Ambroise Soiling the name of one of Haitis founding fathers, Jean-Jacques Dessalines Ambroise sees himself as Haitis rebirth. Leading the so-called Popular Party of National Liberation, Ambroises group was banned, and himself exiled during the rule of the late Leon Cantave. Reports show he has popped back up in the Haitian Republic, and reestablishing his defunct PPLN. This new iteration of his party has adopted a more revolutionary, and black nationalist slant. Likely based in his longtime home of Jacmel, Ambroise will have a great deal of local popularity, and protection, being heavily armed, and well guarded.
Among the revolutionaries are many high priority targets, with Ambroise himself being a top priority. As such Prime Minister Magloire has ordered he also be taken alive, where he can be made an example of, and sentenced to death. Popular with trade unions, peasant associations, and other popular movements not yet subsumed into the state apparatus, he is the most dangerous, perhaps even more so than target 1.
----
Target 4: Juan Emilio Bosch y Gaviño Among the left wing, Juan Bosch was for many years a voice of moderation, and reform. Breaking with radical communists, Dosch pushed for a Democratic Socialist position, eventually founding the Haitian Revolutionary Party.
Lately, with the death of Leon Cantave, the Haitian Revolutionary Party has split, as many members, and even party leadership have drifted towards a moderate social democratic style government. Breaking with his party, and feeling left out from the new government, Juan Bosch has shifted tactics, instead calling for a revolutionary, militarized, and non-Leninist but Marxist party. Founding the Haitian Liberation Party to follow these more violent goals, Juan Bosch came onto the government as a potential threat, due to his trade union ties, high standing in the mixed-race Haitian community, and intellectual circles.
While professing a more militant style of marxism, it is unclear how committed or skilled he is at this path. A careful approach will be used, with as minimal force as possible. If it cant be prevented, it has been emphasized that Bosch must be taken into custody alive. Even radicalized, he is extremely popular especially among left wing social democrats, and democratic socialists.
----
Addendum Prime Minister Paul Magloire, and Minister of Home Affairs Franck Sylvain have made abundantly clear the importance of our mission. We must strike fast and simultaneously before any group catches on to what is happening. Alongside the 4 main targets, are thousands of others. These smaller fish must be jailed too lest they continue to wriggle out of our grasp and become a new problem in the future. Gentlemen, Operation Reiteration will be live at 2400 hours, do not fail, for this may be our only chance.
Good Luck gentlemen, the Republic, and democracy rests upon our shoulders.
Paramountica, Rutannia, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
We've always written long posts on here, but we did move the all of the non-RP based posts to Discord instead of posting them here on the NationStates forum. Thats probably what you remember.
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=497355
If you have any other questions telegram Paramountica, he'll be able to help!
Nippon-Nihon, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium, New Nvegas
[table=noheader][tr][td][pre]T H E G A E L I C S T A T E O F É I R E S T Á T G A E L A C H N A h É I R E A N N[/pre]
25 YEARS OF CORPORATISM: THE ARCHITECTS OF THE RESURRECTION CELEBRATE GAINS IN EUROPES PARIAH STATE
[sup][pre]The Irish language and Catholic Church are ascendant. A new capital stands at Teamhair. Freedom languishes.[/pre][/sup]
[/td][/tr][/table]
[list][sup]AT WHAT COST
APRIL 1970[/sup][/list]
Oilibhéar S. Ó Flannagáin [Oliver J. Flanagan] rung in his fourth year as Ceannaire of the Gaelic State withas all expectedan ever-so-fiery speech before the Column of the Resurrection, towered over by the statues of great Gaels in the Garden of Heroes of Our Time. Tá muid aiséirí! was his cry, given again and again, to the crowds: We are resurrected!
[list][sup]The new Ireland will be the creation of work and faith and the Aiséirghe will to win.[/sup]
[sup] AILTIRÍ NA hAISÉIRGHE, 1944 platform[/sup][/list][/list]
A quarter of a century has passed since the dismantlement of the parliamentary system of the Republic of Ireland. Discontent with partition, with the aloof government of Éamonn de Bhalera [Éamon de Valera], and with the perceived decline of Ireland in the English shadow even in the decades after independence, support had swelled in the early 1940s for radical change. One could easily imagine a timeline in which such radicals split and declined in egoistic infighting, as they might be prone tothis timeline, however, was not so lucky. Ailtirí na hAiséirghe, the Architects of the Resurrection, took the 1943, and then 1944, elections by storm. Properly organized and well-funded by Irish republicans, Irish speakers and nationalists, their early successes gave them hope and a platform. By the wars end, their hand was around the throat of the parliamentary system, backed by a fervid paramilitary wing and rhetoric that ensnared disaffected youths and nationalists so long disappointed by the democratically elected government. The ANHChristian corporatists and radical Irish language supportersswept it all away. On the 24th of April, 1945the twenty-ninth anniversary of the Easter RisingANH party leader Gearóid Ó Cuinneagáin signed the newborn constitution of the Gaelic State of Éire into being. Irelands fate was sealed.
Ó Cuinneagáin was, in every respect, a remarkable man. Born in Béal Feirste [Belfast] as John Cunningham, he excelled in the national civil service exam and soon joined the Department of Finance. There, inspired by Pádraig Ó Luineacháin [Patrick Lenihan], his former teacher, he Gaelicized his name; in the early 1930s, he quit a position at the Department of Defense after they refused to give him leave to attend an Irish-language immersion program in Rann na Feirste [Ranafast]; he went and emerged fluent. He grew increasingly radical in his support of the language as the 1930s progressed and was eventually elected president of Conradh na Gaeilge [Gaelic League], a major force in promotion of the Irish language.¹ In 1942, he founded Ailtirí na hAiséirghe as an explicitly political organization, and its membership grew like wildfire in an Ireland sore from the wounds of the British Empire. The rest is, of course, historyhis usurpation of the national government in favor of a one-party state under his ANH, fueled by electoral victories and extralegal violence under the party paramilitary ranks of Pádraig Méalóid [Patrick Moylett]. Limited as a public speaker, Ó Cuinneagáin supported L.S. Braonáin-Móinbhán [W.J. Brennan-Whitmore] as the first seven-year Ceannaire (leader, lit. header) of the newly proclaimed Gaelic State of Éire. The new constitution was remarkable; it called for a corporatist National Council made up of the representatives of tradesmen and employers as well as deputies appointed by the ANH and several by the Ceannaire himself. They would not have any real power but to discuss and advise on the degrees of the leader; still, even though Braonáin-Móinbhán held this post, none could doubt that Ó Cuinneagáin was the éminence grise as Chairman of the ANHas he would be even to the present day.
[list][sup]The Irish method has always been the selection of a chief with the necessary qualifications, who thereupon was constituted leader for life. Our forefathers did not adopt this political principle by chance or accident.[/sup]
[sup] AILTIRÍ NA hAISÉIRGHE, 1944 platform[/sup][/list][/list]
The year which followed the 1945 unveiling of the new constitution and Braonáin-Móinbháns installation as Ceannaire were rife with unrest. Though the ANH had hoped to play to workers by empowering unions in the new state, affording them official representation in the National Council and in the Corporations, they were not so easily pacified. Violence plagued urban areas in particular, and dozens of protestors and Gardaí were slain in the restlessness that ensued. The United Kingdom naturally balked at the birth of this repressive state on its doorstep, putting Ó Cuinneagáin in the embarrassing position of giving them reassurances of Irish neutrality and peace, all while stoking the issue of reuniting 32-county Ireland to the people. The new state needed stability, but it pursued ever more radical policies. The most logistically demanding of all was the long-touted ban on English in public promoted by Ó Cuinneagáina public ban, in other words, on the native language of 85% of the population. After a six-year leniency period, it was to take place on the 35th anniversary of the Easter Rising in 1951, and the effort was to be spearheaded by politician and Gaelic scholar Liam de Róiste. Fleets of teachers were drawn from the Gaeltacht and Conradh na Gaeilge, and newly made films were distributed from Áth Cliath² [Dublin], but the social strain was enormous. Many English speakers had been in support of the policy, but certainly not the majority, and this, too, provoked unrest in both 1946 and 1951. The Arm na hAiséirghe (Army of the Resurrection) kept the public in line where it could, and roving Fáinne brigadesnamed for the pins formerly worn to indicate fluency in Irishtested passersby for fluency in the language and forced them to pay fines if not. This haphazard justice was ended under agrarian priest Seán Ó Fathaigh [John Fahy], Braonáin-Móinbháns successor, in 1953.
The main instrument for the proliferation of Irish was education, which the ANH took over with a new Ministry of Education comprised of a panel of church leaders, vocational boards, party members, and educators. Irish was officially instated as the medium from kindergarten to college, producing considerable logistical problems in the first years but, in later years, becoming the single most useful tool in Ó Cuinneagáins toolbox. By the time Ó Fathaigh cracked down on the Fáinne brigades in 1953, their use had nearly expired. Though a great many Irishmen still used English at home, it had virtually vanished from the public sphere, replaced by an almost artificial Irish vaguely resembling the Irish of Conamara [Connemara], whence many teachers were derived. It was a language revival to rival that of Hebrew, but only halfheartedly supported by much of the population and mainly achieved by force.
[list][sup]Since we can conceive that a rich and independent civilisation can never flourish on this soil unless the Irish people turn their backs once and for all on English as a medium of everyday speech, it follows that our educational system from the kindergarten to the university will be based solidly on the Irish language.[/sup]
[sup] AILTIRÍ NA hAISÉIRGHE, 1944 platform[/sup][/list][/list]
The years since have seen equally halfhearted economic growth; much of the focus of the ANH was on cultural and social issues. Éire, once home to 8 million souls, now was barely home to 4; emigration was henceforth prohibited and a social security program developed that would subsidize marriage and give allowances to new families. Ó Cuinneagáin envisioned 15 million Irish in the future. Traditional dancing was revitalized and made mandatory learning in primary school. Mandatory military service of one year was enacted for young men, as was six months service in a National Comradeship Corps which performed manual labor on civil works projects. A new capital was planned at Teamhair [Tara] by architect Daithí Ó hÁinle [Daithi Hanly] and built over the decades.³ All of these drew considerably from the conditioned capitalism of Christian corporatism that already languished under the ideological acts of the ANH government, which included sanctions on neighboring Britain. The only industry that grew remarkably was fishing, which was paid considerable attention by the government and which formed the primary basis for meals served in schools, the military, and the labor corps; Irish fish consumption expanded eightfold between 1945 and 1965. Broadly, though, the nation lagged. Income per capita stood at $1,100 (1970) per headscarcely half of the United Kingdoms and barely above Portugals. Unrest and dissatisfaction sickened intellectuals, and emigration, though officially forbidden, carried on secretly in lesser numbers. Reform was neededbut if Ó Flannagáins speech on the 25 years of Christian corporatism were any indication, it would not be coming soon. Much was yet to be, Ó Flannagáin reassured. The ANH government was the first to truly address partition, he claimedand its efforts would only grow with time.
[list][sup]¹ This marks one of the first major deviations from OTL; in real life, one of the first splinterings of Ó Cuinneagáin and his allies was in his failure to become president of the Gaelic League and his subsequent departure therefrom.[/sup]
[sup]² Baile Átha Cliath is preferred in modern Irish, though the ANH used Áth Cliath.[/sup]
[sup]³ This was a real proposal recently turned into an art exhibition called Doireann Ní GhrioghairDeclaration of the State Metropolis at Tara.[/sup]
[list][spoiler=OOC NOTE]As this timeline contained a Republican victory in the Spanish Civil War and 1970 Portugal as a kingdom, the 1970s needs a waning corporatist state on the European periphery. Ireland swung dangerously close to corporatism in the 1930s, with the public regularly described as pro-Axis, but nothing came of it due to the disorganization and infighting of right-wing parties. This timeline explores the alternativea successful taking of power by the Ailtirí na hAiséirghe, and an Ireland which experienced the same raw growth as Portugal during the Estado Novo, but also the same repression, violence, and suffering. Not fun.
All quotes are genuine; they have been taken from real ANH publications. Though corporatism did not take hold in real-life Ireland for good reason (infighting, but also several failed publicity stunts and over-ambitious policy plans, plus the watchful eyes of the Allies), and it was never very likely, I thought this would be an interesting, if radical, what if.[/spoiler][/list]
Rutannia, Arcanda, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[list][list][sub]2-6.𝚇𝙸𝙸.1969[/sub][/list]
I L R E G N O D' I T A L I A
[list][sub]LIBRI, BANDIERE E RIVENDICAZIONI[/sub]
BOOKS, FLAGS, AND DEMANDS, V[/list]
[list][list]THE REVOLUTIONARY WEEK[/list]
[list][pre]Radicals in Bologna and Florence proclaim erstwhile "Republics" as Army is deployed;
Prince Vittorio Emanuele inflames the Left, Emboldens the Right;
Government and Cofindustria pledge openness to reform.[/pre][/list][/list][/list]
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
[list]| PALAZZO D'ACCURSIO, BOLOGNA, [sup][nation=short]Arcanda[/nation][/sup] On a cold and windy day, as the grey sky was battered by the wind, a portrait of Mao hung from the balcony of the city hall as sparse smoke plumes were brushed away. The moment, taken from below by a reporter of the Corriere della Serra, would become a symbol of this peculiar week. Seizing the momentpolice forces stretched thin and disorganizedand the localeBologna la rossa being a hotbed of student activismthe Fronte Maoista Popolare (FMP), or Maoist People's Front (a radical student group, associated with the Partito Comunista d'Italia (marxista-leninista), itself a minor anti-revisionist split of the mainstream Partito Comunista), had stormed the Palazzo with a force of eight activists armed with handguns and hunting shotguns. Although its main target, PCI mayor Guido Fanti, was nowhere to be found, six public servants were taken hostage. On the same night, the group declared the establishment of a "People's Front", and called for an open state of war. Of course, the declaration, where it was heard, was to little effect. Taken aback but understanding the relative weakness of their opponent, the police quickly planned to lay siege to the Palazzo as the 78th Infantry Regiment of the Regio Esercito headquartered nearby Florence deployed fifteen M113 APCs and mobile infantry to the town center, mostly to ends of intimidation and to supplement the local police. During the following day and night, no fatalities were noted in the stand-offand in the wee hours of the second day of the Republic's existence, an assault on the Palazzo was conducted by thirty infantrymen donning gas masks as smoke bombs were fired inside, during which two deaths were noted among the Maoists and one among the hostages taken, while the rest of the group surrendered. With the radicals arrested, infantry aided by police was further deployed in the streets, quelling other mobile and aggressive groups of students, unaffiliated however with the MPF and only armed with makeshift sticks and improvised Molotov cocktails. The situation at the University of Bologna, also occupied, now remains stablethe premises encircled by a cordon of police. |
| PALAZZO VECCHIO, FIRENZE In Firenze, also a hotbed of protestation, the second major event of the Settimanna della rivoluzione"Revolutionary Week"would play out a day after the FMP had seized the city hall in Bologna. The city's student activists, roused by recent attacks from neo-fascist counterparts on campusStefano della Chiaie's Avanguardia Nazionale and the "volkist-maoist" Fronte universitario d'azione nazionale, associated with the MSIorganized a march towards the Palazzo Vecchio. There as well, the disorganized response from the riot police and the large scale of the street fighting had left only a barebones detachment to guard the premises. However, undoubtedly less radical, less organized and more heterogeneous than their Maoist counterparts in Bologna, the local section of Lotta Continua instead took possession of the Piazza della Signoria and coordinated "units" to establish barricades and makeshift fortifications on the neighboring streets; it was thus that a committee of twelve men declared the abolition of the Monarchy and the proclamation of the Repubblica degli Operai, Studenti e Artisti de Firenze (Workers', Students' and Artists' Republic of Florence), an authentic students'-workers' republic centered around self-management, the induction of "laborers in the university, scholars in the factory", music, painting and poetry. A nineteen-page document, detailing goals and organizational procedures, was drafted, and several small areas turned into local social centers and libraries. Counting no more than three hundred "citizens", the Republic extended a friendly hand to all the "peoples of the world" although, at this point, the supply of ink and paper had grown thin and the typewriters went silent. As in Bologna, riot police quickly regrouped, and by December 7th, the short-lived state crumbled under the assault, its defendants insufficiently equipped. The Infantry Brigade "Friuli", headquartered nearby, has deployed 200 men to restore order; once again, under the eye of the Kingdom's news channels and photo-reporters, military trucks and jeeps were seen cruising the century-old streets. Four students have sustained gunshot injuries in clashes with the military despite being unarmed, of whom two died shortly thereafter. |
| PALAZZO MONTECITORIO, ROMA The aftermath of those events would no doubt elicit a reaction; while on one hand, neither had seriously destabilized public order, they proved the most revolutionary actions since 1947; and the ensuing military intervention, the first since 1945, has served mostly to prevent an escalation. As such, the "Revolutionary Week" would infuse the Left, and especially its most radical fringes, with a newfound vigor; whereas more moderate organizations would denounce the deployment of the military as a step towards "dictatorship", and those wounded and killed have become the subject of much controversy, with many blaming the government, especially for initially less violent confrontation in Florence. Union and student leaders have re-affirmed their commitment to their goals in the ongoing crisis facing Italy. It would not be long until the portraits of the dead and the circumstances and of their tragic ends were widely circulated; they were now martyrs. On the conservative side, it once again brought to light a perilous situation, and a potential menace to the founding aspects of the Kingdom. Prince Vittorio Emanuele would visit a military base nearby Rome, posing near M-47 Patton II MBTs nearing retirement, and continued his meetings with major figures of the military and security establishment. Reportedly, upon posing for his tank photograph, he confided "You'd be good to use this to crush the Reds", to the joy and laughter of the officers present. Pictures, along with the unverified quote, have been widely circulated. Although it is unknown what consequences followed within the Royal family, the right cheered, while the left condemned what it called an excess and neo-fascist tendencies out in the open. Meanwhile, high-ranking elements of the military were quick to have a special session with the King as well, and the Rumor cabinet, teetering but vowing to continue its pursuit of dialogue and stability, would have several crisis meetings over the following week, hearing demands from the unions and the students, and mediating with the Cofindustria to find nationwide answers to a nationwide problem. Appeasement, and not escalation, is now on everyone's minds, at least in Parliament and in the cabinet; it is believed that placating the more moderate unions will deprive student agitators, radical and moderate, from public support. Few know what will happen nextbut one certainty remains: The Revolutionary Week will impact Italian politics for several years still. |
[list][list][pre]▌ R.A.I. Radiotelevisione italiana
[ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qszk3OPBYjw ][/pre][/list][/list]
[list][list][list][spoiler=[sub]Commonwealth of Liberty[/sub]
EVVIVA L'ITALIA!
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[nation]Adriatican Islands[/nation]
[nation]Al-Oman[/nation]
[nation]Amsterwald[/nation]
[nation]Arcanda[/nation]
[nation]Brazil Toucan[/nation]
[nation]Cascadla[/nation]
[nation]Cheezaslovakia[/nation]
[nation]Connomia[/nation]
[nation]East Germany DDR[/nation]
[nation]Great Britain GB[/nation]
[nation]Greater Kurdistane[/nation]
[nation]Israelli[/nation]
[nation]Kewtpuff[/nation]
[nation]Kotakuan II[/nation]
[nation]Ma-li[/nation]
[nation]Maziya[/nation]
[nation]Metropolitan Francais[/nation]
[nation]Neepal[/nation]
[nation]Nevbrejnovitz[/nation]
[nation]Newauroria[/nation]
[nation]New Provenance[/nation]
[nation]Nileia[/nation]
[nation]Nippon-Nihon[/nation]
[nation]OsivoII[/nation]
[nation]Paramountica[/nation]
[nation]Paseo[/nation]
[nation]Peking Zhongguo[/nation]
[nation]Pontianus[/nation]
[nation]Provenancia[/nation]
[nation]Ranponian[/nation]
[nation]Rutannia[/nation]
[nation]Saudi Arabiyah[/nation]
[nation]Socialist Democratic Republic Romania[/nation]
[nation]Spainard[/nation]
[nation]Sudesam[/nation]
[nation]Turkiye 1st[/nation]
[nation]Vancouver Straits[/nation]
[nation]Victoria Harbor[/nation]
[nation]Vietnam SV[/nation]
[nation]Virnall[/nation]
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Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
The Great Game Part 5: Suhartos Ace; the Berkeley Mafia
February, 1970
Many great things had come from the United States since Suhartos ascension to the presidency. Televisions, Hollywood films, weapons, automobiles and some of Indonesias best and brightest. While Indonesian universities were usually the best an ordinary person could attend and while they also offered decent curricula for the nations youth, many gathered the funds and the ability to travel overseas and study abroad. The vast majority of these went to the United States, taking advantage of the recent expansion in air travel between the two countries along with warming relations after the fall of President Sukarno. Now, many have returned with the youngest joining the influential KAMI while the oldest have become members of Suhartos advisory inner circle, Aspri.
Upon the signing of the Supersemar, Suharto conducted a harsh crackdown on Communists and suspected Communists across the nation while restoring order and purging government institutions of the far-left. However, many of his decrees also focused on the economy. Under Sukarno, economic mismanagement was rampant and at the advise of several economists, Suharto made it a priority to stabilize the currency and the markets. Many of these U.S-educated economists had a hand in the successful stabilization of the economy, which primarily focused on bringing down inflation and restoring trust in Indonesian markets. Despite their success, the radical changes in politics that came as a result of the 1969 Indonesian Legislative Election and the subsequent shift in the balance of power upon the withdrawal of the Supersemar and the end of Suhartos extraordinary power reduced the influence of these economists and practically halted their work.
However, their work had hardly been forgotten. While A.H Nasution had forged alliances within the MPR to pass a National Development Plan bill through the legislature, aimed at implementing an economic reform program focused on Sukarno-esque economics, the economists who had worked with Suharto were busy attempting to convince the President that his proposals would do more harm than good. Suhartos insistence on mass privatization, free market liberalism, and deregulation put off even the most liberal of his economic advisors. Eventually, Dr. Widjojo Nitisastro, a professor and graduate of the University of California, Berkely convinced the President to change course and take on a more moderate route. Having no political aspirations of his own, Nitisastro was guided mainly by his own beliefs and inspirations mainly focused on the economic success of countries such as Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Hong Kong and of course the United States. Motivated by his own personal ambitions and Nitisastros clear outline for a successful economic reform, he permitted the economist to publish a column in Indonesias most widely publicized newspaper, Kompas to introduce the plan to the people.
Despite Nasutions support in the Assembly, any major public support he had eroded with the publication of the column. Nitisastro, already known as a credible voice on economics in Indonesia, introduced his plan as a reform that would be separated completely from Sukarnos regime. The multiple references to privatization of consumer goods and other non-essential industries, state support for said industries, the creation of additional jobs through foreign investment and the fair development of all islands of the Indonesian archipelago drew many Indonesians to Nitisastros plan while reducing the credibility of Nasution. Despite not wanting to be engaged in the political machinations of Nusantara, Doctor Nitisastro used them to his own advantage and inadvertently for Suhartos as well.
Protests broke out in Jakarta soon after the publication of the column. Indonesian citizens, rallied, now believing that Nasution and his allies were attempting to bring back Sukarnos failed economic policies. The protests had, of course, been mainly organized by KAMI and pro-New Order groups seeking to increase President Suhartos influence over Nasution. Overnight, the Speaker of the Assembly lost his majority and many moderates within Gerindra and the Independents group in the MPR withdrew their support in private and urged Nasution to accept amendments to the National Development Plan act. Incensed, but otherwise out of options, an outplayed Nasution privately agreed to heavily amended RPN Act which adopted nearly all of Nitisastros proposals.
On February 7th, 1970 the Peoples Consultative Assembly passed the Rencana Pembangunan Nasional Act or RPN Act unanimously. The law outlined the governments plan for economic reform, including privatization of most of the manufacturing sector, regulated foreign investment for the exploitation of natural resources and the development of industry, and the introduction of Five Year Development Plans to be passed by the MPR to continue the development of the economy across the decades. With the approval of the RPN Act, the question of Indonesias economy had finally been answered while simultaneously increasing Suhartos standing, influence and power and all thanks to what the President himself termed his Berkely Mafia.
Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
Aye noted thanks
Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon
[pre]١٩٧٠, Mayu May, 1970
SudaPost Office, Al-Siteen Street, Al-Riyadh Neighborhood of Khartoum, Khartoum Province (Mukataet Khartoum)[/pre]
[list][pre]The Republic Of Sudan جمهورية السودان[/pre][/list]
[list][list]THE ELECTION OF 1970 FIVE PARTIES AT A STRUGGLE[/list][/list]
Two complete decades into Sudans breakup with its colonial legacy, President Lwoki had remained as the last of six grand political figures in Sudans early political theater, known as the Old Guard. Out of those six original Parties, one would be abolished, which formerly belonged to Mohamed Mahgoub, leader of an ethnic supremacist Confluence Ideology, now having served a decade behind bars on the charges of treason. Its important to note that the Confluence insurrection in 1958 headed by Mahgoub had been seen by many as the primary event that paved the way for the Arab Nationalist Ideology headed by Babieker Awadalla, one of the newest parties formed by the end of the commonwealth era.
The second party to disappear from the public forum belonged to former Prime Minister Abdalla Khalil, whose departure following decades of diligent duty to the existence of his motherland, had taken with him the very foundations of the Commonwealth Party, resulting in its eventual collapse only years after the imperial system and British monarchy was abolished, amidst a struggle to keep our political relevancy and prominence in the backlash of the Suez War, and an all-time low in pro-British sentiment in the public. The collapse had once again brought down the number of factions to five.
The Mahdi Umma Party had seen a revitalization at the end of the 1950s, as a young and popular voice, Hadi Al-Mahdi, took over the familys political dynasty, replacing the patriarch of the family. However, the unity of the Islamists had been tried in the recent political crisis of the late 60s. Hadis fraction of the party had been locked into some internal struggle with a fellow member of the family, Sadiq Al-Mahdi, and his loyalists, who had formed opposition to the Partys role in forming the 1967 coalition government with the current acting President Benjamin Lwoki. Sadiqs faction had been described as the more extremist and stricter organ of the Islamist Ideology, with many speculating that their opposition to the coalition government had been based on the groups prejudice and mistrust of southern, and non-Muslim leadership of the country exhibited under the Lwoki Administration, which had served to undermine Islamic supremacy within the affairs of state in the last six years. This reputation of extremism had stood to discredit them, as they were largely blamed behind the horrific assassination of long-time communist leader and founder Abdel Khaliq, who many say had inspired the radicalized shooter with their anti-communist fear-mongering, that painted the Communist Party as a foreign atheistic ideology, that presented a threat to the religious order of Sudan.
As the Islamists fractured into familial drama, and the Arab Nationalists rose in the fallout of the catastrophic war of Zionist aggression in 1967, the Communist Party remained the last opposition party with a leader that had served for almost two decades. Up until he was assassinated by a radical Islamist earlier in the year. The Party of course had managed to survive with its new leader and Communist Party runner-up for the 1970 election, Hashem al-Atta, who had managed to maintain Party Unity, using his status as a former commander in the Sudanese Air Force and his prominent military and political education in the west and the UAR, to ride through the ranks and win public approval. Al-Atta had vowed justice for the death of the late leader Abdel Khaliq, even going as far as warning the country that the Lwoki Administration and the national police and intelligence services, the SIRA, had grown too dangerous, becoming an active threat to the existence of the democratic state, and to the political freedoms of the country.
These recent fears had only served to push the opposition parties into forming a united front, in their shared struggles against the growing authoritarian and overreaching powers of the SIRA, which had been likened to some sort of national or secret police tasked with silencing opposition members, and crashing down on the freedom of expression in the country under the guise of maintaining the peace. The overreach of the SIRA had not gone unnoticed by those in power either, especially those close to the President. Democratic Unionist leader, the successor to former President Ismail Azheri, El-Tigani El-Mahi, had been the current acting Vice President since Lwoki entered power. He had used his position to express concerns that the SIRAs director, Gaafar Nimiery, had become far too uncontrollable for the presidential office, warning of an impending threat from within the government. El-Mahi had urged Benjamin Lwoki in the years following the 1967 riots to curb the heightened militarism in the Sudanese capital, and about alienating the Sudanese people and his supporters, by hiding behind the iron grip of Nimierys SIRA, only for the President to end up dismissing the DUPs and public concerns, marking a new period in which hostilities between the two parties were starting to contribute to the growing mistrust and paranoia amongst the Liberal Party and Democratic Unionists party coalition, putting the unity of the moderate government at an even greater risk. Lwokis self-sabotage of his legacy and the party had gone as far as refusing to implement the DUPs moderate leadership plan, which wouldve seen the two Parties united under one greater political faction to ensure the stability of Sudanese parliament administration, possibly saving Sudan from the extremist sectarian violence plaguing the nation.
It had seemed that as the 1970s elections began, with citizens lining up at the polls outside schools and post offices, each of the five political parties was locked into a greater political struggle with each other and amongst themselves, even during the campaign season, sowing seeds of discomfort in this year's election. Notably however, all of them have found the SIRA and Gaafar Nimiery sitting at left, right, and center of these struggles, or in some cases simply serving as a proponent of the lack of unity and trust amongst the factions. Perhaps this was part of the SIRAs plot after all, manufacturing the chaos and political upheaval that would rock the Sudanese capital and its walls as the pedestal of liberty down, all so Nimiery could enter as some sort of hero, driven by a purpose to save Sudan from her calamity, a calamity he had a hand in creating. If the 1970s elections fail to see a clear victor, the Republic as is known, and the democracy that persevered in the last 25 years is at risk of faltering, a cautionary tale that the shield of security can sometimes be a weapon formed to shatter the heart of liberty. The Nimiery era dawns.
AL-NASRU LENA!
AL-NASRU LE SUDAN!
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Slipway
[list][list]SHŌWA 45 | JUNE 1970[/list]
[list][list]反協定急進派学生
[pre]ANTI-PACT RADICAL STUDENTS[/pre][/list][/list]
[pre] S E C U R I T Y P A C T [/pre]
[list][list][sub][pre] オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり
O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly![/pre][/sub][/list][/list]
TOKYO NIGHT
[sub]TOKYO BAY, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]
| Student radicals rallies, strikes, and acts of violence broke out across the country in protest against the Japanese-American Security Treaty. Japanese and American authorities have declared their intention to let the treaty remain in force automatically for an indefinite period after its initial 10-year period of validity expires at midnight on Monday. The pact will be in force until one year after either side has given notice of their desire to terminate it. Late tonight, radical students used Molotov cocktails, lead pipes, and wooden sticks in clashes with the police, following a rally supported by unions and leftist groups. The rally was considered one of the largest in Tokyos history. The march that followed was colorful, noisy, and enthusiastic, but above all peaceful, with thousands of police with water cannons and armored vans guarding the line of march. By midnight, 348 people had been arrested in Japan, 200 of them in Tokyo. |
| The recent rallies appeared to be a last-minute gesture on the part of radicals, more moderate leftists, pacifists, and others who are part of the 1970 Anti-Security Treaty Struggle. The Socialist Party, the Communist Party, and student radicals have been unfavorable to the pact since its creation in 1951 it was substantially revised and renewed in 1960 because it implicated Japan in American imperialism and aggression. The nonpolitical Japanese feared the possibility that the pact would drag Japan into a war they did not create. Under the terms of the treaty, the United States must defend Japan, despite the country having a Constitution that allows it to maintain its land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, for self-defense purposes. In return, the Japanese provide military bases to the Americans. However, the bases cannot be used for war purposes without Washingtons prior consultation with Tokyo. A poll shows that the majority of Japanese are in favor of the security pact, but 42% think the pact should be gradually dissolved in the coming years. Neither Japanese nor American experts expect the pact to remain in force for another 10 years at least not in its current form. The Democratic Socialist Party, a party that often aligns with EISAKU SATOs conservative leadership, presented the Government with a resolution calling for a review of the treaty. Left-wing parties promised a continuous struggle throughout the seventies to end Japans alliance with Washington. |
Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Stolkland, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
SUOMEN TASAVALTA REPUBLIKEN FINLAND
January, 1970
20 years on from the Winter War, the Finnish nation remembers its martyrs
C.G.E. Mannerheim address the nation on the anniversary of the Battle of Suomussalmi;
"My fellow Finns. Today we mark a historic date. 20 years ago, our nation was embroiled in a fight to the death with the forces of the Soviet Union. This monstrous leviathan demanded our lands, our people, our honour. We fought with all the strength we had to prevent this foreign subjugation. While parts of our nation were lost in this war, the blue and white still flies freely and independently over Helsinki. We undeniably won and prevented the occupation of our land and the enslavement of the Finnish people to the communist tyranny that is the Soviet Union. Moving forward we must ensure that Finland is united and ready to face such foreign threats again, both from the West and the East. Our nation must be united under its democratic and liberal government, and we must always stand for the values of liberty and free administration that our sacred republic is founded on. I have absolute faith in the governance of President Kekkonnen and his spirit to preserve Finnish independence in these times. We owe everything to our veterans and serving military personnel. Their sheer determination, valour and courage have allowed for a new generation of Finns to be raised under our own flag and speaking our own tongue. Far too many men have been lost into the depths of the freezing snow, their shattered bodies a reminder of the sacrifice our nation has had to endure and the resulting suffering. Many of the men who fought remain today, but continue on with deep psychological scars that only their steadfast devotion to our shared country have even begun to heal. We owe them everything."
Despite all we have been through, all the suffering and torment, all the violence and trauma, we stand here as Finns. Un-wavered. Un-shook. The forces of the world can throw whatever they will at us, but we will remain and survive in these deep lands of hill and lake for all eternity.
SUOMEN PÄÄLLE! FÖR FINLAND!
Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Skonhedens Land, La Republica Revolucionaria De Cuba
| Tyrant of Tunisia |
[sub]1955-Present Day[/sub]
________________
Salah ben Youssefs victory at the Sfax Congress of 1955, his subsequent declaration of independence the following year and the proclamation of a socialist republic on the 1st June 1959 proved to be the foundational stepping stones to Youssefs political ascendency and his consolidation and eventually domination of Tunisian Politics and Life. Following this declaration, it was a series of deceitful political manoeuvres which not only got rid of the threat of Bourguiba and his allies inside the Neo Destour but managed to amalgamate his power within the Tunisian system. He would rename the party as the Tunisian Socialist Party and quickly placed his allies in influential positions like Chairman and Party Secretary. With this, Youssef would change the dynamic of government to his advantage, and with Tunisia having been moulded into a Presidential Republic, needed to significantly reduce how much power both government and parliament were to have in effect. Come November of that year, Youssef had reduced the number of government departments and had placed key party allies in a now-loyalty-based administration. Effectively, the government and party had been interwetten, and so, not only prevented any attempt by Bourguiba to oust the party and the government. With his powerbases now firmly at the helm of political power, come January 1960, President Youssef would declare the Tunisian Socialist Party as the only legal political party, banning legislative elections and a blanket ban on political factions within the TSP.
With both the government and party now tightly allied with Youssef, there now came the part of his power and the usual early struggles. If he were to survive in the long haul, suppressing all potential opponents, whether inside the party, military or government would be the ideal thing to do. He would organise the Trial of 5 - accusations that Bourguiba and key allies were preparing a coup against his regime. Whether true or not, it was clear to President Youssef that as long as Bourguiba is within the party, his title cannot be secure. All 5 of the key opposition figureheads were tried and found guilty with all sentenced to life in prison. A swift and decisive blow to his long-time opponent, but what was needed now was reassurance, both international and domestic. Even if the military were a threat, getting the public backing of businessmen and the influential middle class was a much-needed move if he was to make inroads in the military.
The following 18 months would see both a political and economic restructuring, aiming to economically move to a much more pragmatic economy, although for mostly political and personal reasons, into a mixed economy based on strong trust between private and public. The plan was for the Tunisian State to have direct ownership of major utilities in turn for a deregulated light industry and exporting operations. Youssefs political aim was to gain the trust of the economic middle class in turn for his ambitious plans of industrialisation in the later years. While expansive growth remained at a frugal point, his economic reforms quickly laid the foundations for the possibility of further reform based on industrialization and diversification of Tunisias exports. On the political side of reform, he would push through the Social Charter of the People, a conditionally binding piece of legislation aimed at guaranteeing equal rights at a blanket level. Furthermore, Youssef would do a similar establishment of the Workers Charter of Rights, aimed at guaranteeing workers rights from minimum wage to 8-hour work days. While its real-term effect was perhaps more mixed, by the summer of 1961, Youssef had laid the groundwork for the long-term security of his regime and with a restructured economy, had the public support needed for perhaps his more ideological devices.
The next 3 years were a gradual move towards a more personally-inclined leadership. The formation of the Central Committee, effectively the highest office in the land and a collective of 20 leading members of the TSP, ideologically weakened Youssef, but in the long term, allowed him a base to operate. 1962 saw him attempt to establish a more ideologically inclined and powerful bureaucracy, placing the influential Ahmed Ben Salah as their figurehead. With this came clashes with trade unions and much more socialist-influenced organisations, but eventually saw the banning of trade unions and the subsequent creation of the Tunisian Workers Union, a substrate for the ever-growing and ever-powerful bureaucracy.
With an ideological weapon at his disposal, Youssef took it up a few notches, now pursuing more personal ambitions than anything else. He would reduce the size of both leading military officials by 50% and the 20-man collective down to 8, with the complete removal of the larger formative Peoples Committee. These reductions allowed not only a more politically streamlined and effective tool, but also reduced any possibility of a member of the CC attempting anything. 63 saw his aims of a personally dominant government become much more of a reality. He would replace the title of President with General Secretary of the Tunisian Socialist Party and now much more inclined to have a party-commanded government. But even more drastic was his attack on the military, whose threat to Youssef had been dormant since 1959. He would announce the abolishment of all military ranks and to be replaced by the Tunisian Liberation Army (TLA) - which not only be of direct control by the party, but a much more ideologically-inclined group set to be led by the long-time Chairman of the Tunisian Socialist Party, Bahi Ladgham and placed as the Peoples Commander of the TLA. Immediately following this, a band of disgruntled now-former generals and high-ranking military officials attempted with some support from the Tunisian Army, to depose Youssef. Founrtatly, the coup was quickly dispersed by the Tunisian National Guard and followed the arrest of the generals involved.
By 1966, Tunisia in a political sense had been revitalised into a much more ideologically loyal grouping to the General Secretary, and with a far stronger party and a rubber-stamp government, reinforced by a military reformed into a doctrinal part of Tunisia. With stability and loyalty to all walks of Tunisia's political system, Youssef would look to make movements on a social and cultural level. Understanding the European influence for which Tunisia had received, any attempt at cultural reversal could be costly and so wanted to menavur himself with the idea of a Secular Tunisian Nationalism and establish a cult of personality based on this idea. That year, Youssef would create the Religious Freedom Charter - a set of laws formally guaranteeing freedom of religion. Understanding this move would not go down too well with the more religiously motivated collective, he doubled down and banned both any religiously motivated party and the formal declaration that Tunisia was a secular state. He would also ban any religiously influenced educational centres. The move, not only deemed a major powerplay in further securing of power, was mostly motivated by personal power and sighting that if he could emerge himself a new identity, not based on religion but on nationality, could provide a true long-term thesis for political supremacy.
Now to 1970. Tunisia is now firmly rooted in the political fortress of Salah ben Youssef, whose ideological power plays and decisive scheming have now placed him at the forefront of Tunisian politics and life. With varied attempts at further reform focusing on industrialisation and land reform coming into the fray, Tunisia is under the clutches of General Secretary Youssef, whose aim now, on a purely political sentiment, is looking to the long-term and securing the legacy of a secular Tunisian state based on the ideas of collective trust.
For the TSP, it approaches its 10th Party Congress with the hopes and dreams of reform remaining halted in the shadows of the increasingly tyrannical General Secretary Youssef.
Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[pre]| FIRST OF MARCH | LIBOSO YA MARS |[/pre]
[pre]| 1970 |[/pre]
[list][list][list][pre]DRC ★ DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
RDC ★ RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO |[/pre][/list][/list][/list]
AMERICAN STEEL AND TACTICS FILTER INTO THE CONGO:
WITH PROMISES TO BE A BULWARK AGAINST AFRICAN COMMUNISM, MOBUTU FINDS A STRONG ALLY IN BUILDING THE MODERN CONGOLESE ARMED FORCES!
FILTER ACIER AMERICAN NA TACTIQUE NA CONGO:
NA BILAKA YA KOZALA BULWARK CONTRE COMMUNISME AFRICAIN, MOBUTU AZUI ALLÉ YA MAKASI NA KOTONGA BA FORCES ARMÉE CONGOLAISE MODERNE!
| THE SPECIAL FORCES OF THE CONGO FORMED - BA FORCES SPECIALES YA CONGO ESALAMI |
[pre]After Mobutus most recent Île des Singes Conference, he has put into motions efforts by the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of The Congo to establish a new branch of the AFDRC named the Special Operation Force - Force d'opération spéciale - Bokasi ya Mosala Ntina'' this initiative would be headed by lieutenant Mosambaye Singa Boyenge to create the initial doctrine of the Congolese SOF and to travel to the United States with a initial batch of 100 Congolese soldiers to undergo special forces training inside the United States. The Congolese SOF would focus its training on Counter-Insurgency tactics and guerrilla warfare to take the fight against any would-be insurgents or invading force to the bush. Mobutu plans to bring the forces up to 3,000 strong and be a principal defense force to ensure the Mobutu regime stays in power.[/pre]
| AMERICAN STEEL MEETS THE HAND OF THE PATRIOTIC CONGOLESE SOLDIER - ACIER AMERICAN EKUTANI NA LOBOKO YA SOLDAT CONGOLAIS PATRIOTIQUE |
[pre]Mobutus aim to modernize and create an effective fighting force for internal and external conflict did not end with the creation of the Congolese SOF. The professionalization of the entire Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of The Congo was a paramount task in the establishment of Mobutus ideal African state. Mobutu would allow hundreds of advisors from the United States to train all branches of the AFDRC. Alongside the import and proliferation of American arms into the AFDRC such as: M16 rifle, M60 Machine gun, M40 rifle, Ithaca M37 shotgun, and the M79 grenade launcher this would begin to slowly replace the left over rifles from the colonial era and Congo crisis that the AFDRC has been forced to utilize in its wars against rebels and banditry of recent years. These American weapons will now allow the AFDRC to act more effectively against its enemies. President Mobutu also would begin talks with the United States over the importing of American Armor and vehicles to the DRC.[/pre]
[pre]This reforming Military has now been rot with purges as Mobutu attempts to clear the ranks of could be rivals to his power who could now become armed with American weaponry. The units of the military prioritized to receive the weaponry first is based on the leaders of those units' loyalty to President Mobutu. The purging of these officers and military top brass would be attempted quietly to not arouse mutiny within the ranks with instead of murder and assassinations, those deemed untrustworthy shall be arrested on a myriad of charges and discredited throughout the military. Murder and Assassination was not left off the table though as some were deemed too influential to be left alive in prison till they could dealt with quieter. Those killed in these purges would have it be blamed by vague rebel attacks that many in the military knew was committed by the new Congolese SOF and saw the candidness of these attacks as a warning to dissenters.[/pre]
| A CIA FOR THE CONGO, THE NATIONAL SECURITY INTELLIGENCE AGENCY [NSIA] - CIA PONA CONGO, LISANGA YA MAYELE YA LIBATELI MBOKA [LMLM] |
[pre]The enemies of Mobutu came from the inside for the most part, but they also laid outside of the borders of the DRC, at least in his mind they did. Mobutu claimed that the Soviets have been making attempts against his power for years now alongside the UAR who houses leftist Congolese groups. In the mind of Mobutu all leftist states were sending agents to the Congo and making attempts on his life and his regime. He frequently expressed these concerns to the United States delegation inside Kinshasa, till they finally relented and permitted the CIA to come and establish a long term mission to train the NSIA or known colloquially as The Libateli. This would effectively act as Mobutus secret police and be allowed permission to act with near impunity within the borders of the DRC and could be sent internationally to protect Mobutu from external threats and track down Congolese dissidents who have fled the country. Mobutu requested for the Libateli to eventually have 5,000 agents across The Congo.[/pre]
[list][list][pre]PEACE-JUSTICE-WORK![/pre][/list][/list]
[list][list][pre]PAIX-JUSTICE-TRAVAIL ![/pre][/list][/list]
Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, 11Canada, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[list]February 23rd, 1970
[sub]The Île des Singes Conference - Mobutu Policycrafting [/sub][/list]
[list][pre]. . . A conference held on a River Island, is this how a revolutionary state is crafted?. . .[/pre][/list]
ÎLE DES SINGES, CONGO RIVER, DRC, LATE AFTERNOON
| The wet months swell the Congo River as the Mobutu delegation brings their boots ashore the Île des Singes. This island, like many others along the Peoples Republic of the Congo and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, is in a limbo state of authority between the two Congos. A delegation of ten Soldiers of the Presidential Guard, five members of the Party, one Scribe, one Ngbandi Medicine man, and Lieutenant Mosambaye Singa Boyenge. Boyenge wondered how much of this conference was a test of loyalty for him as of the recent arrests of many of his friends in the military. A man of thirty-eight years Boyenge was now in a pivotal part of his military career he say a grand future with Mobutu and Mobutu saw one with him, Mobutu just had to be sure of his loyalty. |
| Many rumors were spoken of in the Congolese Military and within the Party of Mobutus conferences on the Île des Singes. Mobutu started these conferences in 67 with the formation of the Party and many outside of the inner circle who have been privy to the conference have noticed massive changes and ideals of Mobutu come after each of these conferences. But very few knew what actually occurred during the Île des Singes Conferences. |
[list]| Mobutu Sese Seko[sub] President of The DRC[/sub] | Île des Singes, my beloved very similar to Singa eh?[/list]
| Mobutu chuckles as the Presidential Guard leaps from the front of the small boat to secure the boat to shore. |
[list]| Mosambaye Singa Boyenge [sub]Lieutenant[/sub] | Very close sir, is that why you brought me here?[/list]
[list]| Mobutu Sese Seko[sub] President of The DRC[/sub] | If that was why, Id have brought you here many years ago wouldnt I?[/list]
[list]| Mosambaye Singa Boyenge [sub]Lieutenant[/sub] | I suppose so.[/list]
| Had that offended Mobutu? Boyenge ponders not fully comfortable talking casually with the President. |
| Mobutu, the scribe and Ngbandi medicine man all got off the boat at the same time. Mobutu spoke to the Scribe in the Ngbandi language, one that Boyenge was not familiar with in the slightest. The scribe seemed to jot down what the President was saying in a frantic pace. |
INTO THE BUSH, ÎLE DES SINGES, CONGO RIVER, DRC, LATE AFTERNOON
| Hiking through the jungle, the medicine man leading the way of the politicians, Mobutu, scribe, and Boyenge flanked on their right and left by the Presidential Guard. Their faces blank and determined as they scanned their surroundings and armed with American imported M16s. These were Mobutus most loyal and disciplined soldiers within his Guard. The medicine man held what seemed a burning bush in his palms as he spouted Ngbandi chants, Mobutus eyes closed tightly as he followed the trusted Medicine Man. |
[list]| Mobutu Sese Seko[sub]President of The DRC[/sub] | Hes taking us to the place, the earth speaks loudest on the Island.[/list]
| Around each curve of the jungle trail, Boyenge expected to be greeted with a typical Mobutu villa. Extravagant luxury with an African flair, failing to hide its western opulence from those of the informed variety. Alas that opulent palace of Mobutu never materialized on the island. Instead a slight clearing appeared to the group and the medicine man stopped and Mobutu finally opened his eyes. |
[list]| Mobutu Sese Seko[sub]President of The DRC[/sub] | Clear this land and prepare the camp.[/list]
| The soldiers moved in unison towards the bush and began thrashing the brush with their machetes. The soldiers would continue to work as the politicians pulled up chairs for Mobutu, the Scribe, the Medicine man, and Lieutenant Boyenge. The group would sit as the politicians stood around them and watched the young soldiers clear and the land a construct tents. |
CAMPSITE, ÎLE DES SINGES, CONGO RIVER, DRC, NIGHT
| The soldiers now held a perimeter around the tent sight, on a vigilant guard mostly for the beasts of the jungle rather than a militant force. Mobutu, Boyenge, and the scribe sat facing the Medicine who is backlit by the large campfire watching intently as the Medicine man crushed a mixture of plant juices, herbs, and roots of trees into a bowl with great precision. Boyenge had a puzzled look on his face, he has seen men do these type of activities in the village. |
[list]| Mosambaye Singa Boyenge [sub]Lieutenant[/sub] | Sir are we to drink that concoction?[/list]
[list]| Mobutu Sese Seko[sub]President of The DRC[/sub] | I will, you are welcome to it. Its good for the soul to be opened this way. Let you be replenished in thought, by the end of this process.[/list]
| Boyenge nodded in agreement to the statement. He looked towards the scribe. |
[list]| Mosambaye Singa Boyenge [sub]Lieutenant[/sub] | How many conferences have you attended?[/list]
| Boyenge felt a awkwardness in referring to this as a conference. |
[list]| Bakaji [sub]The Scribe[/sub] | Since the first one, the President has found many solutions in these conferences. It is my duty to translate his revelations into policy.[/list]
[list]| Mosambaye Singa Boyenge [sub]Lieutenant[/sub] | Translate wh-[/list]
| Before Boyenge could finish his statement the medicine man began shouting in Ngbandi. |
[list]| Kabudi [sub]Ngbandi Medicine Man[/sub] | Ba koko ba gangi na kati ya poudre oyo, tora mukati mako! kwenze mfowethu kuKristu![/list]
| Boyenge has no understanding of Ngbandi, closer to gibberish to him than anything else. The Medicine man walks on his knees towards the sitting Mobutu. Mobutu leaned his head back as the Medicine man poured the concoction down his open mouth, dribbling down the creases of Mobutus mouth. The bowl empties and as the medicine man backs away Mobutu lays back onto the ground speaking in Ngbandi as the scribe scribbles down every word. Mobutu and the Medicine man begin to shout in unison as the scribe jots down line after line upon his notepad. The Medicine Man begins to make another concoction and looks towards Boyenge. |
| Boyenge nods at the Medicine Man. |
[list]| Kabudi [sub]Ngbandi Medicine Man[/sub] | Ba koko ba gangi na kati ya poudre oyo, tora mukati mako! kwenze mfowethu kuKristu![/list]
| The medicine man begins to walk on his knees towards Boyenge bringing the bowl to his lips as he leans his head back. The cold liquid flows into his mouth, it tastes of dirt and grass as it coats his tongue. He nearly gags as it falls into stomach only preventing it by the bowl being empty and the Medicine man pulling the bowl away. |
[list]| Mosambaye Singa Boyenge [sub]Lieutenant[/sub] | Thank you[/list]
| Boyenge speaks only to prevent a gag from coming out. The sound of Mobutu incoherent babbling filling his ear drums and feeling as if it is surrounding him. He held his eyes on the medicine man as he felt an intense warmth envelope his body. The medicine man begins to pray each of his movements followed by trails of light that Boyenge could not decipher where it is coming from. His vision begins to double and he feels his body gain the weight of a boulder pulling him to the ground. The stars seem to collide with each other in patterns of fractals as the tree branches move like sentient arms grabbing at Boyenge and Mobutu |
CAMPSITE, ÎLE DES SINGES, CONGO RIVER, DRC, DAWN
| The chirping of birds and howling of animals act as alarms to Boyenge as he feels his eyes open. Once again the world seems back to how he remembered it his whole life. He felt the sun on his skin as the sounds of the soldiers dismantling the camp could be heard and Mobutu talking to the scribes. He lifts himself from the ground sweeping the dirt away from his fatigues. The trees around the campsite are cut deeply from machete strikes in an obvious pattern. The purpose of the pattern Boyenge had no idea of. |
[list]| Mobutu Sese Seko[sub]President of The DRC[/sub] | Finally youre up Boyenge, Im glad to see you well again.[/list]
| Mobutu grabbed Boyenges exhausted face softly and seemed to examine his eyes and skin. |
[list]| Mobutu Sese Seko[sub]President of The DRC[/sub] | Youll need some more rest once we are back in Kinshasa, but for your first time you look well.[/list]
| Boyenge nods and begins to gather his belongings. The group grabs the supplies for the camp and begins their trek off the Island. Boyenge watches as the scribe begins to recount Mobutus revelations throughout the night to him again, attempting to make sense of the delirious madness that Boyenge himself was in only hours ago. Boyenge couldnt remember if he heard wisdom during his experience, but he hopes for the sake of the Congo that Mobutu had. |
[list][list][pre]PEACE-JUSTICE-WORK![/pre][/list][/list]
[list][list][pre]PAIX-JUSTICE-TRAVAIL ![/pre][/list][/list]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Cascadla, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, 11Canada, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya
| 10th Party Congress |
[pre]| The Grip of Paranoia |[/pre]
[sub]June, 1970[/sub]
________________
It was the Tunisian Socialist Parties 10th party congress and since Tunisia and the TSPs gradual shift to a personal autocracy since 1966, many of what wouldve been considered moderates had been removed or arrested and swiftly replaced with ideological henchmen to further strengthen and uphold the grip of General Secretary Youssef and only a few of the so-called political heavyweights remained at the helm. While almost all ministerial positions were immensely loyal to him, it was the commander of the Tunisan Peoples Army Bahi Ladgham who was slowly being seen by party members as a political symbol for a more reformist age. The sluggish and static arrival of a new internal opposition based not on an ideological rival, but for a more modern and accelerated version of Youssefs Secular Socialism and much more based on pragmatic thought and open debate than the increasingly tyrannous rule by one. While for now, Ladgham remains to the face of it, a key loyalist in one of the most senior positions in the party, but a bigger question plays at large at the 10th Party Congress - factionalism.
While the ban on factions themselves dwarfed any attempts of direct political control of the party, the TSPs more pragmatic members who had avoided the consistent attempts of political purging throughout the 1960s now looked to Youssefs most trusted henchman of all, Ahmed Ben Salah. An economist at heart, Salahs initial rise to political stardom was due to his fierce loyalty to the partys dominant conservative branches, who didnt want to move to a state-planned socialist economy. A former trade union leader, his appointment as head of the Tunisian Workers Union and De-Facto head of the party's enlarged and influential bureaucracy gave him a strong political foundation to build on. Since his appointment in 1962, he was quickly seen as a potential successor to Youssef, and while his age and health had been a major problem, the question of succession was always in the background. By the 1970 Party Congress, Ben Salah was now much more economically involved in the running of Tunisia, now a senior member of the Central Committee. While an active supporter of a more command-based economy, it was his all-round influence and effective power within the party which spared him of any possible purge. However, as the hopes of possible reform slithered throughout a large section of the partys senior members, Youssefs grip on power was to get a little more tighter.
He would announce in his and the congress opening speech several new reformist decrees, as per usual in his address. The decree covered a wide range of social reforms from guaranteeing free secondary and higher education, banning of any religiously-motivated and platformed secondary or higher education to adding the guarantee of equal pay and the banning of any child below the age of 16 to work at full-time level. While these moves were fairly popular amongst most of the party, it was the economic side for which a large portion of the TSP wanted to see genuine reform. While the era of a mixed economy based on an informal bond between businessman and government had seen success, the lack of revitalisation, diversification and liberalisation, all areas for which reformists saw as areas hindering economic growth, needed to be addressed. Despite Tunisias unique economic model, state involvement was still rife across the board, from the state ownership of major utilities, price regulations for essential goods and high state management of imports, and the moderates of the party silently pleaded for any attempt to liberalise the economy. However, Youssef did no such act. Instead of announcing any sort of economic reform at any level, he announced a major restructuring to how the Tunisan Socialist Party looked and worked. This was not only a move unknown to almost all members of the party, only a select few of his most loyal and senior noblemen, but fairly unpopular and to the more high-ranking moderates, saw a possibility of another purge coming there way.
The General-Secretary would publish the set of adjustments for the structure of the party, listed as such;
[list][*]Reduction of 12 Regional Party Cadres to 4.
[*]Establishment of the position of Party Chairman, of which will see the subsequent removal of the position of Prime Minister.
[*]Appointment of Mahmoud Messadi to the position of Party Chairman, with the sacking of Prime Minister Hédi Amara Nouira.
[*]Banning of the Islamic Action Group.
[*]Establishment of Party Treasurer with the subsequent sacking and merging of the position of Head of the Central Bank of Tunisia.
While to the naked eye, these moves were just minor tweaks to an already highly party-dominated political system, but the sacking of the only-recently appointed Prime Minister Hédi Amara Nouira, who had also been the head of the CBT from 58-68 and a strong background in finance previously, showed a further tightening of grip on power. The centralisation of power further into the party, with now having de-facto control of Tunisias biggest bank as-well as the removal of the Prime Minister position, deemed one of the only few government-only slots for which had any influence over the General-Secretary. The streamlining and further centralisation of power to the party and therefore to Youssef himself had taken it a few steps further. But the General-Secretary was not finished yet.
While the party itself was simply a socialist political movement, it was dominated by Youssefs Secular Socialism. While perhaps in the earlier stages of his reign, he had been much more pragmatic to the idea of islam and its influence within Tunisian government and life in general, he sought that for Tunisia to move forward economically and socially, it needed the people to identify with Tunisia as a nation, not to a religion or ideology. So, Youssef would announce major changes concerning national policy and the constitution. In what could be seen as a politically-motivated manoeuvre to strengthen the ideological grip upon the TSP, he would announce a series of large-scale decrees listed as such;
[list][*]Decree on Censorship and Political Action - A law which criminalised the promotion of any political ideology or policy deemed to be in opposition, whether violent or nonviolent, to the acceleration and progression of the Tunisian Socialist Republic.
[*]Decree on Religion and Secularism - A law which will place new restriction on the building of any religious temple of worship, with the creation of new Religious Prayer Zones in areas of a high concentration of religious individuals.
[*]Decree on Freedom of Media - A law which sees the creation of a state-ran media outlet, with the suspension of any privately-ran or alternative media outlets.
[*]Decree on Emergency Powers - A law which empowers the authority of the General Secretary to implement emergency powers citing the suspension of civil and political liberties when needed.
[*]Decree on Peoples Assembly - A law which sees the streamlining of the Chamber of Deputies, with the reduction from 214 to 100 deputies, removal of the Speaker of the Chamber and creation of the 4 Regional Assemblies of 150 Deputies each.
[*]Decree on Military Service - A law which requires any male from the age of 18 to take a mandatory 2 years of military service before they can enter civilian life.
[*]Decree on Education and School - A law which will see the promotion of Secular Socialism and its core principles from a primary, secondary and further educational facility.
[*]Decree on Educational Achievement - A law which sees the nationalisation of all forms of education under the singular parties Tunisian Education and Youth Branch.
[*]Decree on Religious Affairs - A law which sees the creation of the Council of Religious Affairs aimed at regulating religious protection, combating extremism and political sectarianism.
It was the biggest legislative and political change since Youssefs rise to power in 1957, with momentum regulations on media, religion and political action, the regionalisation of legislative rubber-stamps and the promotion of the TSPs own political ideology and thought - Youssefism. This was the start of a new type of reign, a reign based on control and continuation, not on reform and consistent progression.
Paramountica, Rutannia, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, 11Canada, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya
Dos Hermanos Part 1: A Frank Discussion
[sub]1 de junio de 1970[/sub]
Raúl Castro shielded his eyes from the midday sun as he exited his vehicle, the door opened for him by a bodyguard. Without wasting a moment in the heat, he ran up to the shaded entrance to his brother Fidels residence, Punto Cero and entered through the opened door. He sighed in relief, the heat mitigated by the homes shade and construction, perfect for the tropical climate of Cuba. The house was quiet, save for soft clattering of pots and pans in the kitchen as the maid washed the dishes along with distant conversations from patrolling bodyguards on the second floor.
Walking through the main hallway, Raúl made his way outside to the central courtyard where a 50-foot long pool sat. On the water was Fidel, swimming back and forth along the length of the pool. An avid swimmer since his youth, Fidel had a tendency to swim during the warmer hours of the midday, especially in the summer before lunch. Knowing this, Raúl hoped to catch him before he left to eat. This seemed like the best time to break the news to him. When he was as relaxed as Fidel could ever get.
When he emerged from the water, Fidel had a smile on his face. He embraced his brother, ignoring the fact that he was soaking wet. Raúl himself hugged him back, grateful he had decided to wear some of his own green military fatigues. If only to stave off the heat. Neither sibling had exchanged a word yet. Fidel dried himself with a towel in silence while Raúl figured out how best to approach the topic at hand. When Fidel finally sat down beneath the comforting shade of an umbrella, Raúl took a deep breath.
I dont know what it is that you want to talk about, but whatever it is Ive been listening to since you arrived. So, speak your mind. Fidel took the lead, opening his mouth before Raúl even had a chance to get his thoughts together.
The economy, Fidel. Raúl finally spoke up, his brothers smile fading as he brought up the most contentious topic in Cuba right now. The state of the economy or rather, the poor state of it. Cuba was ailing and even when the ordinary folk were not feeling it now, they would soon when the governments coffers began to run dry. The U.S embargo and Cubas slow progress toward industrialization and the failure of central planning had severe consequences on a country which had relied for years on tourism, food exports, and the generosity of the United States.
I want to talk about the economy. Weve got to change course. Change how we are managing things. Raúl had had this conversation with Fidel before and it had always ended the same way. His brother shut him down each and every time. Nothing needed to change in Cuba. They just needed more time. More time for the Soviet money to arrive, more time for the sugarcane and the tobacco to grow, more time for a good harvest, more time. If we continue on this course, we wont be able to pay wages nor build anything else. And we need more housing and more roads. Cuba is growing and there arent enough jobs and not enough houses.
No. Fidel interrupted his brother before he could continue, making Raúl shift in his chair uncomfortably. This- he gestured with his hands around him. -all this is ours because we fought for it, hermano. The only reason the people were victorious was they hated the system they were oppressed by. What do you think will happen if I bring back the landowners? The Bacardí family, maybe? Should I bring them back too? Raúl didnt have a chance to answer. No. Of course not.
It seemed like this conversation would end just as the last ones had. Im not asking to go back to the old days. Not asking to sell Cuba back to the Yanquí or the mafia. Just the right amount of-
No. Were on the right path. Fidel insisted, practically repeating what he had said earlier almost word for word. The government needs to lead the way. Manage the economy, the enterprise to prevent history from repeating itself. If we change, we might as well go back to tbe Yanquí. Because well be showing them that we failed. That socialism failed.
Okay. Raúl rose to his feet, Fidel following him as he stood to leave. Had Méndez put something in your office. A paper from an economist from the Soviet Union. I think you should read it. There was nothing else Raúl could do. His brother was set in his ways, but he had one final plan to potentially convince him. Success would mean a new beginning for Cuba and failure, would mean an even larger failure for the entire country. If Fidel couldnt be convinced, Raúl feared for the future of the government and worst still, feared that the Americans would take advantage and Cuba would once again fall under the thumb of Washington. A nightmare scenario.
Fidel didnt say much as his brother left. He knew Raúl meant well, but he refused to accept defeat merely because of bumps in the road. Had that been the case, the revolution and Martí himself would have given up in the face of adversity. No. There wouldnt be reform. There didnt need to be reform. Cuba was a nation led by the spirit of its people to be free. Free from imperialism, free from exploitation and oppression and Fidel intended to deliver on that and more. If they simply embraced capitalism as it was again, it was admitting defeat and Fidel refused to concede even an inch to the American capitalist or even the Cuban one.
In the late hours of the evening, Fidel walked into his office as he usually did. Sitting down in the simple office, he saw a copy of a translated version of the Soviet newspaper Pravda sitting atop a bundle of government reports. Initially, he considered setting it aside but after remembering his exchange with his brother he decided to merely skim through its contents. The mere possibility of there being something of interest within that Raúl wanted him to see was enough to make him reconsider, if only for the moment.
Opening the paper, he paused at a bookmarking nestled in the final few pages. There, he saw a whole page titled, Plan and benefits for the Soviet economy. Fidel smiled. Was this what Raúl was proposing to him? But there was more. Just beneath were more pages, dissertations titled Means to raise the profitability of the socialist companies and Analysis of the use of resources. All of them were written by the same person. One Evsei Liberman, a Ukrainian economist who had apparently inspired Soviet General Secretary Alexei Kosygins most recent attempts at reforming the economy back in the Soviet Union. Fidel ran a hand over his beard and sighed, setting the papers aside for the moment. Hed gotten his brothers point.
Though, even after skimming through everything, he found nothing of use. At least, nothing that would convince him that reform would lead to anything positive or anything that wouldnt represent capitulation to the very capitalists Cuba had revolted against. But then, he saw the most recent economic projections. The poor harvests. The essentially petrified industry. The way Cuba was misusing and bleeding talent left and right. Things were bad. Really bad. Fidel spun in his chair and pondered for a moment, his eyes falling on a portrait of José Martí in his office. Quietly, he asked him what he would do if he were in his shoes. And while he received no answer, Fidel turned on his chair again and picked up the telephone.
It was half an hour past midnight, and a lone, tired clerk at the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs sat at a desk sifting through reports. Suddenly the phone rang, and the noise was loud enough to properly wake him. Now at attention, he picked up the receiver and the moment he heard the voice on the other line he froze, his eyes going wide. It was Fidel Castro himself who had a single request:
Get me the Soviet Ambassador.
Paramountica, Rutannia, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, 11Canada, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Slipway
[list][list]SHŌWA 45 | JUNE 1970[/list]
[list][list]二大産業
[pre]TWO MAJOR INDUSTRIES[/pre][/list][/list]
[pre] D I S P A T C H W O R K ¹ [/pre]
[list][list][sub][pre] オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり
O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly![/pre][/sub][/list][/list]
AUTOMOTIVE AND FILM INDUSTRY
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1991376
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1990263
____________
[sub]¹ DISPATCHWORK, Designed by Paramountica, Assembled for Commonwealth Of Liberty.[/sub]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Stolkland, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
Post self-deleted by Rudnatia.
[pre]T H E K I N G D O M O F P O R T U G A L | O R E I N O D E P O R T U G A L [/pre]
[list][sup][sub]"Mas olhe para esses homens,
eles se parecem com os pecadores que não são,
ou com os homens santos que são?"
~ Julio Varcruza (1456-1487)[/sub][/sup][/list]
[table=noheader][tr][td][/td][/tr][/table]
𝐌𝐚𝐫𝐜𝐡 𝐨𝐧, 𝐀𝐳𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐬!
[list]ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ | The Azores, officially the Autonomous Region of the Azores (Região Autónoma dos Açores), is one of the two autonomous regions of Portugal (along with Madeira). It is an archipelago composed of nine volcanic islands in the Macaronesia region of the North Atlantic Ocean, about 1,400 km (870 mi) west of Lisbon, about 1,500 km (930 mi) northwest of Morocco, and about 1,930 km (1,200 mi) southeast of Newfoundland, Canada. This is what is known as the second Special Administrative District of Portugal, or SADP classification, which comprises of Madeira and the Azores, both given special autonomy on behalf of the government. The Azores have been extremely unstable lately as the regional government begins to deal with one fear come true; radical rebels. These rebels were mostly fled Marxist Supporters, or fled Radical Republicans. The Azores have assumed military action in the affected areas, but the protest grows. The Portuguese Foreign Ministry for the Azores (PFMA) is the specialized department that handles relations with the Azores. After hearing of the catastrophic protesters, the PFMA alerted the national government about the crisis. The national government responded, (after a 130-100 vote by parliament) sent military interventions to the Azores Archipelago on May 3rd, 1970. The Portuguese swiftly reacted to the end of the pointless rebellions that surround the Azores. The region is the closest region to the Portuguese mainland, so it was much easier to react to the situation. The army arrived on the night of the 4th, and took heed at the capital of the Azores, Ponta Delegada, and prepared for another protest to happen outside the walls of the city. The protesters amassed eventually, and soon there was a crowd of over 1,000 protesters, all having varying demands. However, one of the most radical takes was to recognize the Azores as an independent country. Portugal refused, and the military swiftly quelled the protesters using the demands of the Prime Minister. The protesters dispersed and soon no one remained. The Azores declared any opposition to the current delegation would have to be sent in as complaints to Portugal themselves.
|The opposition almost dissipated after the announcement was made. The people flooded the PFMA, and all were read and most were too radical to enact. The people of the Azores continued to live in harmony with the Portuguese and to this day, the Azores remains as a major archipelago within the Portuguese Kingdom.[/list]
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[pre]𝐌 𝐈 𝐍 𝐈 𝐒 𝐓 𝐑 𝐘 𝐎 𝐅 𝐅 𝐎 𝐑 𝐄 𝐈 𝐆 𝐍 𝐀 𝐅 𝐅 𝐀 𝐈 𝐑 𝐒[/pre]
[list]| SÃO TOMÉ E PRÍNCIPE, SÃO TOMÉ CIDADE |[/list]
[pre]The New African Age, A Rejection of Colonialism[/pre]
| The Portuguese efforts in Africa come to a screeching halt after mutiple independence movements in Angola and Mozambique and Cape Verde result in the announciation that the release and decolonozation of the Portuguese Colonies is very possible. When Goa was liberated in 1961, it started a chain of independence movements after it was shown possible by Goa. The government titled it 'the Goa Affect' as its dominoes tipped onto a chain of united independence movements. The Colonial Wars began as a result of the Goa Affect, and Portuguese Forces landed in Africa. Marcelo Caetano, Prime Minister of Portugal, gave a speech saying; "If the African Colonies feel repelled as to why the government insues such policies, they can report to new stations and cannot leave our union. . . for a rebelling state is nothing but chaos." Angola was one of the most affected. The parties were fighting for a common cause, but also fought on different terms. For example, the MPLA fought for a socialist union, while the UNITA party fought for the total independence of Angola as a Democratic Republic, (other parties involve FNLA, and FLEC). The same issues have been faced in Mozambique, but only one party was present there, which was the FRELIMO and Guinea-Bissau PAIGC. Most of the parties are a worrying aspect to Portugal, as most are Marxist or Socialist in nature. The Portuguese Nation had previously fought vigorously to keep its colony, in recent years, though, the Portuguese have been stamped out of Africa at this point. "I predict in a mere four years, Angola is gone, for good."
| Regarding other African Colonies, the currently most stable colonies are Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe, both colonies have (so far) shown no major signs of rebellion. The colonies do have total independence programs though, for example, the Sao Tome Independence Movement, or STIM, and the Politcal Union for Independence of Cape Verde, or PUICV. The governments in Cape Verde and Sao Tome are currently ethnic Portuguese and the government supports Portuguese occupation. This can easily change in the future, though. The Azores serve as a monitor base on Cape Verde while Sao Tome is the farthest from the homeland, making it difficult to monitor. The Sao Tome populace, shows no signs of rebellion as of right now. The Cape Verde ports still serve the Portuguese well, and the national identity of Cape Verde is recognized by the Portuguese; in fact, after demands from a protest, Cape Verde was the first colony to be given full autonomy in internal affairs, making Cape Verde the third recognized Autonomous Region of Portugal, along with the Azores and Madeira. The Cape Verde shows no signs (currently) for breaking from Portugal, however the people grow with resentment to Portuguese occupation, for now, people are completely fine with the Portuguese occupation. The island region is one of the last bastions in Africa, including Sao Tome and Principe.
| Mozambique is the second largest colony in Africa, behind Angola. The Mozambique have shown aggressive towards Portuguese occupation and are supporters of the decolonization of Africa, along with Portuguese Guinea, which are all aggressive to Portuguese Occupation. The Portuguese Guinea Colony was recently given State-Hood, and became the first State of Portugal. The colony begins to break away from the Portuguese empire and is trying to join the independent scene in Africa. As the independence movements in both colonies grow, the likely hood of them staying under Portuguese Occupation becomes unlikely.
| The Portuguese Empire goes through this new decolonization era, and the people of Portugal begin to support the letting go of these once firmly controlled colonies, the Portuguese government seemingly supports the full release of colonies that do not support Portuguese occupation. The colonies now succed from the union and the lands begin to devolp their own national identity.
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[pre]The Government Media Administration of Portugal | A Administração Governamental de Comunicação Social de Portugal[/pre]
[pre]D I S P A T C H W O R K[/pre]
[list]Página Inicial do Governo[/list]
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=2007466
[sup][sub]Header inspired by [nation=noflag]Vancouver Straits[/nation][/sub][/sup]
[list][spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
[nation]Adriatican Islands[/nation]
[nation]Amsterwald[/nation]
[nation]Anglo Channel[/nation]
[nation]Arcanda[/nation]
[nation]Bhaarat Lok[/nation]
[nation]Cascadla[/nation]
[nation]Cheezaslovakia[/nation]
[nation]Connomia[/nation]
[nation]East Germany DDR[/nation]
[nation]Great Britain GB[/nation]
[nation]Greater Kurdistane[/nation]
[nation]Hatzburg[/nation]
[nation]Israelli[/nation]
[nation]Kewtpuff[/nation]
[nation]Kotakuan II[/nation]
[nation]Ma-li[/nation]
[nation]Maziya[/nation]
[nation]Metropolitan Francais[/nation]
[nation]Mutawakkiliti[/nation]
[nation]Nevbrejnovitz[/nation]
[nation]Newauroria[/nation]
[nation]New Provenance[/nation]
[nation]Nileia[/nation]
[nation]Nippon-Nihon[/nation]
[nation]OsivoII[/nation]
[nation]Paramountica[/nation]
[nation]Paseo[/nation]
[nation]Peking Zhongguo[/nation]
[nation]Peoples Republic of Czechoslovakia[/nation]
[nation]Pontianus[/nation]
[nation]Provenancia[/nation]
[nation]Ranponian[/nation]
[nation]Rio de la Plata Argentina[/nation]
[nation]Rutannia[/nation]
[nation]Saudi Arabiyah[/nation]
[nation]Socialist Democratic Republic Romania[/nation]
[nation]Spainard[/nation]
[nation]Spain-[/nation]
[nation]The Confederate Prussian Empire[/nation]
[nation]Vancouver Straits[/nation]
[nation]Victoria Harbor[/nation]
[nation]Vietnam SV[/nation]
[nation]Virnall[/nation]
[/spoiler][/list]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Cascadla, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, New Provenance, Tallahan, 11Canada, Maziya, Spain-
𝗥𝗲𝗽𝘂́𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗰𝗮 𝗱𝗲𝗹 𝗣𝗮𝗿𝗮𝗴𝘂𝗮𝘆.
ᶜᴵᵁᴰᴬᴰ ᴰᴱ ᴬˢᵁᴺᶜᴵᴼ́ᴺ .
╰┈┈┈┈┈┈┈ 11/04/1970.
╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳╲╱╳
╰─▸ ❝ @ Anniversary of the Ministry of Order.
Without a doubt, one of the most notable factors in the Paraguayan process is the Ministry of Order. It was 1954, when there was a political crisis due to several cases of corruption that threatened to discredit the government. One of the most notorious cases was the trial of the Minister of Labor, Dionisio Ortega, who would be convicted of acts of corruption. He supported mafia unions to suffocate companies and allow them to abuse workers, making them have to pay a kind of subscription to access a job or social security. It was there that the Ministry of Order was created, with the objective of fulfilling things as they should be, applying a very hard hand against corruption and cataloging it as "treason to the fatherland." Capital punishment was enforced with the aim of making it clear that there would be serious consequences if a public official abused their powers. In Manuel Cortázar's own words:
"Corruption is a disease, worse than any other. It is the origin of all evils, the origin of hunger, disease, poverty, ignorance. It is the origin of everything that can harm a country and its people. There is no such thing as some degree of corruption being good, because if one is permissive with it, it will spread like cancer in metastasis until the state becomes a mass of bureaucrats whose only purpose is to feed on the work of the people. From now on, the Ministry of Order will be created to prevent these situations. The politician will cease to be human, the politician will be a tool for the people and not the people a tool for the politician. They will no longer receive excessive salaries, they will live as the people live, they will be as poor as them and as rich as them. Because if they go hungry, politicians will too, but if you are satisfied, they will be too. The politician must assume that upon rising to power he is no longer a human being, he will have no gratuitous rights that make him unequal to the people. We overthrew the reactionaries to end the people's misery, we did not come to install another similar government where instead of the businessmen enriching themselves while the people die of hunger, it is the State and its bureaucrats who live in luxury while their people die in a false sign of equality and proletariat. This is how the "diet" of politicians has ended while the people have hunger, now they must make a true diet. If they don't like it, I'll wait for their resignation letter".
The operation of the Ministry began to function fully in 1956, after certain delays in Congress due to differences of opinion. However, it was finally sanctioned and promulgated by Manuel Cortázar. Since the beginning of its operation, what was known as "the great cleaning" was carried out, whose objective was to eliminate political corruption in the country. This objective was successfully achieved, and several public officials were brought to trial for this reason. Since then, the Ministry of Order has functioned optimally, being in charge of monitoring the administrative activities of the government and other aspects to maintain integrity. Its structure is as follows:
Organizational Structure
The Ministry of Order is vertically structured under the leadership of a Minister, who is appointed directly by the President and will hold office for a minimum term of 5 years, seeking to ensure his political independence. Below the Minister are 5 specialized Undersecretariats: Control and Supervision, Investigation, Human Resources, Administration and Finance. Each of them is headed by an Undersecretary also designated by the Head of State. At the intermediate level, the Undersecretariats are divided into various General Directorates. For example, the Undersecretariat of Control and Supervision includes the Directions of Monitoring, Auditing and Liaison with other ministries. Finally, each Direction consists of various operational Units headed by a Unit Chief. It is these units, made up of multidisciplinary teams of between 5 and 10 people, that carry out most of the inspecting, supervisory and detection work in the field. In this way, a clear line of command is ensured that goes from the Minister downwards, while ensuring adequate distribution and specialization of functions at each level of the hierarchical chain.
Internal control mechanisms
Despite having powers to supervise other government entities, from the outset the Ministry was aware that it too must subject itself to strict mechanisms of control, transparency and accountability to avoid any hint of opacity or corruption within its own institution. This materializes in the following points:
- Sworn and public declaration of assets and income of all officials upon taking and leaving office. Subsequent patrimonial audit in case of inconsistencies.
- Annual publication of all remunerations and bonuses received by staff, including Minister and Undersecretaries.
- Prohibition of accepting gifts, gratuities or benefits from third parties linked to supervised bodies.
- Periodic rotation of personnel in exposed positions that involve important decision-making.
- External oversight and semi-annual compliance reports on goals by controllers designated by the National Congress.
- Confidential complaints from inside and outside the institution channeled to an independent external special court.
- Surprise administrative and financial audits of specific offices and projects.
- Direct receipt of citizen complaints and claims at the central headquarters for immediate referral.
- Detailed rendering of ministerial activity reports before legislative commissions and the media.
This system of internal controls and proactive transparency seeks to discourage any unethical or irregular conduct in the supervisory tasks entrusted. It is a pioneering bet for the time that implied a high degree of self-limitation of the administrative authority itself.
Data protection and investigations
Given the nature of the Ministry's functions, the safeguarding of confidential information and human sources of intelligence is especially important. Strict security measures and specific protocols have therefore been taken according to the prevailing technological possibilities:
- Centralized locked filing of all classified documentation and ongoing investigations, with restricted access.
- Soundproofed rooms for questioning and taking statements. Manual recording in foliated and letterheaded minutes.
- Guidelines for protecting the identity of sources and complainants, including potential legal protections.
- Encryption through numerical keys of reserved folders and background files. Only decipherable by authorized [officials.
- Internal circulation of information through handwritten or typewritten memos. Mandatory destruction of drafts.
- Storage of seized evidence in vaults to prevent sabotage. Minute registration of ingoings/outgoings.
The careful handling of information despite technological limitations is key to safeguarding the privacy of individuals, the reliability of processes and the secrecy of summary in judicialized cases>
Supervision and oversight of other ministries
The Undersecretariat of Control and Supervision is perhaps the cornerstone of the Ministry as it concentrates the powers to inspect, audit and oversee the performance of other state agencies in administrative and public finance matters. This is carried out through four fundamental modalities:
1) Programmed thematic and sectoral audits in advance to review a specific area or public policy.
2) Surprise interventions at a specific dependency to evaluate internal controls and regulatory compliance.
3) On-site review of tenders, contracts, purchases, fee collections, operating expenses and other contractual processes.
4) Follow-up on clues or presumptions of irregularities resulting from subsequent investigations or complaints received.
The results of these supervisions are reflected in detailed reports with recommendations and compliance deadlines. In very serious cases, officials can even be requested to be dismissed before conclusive evidence of embezzlement or willful concealment. To carry out this rigorous inspection work, the Undersecretariat has mobile teams made up of professionals. It was highly criticized because it was believed that the Ministry of Order had too much independence and power, but this very thing was created with that intention because it could be captured by one of the powers and misused, it has sufficient internal mechanisms to self-regulate and not end up becoming a burden for the people.
╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱╲╳╱
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Tallahan, 11Canada, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Poland1St
[list][list][sub]P O L I S H P E O P L E ' S R E P U B L IC P O L S K A R Z E C Z P O S P O L I T A L U D O W A [/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]Austerity measures taken[/sub]
[sub]June, 1970[/sub][/list]
[list]|[sub]Food and other commodity prices on the rise.[/sub]|[/list]
[list][sub]Warsaw City, Gomułka's Office, Poland1St Morning[/sub][/list]
| In the quiet of his office, Władysław Gomułka sank into his chair, surveying a desk buried beneath a sea of papers. Each document bore witness to Poland's economic woes: a daunting national budget deficit, dismal agricultural output, and a litany of other challenges. As the party secretary of the P.Z.P.R., Gomułka bore the weight of blame and duty. With a heavy sigh, he set about bringing order to the chaos before his imminent meeting with party members and central ministers. After methodically sorting the papers into tidy stacks, Gomułka left his office and descended to the meeting room below. Upon entering, he was immediately swept up in a tempest of discord. Tension crackled in the air as party officials and ministers fervently debated, their voices melding into a cacophony of disagreement. As Gomułka took his place at the head of the table, the fervor of the discussion momentarily subsided, all eyes turning to him in anticipation of his leadership. |
[list]| [sub]Władysław Gomułka, Party Chairman[/sub] | I apologize for the delay. Having reviewed some of the documents, I would appreciate an update on this month's performance. The agriculture department can go first.[/list]
| All eyes turned expectantly towards the young representative from the agricultural ministry, who appeared somewhat new to such proceedings, he felt a surge of nerves ripple through him. Despite the apprehension gnawing at his gut, he squared his shoulders and bravely stepped into the spotlight, acutely aware of the scrutiny of the high-ranking officials fixed upon him. |
[list]| [sub]Horacy Żebrowski, Agricultural Representative[/sub] | Thank you, Chairman Gomułka, for allowing me to present our update. Regrettably, despite our diligent efforts, the agricultural ministry has faced hurdles in meeting the latest quota for food produce. I'm disappointed to report that we've fallen short by twenty-five percent compared to the monthly target.[/list]
| Palpable tension gripped the room. The gathered officials, their expressions ranging from furrowed brows to tight-lipped frowns, exchanged concerned glances and muttered amongst themselves in hushed tones. Chairman Gomułka, his usually composed demeanor giving way to a furrowed brow, listened intently, his gaze unwavering as he absorbed the gravity of the news |
[list]| [sub]Władysław Gomułka, Party Chairman[/sub] | I see. This issue appears to have persisted for some time now. I trust your department has already formulated measures to address it?[/list]
[list]| [sub]Horacy Żebrowski, Agricultural Representative[/sub] | Chairman Gomułka, we've been actively addressing this challenge. Alongside enhancing training programs and adopting new farming techniques, we believe that further investment into the agricultural sector is imperative. Which would significantly aid in ameliorating the quota deficit.[/list]
| Amidst the discussion, an economist from the finance ministry interjected, his voice cutting through the deliberation with a sense of urgency. |
[list]| [sub]Kondrad Brus, Finance Representative[/sub] | Chairman Gomułka, esteemed colleagues, While I appreciate the efforts of the agricultural ministry, we cannot overlook the pressing issue of the budget deficit. I propose that we carefully evaluate budget allocations across various sectors, including agriculture, to effectively address this deficit. Tough decisions must be made to safeguard the financial stability of our nation. We have been accruing debt for years, and the repercussions are beginning to manifest[/list]
| In the charged atmosphere of the meeting room, multiple officials engaged in fervent debate, their voices echoing off the walls as they clashed over proposed budget reductions. Each official passionately argued their case, vehemently opposing cuts that threatened to undermine their departments' ability to meet quotas and fulfill essential needs. It wasn't till Chairman Gomułka intervene did the group quieted down. |
[list]| [sub]Władysław Gomułka, Party Chairman[/sub] | Gentlemen, I align with Kondrad Brus's evaluation. Austerity measures are imperative to tackle our urgent budget deficit and secure the financial stability of our nation. Horacy Żebrowski, I empathize with the challenges confronting your department. Nevertheless, to increase revenue and alleviate financial strain, I encourage you to consider the prospect of raising prices for agricultural products. Meeting adjourned[/list]
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Rutannia, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, 11Canada, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[B]A FAITHLESS RESOLVE
[sub]| 1 January23 March 1969 | The Valley, Republic of Anguilla, Leeward Antilles |[/sub]
Throughout the better half of the year, Anguillans hold not but an inkling's worth of faith in the government which prescribed ad-hoc governance between Mr. Tony Lee, Britain's representative, and the Anguilla Island Council. Just as the December 1967 agreement had initially dredged scrutiny, "a band-aid over a hemorrhaging wound" as relayed by all sides at the diplomatic table, these sentiments had began to prove justifiably true. Thus far, Lee's co-optive administration had done little for Anguilla within any reasonable scope. Not only has it actively failed to coagulate the transitory state of government to a solid and long-withstanding foundational structure, but Lee's year in Anguilla impressioned upon it's people only the feelings of an English mainstay wedged in-between the crag that is their infantile state.
Resultingly, on 7 February 1969, Anguilla held a second referendum to reiterate the unanimity of ideals tethered to it's first, held on 11 July 1967. With near similar results, 1,739 to 4, Anguilla once again declared itself an independent republic, with Ronald Webster remaining as it's presiding Chairman. The following month, Britain would send a second representative to the island, William Charles Whitlock, on 11 March. Upon arrival, Mr. Whitlock would be warmly received at Wallblake Airport, with young Anguillans waving both the Union Jack and that of the Anguillan Republic. Meeting him, Chairman Webster would adorn his Sunday Best in respect to Whitlock and his position. In spite of the Anguillan reception, Whitlock fostered utter disdain for them, refusing a motorcade from the airstrip and a subsequent lunch meeting with Ronald Webster, conducting one instead with Commissioner Lee. Word of Mr. Whitlock's manner quickly spread across the wee island, sparking something of an uproar amongst her otherwise meekly peoples.
On 19 March, accompanied by a handful of his militia, 'Tenny' Dover and company descended Crocus Hill and confronted Whitlock in The Valley, advising him, at gunpoint, to leave the island. After his initial refusal, gendarmes fired warning shots at the administrative offices and it was later reported that Whitlock boarded a ferry to St. Kitts in that same hour. As Whitlock's exaggerated narrative made it back to Britain, Premier of St. Christopher-Nevis-Anguilla, Robert L. Bradshaw, began to reindulge planning unified intervention against Anguillan independence. However, even with the avowed manpower of the combined constabulary forces from Antigua-Barbuda, St. Christopher-Nevis and the British Virgin Islands, preparedness for such an operation was soon realised as remarkably thin. It would definitively require properly outfitted vessels and amphibious landing vehicles which are scarce in existing police arsenals and would have to be acquired, preparatory measures that could prove to last several months or even years to secure.
[spoiler=[sub]O LANDS OF BEAUTY![/sub] ] Adriatican Islands AmsterwaldAnglo Channel Arcanda Bhaarat Lok Cascadla Cheezaslovakia Connomia East Germany Ddr Great Britain Gb Greater Kurdistane Hatzburg Israelli Kewtpuff Klingenthalerburg Kotakuan Ii Ma-Li Maziya Metropolitan Francais Mutawakkiliti Nevbrejnovitz Newauroria New Provenance Nileia Nippon-Nihon Osivoii Paramountica Paseo Peking Zhongguo Pontianus Provenancia Ranponian Rio De La Plata Argentina Rutannia Saudi Arabiyah Socialist Democratic Republic Romania Spainard Spain- The Confederate Prussian Empire Vancouver Straits Victoria Harbor Vietnam Sv Virnall [/spoiler]
Rutannia, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Tallahan, 11Canada, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya
Hello everyone I join!
Cascadla
International Association Football Federation | Fédération internationale de football association
FIFA World Cup 1970 | Copa Mundial de la FIFA 1970
THE OPENING MATCH
---------------------------------------
A very warm welcome to all of you joining us, live on television for the very first time, calling from Colombia as we report on the opening match of the 1970 FIFA World Cup. There's been a lot of anticipation coming to this point, a lot of drama in qualifying as fans from around the world have been flooding into this South American nation to watch the greatest sporting spectacle in the world. 32 teams from across the globe have made their way here to one of the most beautiful and diverse countries on Earth to join us in this celebration of world football. Here at the Estadio El Campin, the atmosphere is fantastic, fans singing their way to the stands as we prepare for the very first kick-off of what could be a very exciting tournament.
Our hosts here have had a turbulent run during their bid, beating out both Argentina and Spain for the World Cup, the latter of which prompting FIFA's new regulations that the hosting of the World Cup will now rotate between continents. Colombia has had to redraft their bid two times, and have rapidly built or expanded many of the stadiums being used in the tournament, especially after some fell short of FIFA requirements due to a constantly changing political landscape and indeed disagreements between various parties. Some of us may have thought that the financial burden of hosting might have been too much for Colombia to handle, but we're here now and we're set for what could be a very interesting tournament.
The ceremony begins, a short speech from the chief of the Colombian Football Federation, in attendance is the current Colombian president including fans from across the world. The speech is followed by a short performance, with the stadium filling with volunteers to perform an array of cultural demonstrations surrounding a large recreation of the Colombia 1970 logo. The mass of people working in unison here is absolutely mesmerising. Now the parade of the flags, with the flags of all of the qualified teams now being brought onto the pitch, organised in their respective groupings. The fans are loving this demonstration here as it is received to a standing ovation.
Let's talk about our match today, it's the hosts Colombia against China PR. The hosts, as per tradition, awarded the right to play the first match here at the same stadium which will host the final. Colombia come off the back of successfully hosting the 1967 Copa America, in which they came third, and look to be in good spirits for this tournament. The home support has been overwhelming and reports have reached us that the team has been training frantically. Host nations tend to do very well in these competitions, and we'll be hoping Colombia delivers the same. China PR make their World Cup debut, a large nation that has never quite managed to achieve success at this level, all hopes and expectations rest of the shoulders of their very talented and capable team.
Predictions? I think the bookies have it all on Colombia, their the home nation playing in front of a home crowd. They will be hungry for a win and I don't think the Chinese side will be able to cope. With that said however, China have played extremely well and they shouldn't be underestimated, I think we'll see a tough match from them and it will all come down to who scores first.
But without further ado, the national anthems have been played and the players are in formation, we go down to the pitch for kick-off.
---------------------------------------
Colombia v China PR
And the whistle blows, we are underway, Alfredo Arango knocking the ball back into the midfield as he's swarmed by Chinese players rushing to try and get position in the midfield. Clearly they've been following developments in European football as these tactics are closely resembling the same tactics used by the Dutch team Ajax in the European Cup. Colombia try to play it around the midfield, trying to avoid the back-pass to keep up the motivation, but it's intercepted and Rong Zhixing takes the ball away for the run, tapping it forward to Liu Li Fu who's got space to strike from the distance... just wide! Not enough accuracy on the ball and it's out for a goal kick. Strong play from China, they certainly mean business here.
Colombia now working to try and keep the play moving, they don't want to risk another loss of possession here. The Chinese midfield presses but some clever play keeps them away from the ball. Not sure we were expecting such a strong start from the Asian side, Colombia looked a bit out-of-place after that interception. Garcia has the ball, and knocks it forward to Brand, who's being marked by Qi Wusheng. He needs to find a way out of this situation here and he finds Arango, who finds Luis Paz, who's taking a good run towards the box and he's got players in support. Paz finds himself boxed in the corner, he wriggles his way out and delivers the cross, it flies across the head of Gallego... SAVED! Fu Sheng not having a minute of that, great reflexes from the keeper there.
First half drawing to a close here, and we're still level. It's not been a great performance from Colombia respective to their skill, but it's still early and we're not discounting anything just yet. Arturo Segovia with the ball near the half-way line, he gets in forward to Alejandro Brand. Brand nearly losing possession to Chen Xi Rong as Segovia takes the ball back and makes his run forward. Finding the space, he expertly delivers the ball back into the centre to Luis Paz, who's got the space and the options here. Paz opts for the short pass to Arango, who fires his shot and it flies towards the top corner... GOAL!!! Colombia take the lead and the crowd is going wild!! Arango secures the first goal of the World Cup!! As we reach the 45th minute, he comes to save the day and Colombia have the lead they truly needed.
Second half begins and Colombia are looking far more dominant than in the first half, playing far more aggressively as the Chinese opt to defend. The early second half sees an array of chances, with set-pieces becoming more common as Colombia hold the possession in the Chinese half. Some changes as Alfonso Canon comes on for Alejandro Brand, and immediately his skill bring some more lively action in the second half. Some close chances as Segrera, who scored an own-goal against Portugal in the 1966 tournament, tries to header one away... missed! Over the bar and that could have made it two.
China aren't giving up though, trying to get some deep shots down into the other half, but the Colombians are closing them down before they get a chance. It's been a dry second half for China, failing to capitalise on that early chance there. Try as they might, they're struggling to get the ball into space for their strikers to have a chance. In the blink of an eye, Colombia is back on the attack, with Luis Paz looking to secure their first of the tournament. He makes a decent run into the centre and tries his luck... Fu Sheng collecting that nicely, no danger to him there.
And it's full time in Bogota, Colombia 1-0 China PR, and what a brilliant start to the tournament that was. An exceptional goal from Arango to secure their first points and there will surely be parties in the city tonight. Disappointing for China, but with two games left there's still plenty of time to make a difference. Their defensive play is definitely enviable as they managed to hold back the onslaught, they'll be a team to watch for the next few matches.
That's it from us tonight! Join us next time for our report on Match Day 1 of the FIFA World Cup Group Stage!
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[spoiler=tag]
Indonesian Federal Peoples Republic
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Earstenia, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, Tallahan, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Slipway
Post by Byzantophiles suppressed by a moderator.
Then for Chrissakes don't QUOTE that link!!!!
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Rudnatia, Slipway, Sport-Internationale, Poland1St, Independent Singapore
[list][list][sub]S O C I A L I S T R E P U B L IC O F R O M A N I A R E P U B L I C A S O C I A L I S T Ă R O M Â N I A [/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list]A call for help - May-June floods (I)[/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]Mai 1970, Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist Român, București, Republica Socialistă România[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]May 1970, Central Committee of The Communist Party of Romania, Bucharest, Socialist Republic of Romania[/sub][/list][/list]
| Throughout the month of May 1970, the Socialist Republic of Romania has been grappling with a devastating series of floods, leaving a trail of destruction and despair in their wake. With reports indicating widespread devastation and a staggering loss of life, Romania has been plunged into a state of emergency, necessitating urgent action and international assistance.
| As the floodwaters have surged, claiming lives and engulfing communities, the Socialist Republic of Romania has mobilized its resources to confront the crisis head-on. From the bustling streets of Bucharest to the tranquil countryside, the nation has witnessed a remarkable outpouring of solidarity and support as citizens rally to aid their fellow countrymen.
At the forefront of relief efforts has been His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation whose tireless efforts have provided a lifeline to those most in need. Coordinating assistance in the counties of Galati, Braila, Ialomita, and Tulcea, the Genius of the Carpathians has worked tirelessly to distribute essential supplies, offer medical aid, and provide comfort to those grappling with loss.
Despite the valiant efforts of its citizens, Romania recognizes the need for additional support from the international community. With a call for assistance reverberating across the globe
[list][list][sub]| The continuing disaster serves as a sobering reminder of the fragility of life and the importance of international solidarity in times of crisis. |[/sub][list][list]
[sub]E scris pe Tricolor unire! Pe roșu steag liberator! Prin lupte sub a lor umbrire, spre Comunism urcăm în zbor![/sub]
[sub]Trăiască Partidul Comunist Român în frunte cu al său secretar general, tovarășul Constantin Rotaru![/sub]
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Skonhedens Land, Poland1St, La Republica Revolucionaria De Cuba
Post self-deleted by Rudnatia.
The wind howled through the skeletal branches of the pines, a mournful symphony that mirrored the mood of Jaan. Huddled in a makeshift shelter of branches and canvas, he nursed a mug of lukewarm tea, his cigar wafting smoke throughout the shelter. Across from him, sat his closest confidant, a grizzled farmer named Mikk.
"Another summer," Jaan muttered, staring into the dying embers of the fire. "Another season under their boot."
Mikk grunted in agreement. He wasn't a man of many words, but the furrow in his brow spoke volumes. They were both former soldiers, their hearts heavy with the weight of a stolen homeland. The Forest Brothers, as they called themselves, were a flickering ember of resistance against the iron fist of the Soviet occupation.
Jaan set his mug down, a glint of steely resolve in his eyes. "We can't keep fighting shadows, Mikk. We need a plan, a way to strike back without getting buried in a mass grave."
Mikk nodded, his calloused hand instinctively reaching for the ornately carved wooden horse he kept tucked in his pocket, a memento of a life before Soviet rule. "We need more than just a few men in the woods."
Jaan smiled, a spark of hope igniting in his chest. He reached into his pack and pulled out a worn map, carefully tracing the outline of a nearby village. "More eyes, more ears. We build a network, Mikk. Farmers, shopkeepers, anyone with a fire in their belly for a free Estonia."
Mikk's eyes lit up. The idea was simple, yet brilliant. "We can't fight them head-on, but we can be a thorn in their side. We gather information, provide safe houses, become ghosts in the night."
Jaan grinned. "We become the whispers in the wind, the rustle of leaves, a constant reminder that Estonia isn't theirs."
The plan was far from perfect. They had no radios, no weapons caches, just a shared hatred for their oppressors and a flicker of hope. But as the first rays of dawn painted the sky with streaks of orange and pink, Jaan felt a renewed sense of purpose. They were small, but they were no longer alone.
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Earstenia, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Sport-Internationale, Poland1St, Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia, Cristobalera
[list][list][sub]S O C I A L I S T R E P U B L IC O F R O M A N I A R E P U B L I C A S O C I A L I S T Ă R O M Â N I A [/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list]The Aftermath - May-June floods (II)[/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]Iunie 1970, Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist Român, București, Republica Socialistă România[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]June 1970, Central Committee of The Communist Party of Romania, Bucharest, Socialist Republic of Romania[/sub][/list][/list]
| The aftermath of the May-June floods has been profound, with significant loss of life, extensive damage to infrastructure, and widespread disruption to daily life in the Socialist Republic of Romania.
| The floods resulted in the tragic loss of 209 lives, leaving families and communities shattered by grief. Economic losses are estimated to range between $60 million to $120 million, reflecting the extensive damage inflicted upon homes, businesses, enterprises, and public infrastructure. Over 140 factories have been idled, exacerbating the economic impact of the disaster. Additionally, three mines have collapsed under the force of the floodwaters in Hunedoara and Alba, further compounding the challenges faced by the nation.
A 5 day mourning period for the lives of the people lost in the catastrophical floods has been initiated.
The floods caused extensive damage to power lines and infrastructure, leading to widespread power outages across affected regions. In response, the government has initiated rationing measures to manage the limited supply of electricity. These measures aim to ensure equitable distribution of power among households and businesses, albeit at reduced levels, until repairs can be completed, estimated at around 2 months.
| In the face of this unprecedented crisis, Romania has received support from various socialist allies and unexpected sources. The Polish People's Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (including doctors from the Estonian SSR displaced to Romania), and Cuba have all provided assistance in the form of aid teams and supplies. Their swift response has bolstered relief efforts and provided much-needed support to affected communities.
Unexpectedly, the People's Confederation of Yugoslavia has also extended a helping hand, demonstrating solidarity despite political differences and past tensions between the two nations and the Warsaw Pact.
| In the wake of the devastating floods that have afflicted the Socialist Republic of Romania, the Cotroceni Palace issued this official statement on behalf of His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation to express the profound gratitude to the international community for their support and solidarity during this trying time.
[list][list]"On behalf of the people of Romania, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to all the countries and individuals who have extended their help, support, and solidarity in the wake of the devastating floods that struck our nation during the months of May and June 1970.
Your swift response and unwavering assistance have provided much-needed relief to the affected communities and have demonstrated the true spirit of international cooperation and solidarity. The aid provided by the Polish People's Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Cuba, and the People's Confederation of Yugoslavia, has been invaluable in our efforts to rebuild and recover from this tragedy.
The selfless contributions of aid teams, supplies, and medical assistance have made a tangible difference in the lives of those who have been most severely impacted by the floods. Your generosity has touched the hearts of the Romanian people, and we will forever remember these gestures of kindness and compassion during our time of need." - His Excellency, the Genius of the Carpathians, Comrade Constantin Rotaru[list][list]
[list][list][sub]| As Romania grapples with the aftermath of the 1970 floods, the road to recovery will be long and challenging. However, the outpouring of support from both domestic and international allies offers a glimmer of hope amidst the devastation. Through collective effort and resilience, Romania will emerge from this crisis stronger and more united than ever before. |[/sub][list][list]
[sub]E scris pe Tricolor unire! Pe roșu steag liberator! Prin lupte sub a lor umbrire, spre Comunism urcăm în zbor![/sub]
[sub]Trăiască Partidul Comunist Român în frunte cu al său secretar general, tovarășul Constantin Rotaru![/sub]
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Earstenia, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Skonhedens Land, Poland1St
International Association Football Federation | Fédération internationale de football association
FIFA World Cup 1970 | Copa Mundial de la FIFA 1970
THE GROUP STAGES (PART 1)
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After a nail-biting opener between Colombia and China, seeing the hosts come out on top with a world-beating goal, we move on to the first set of Group Stage matches. These first matches may not be definitive for the rest of the tournament, but they do give us the opportunity to assess the relative strength, form and skill of the teams, and also allows us to make our predictions for the upcoming matches. Nevertheless, every team competing today will be fielding their very best to assure a strong start to their campaigns, with these early matches being all important to the success and the longevity of the sides in the tournament. We've got some exciting match-ups today, so let's head down to our pitch-side correspondents for their reports on these contests.
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GROUP A
Bulgaria 1-1 South Africa
Kicking things off on the 13th June we head to the Estadio Manuel Murillo Toro in Ibagué for our second group stage match. It's the first meeting between these two sides, with each bringing something to the table as they come off the back of an impressive run of form in recent years. The first half was tense, with both sides pushing for possession in the early stages. South Africa looked to keep the momentum going as the minutes ticked on, pressing the Bulgarian defence and gaining a number of chances from set-pieces. Finally, the deadlock was broken in the 19th minute with an impressive header from South African Rodney Bush, to give them the lead. Bush leaped over the defenders near the far post and slotted the ball out of reach of the Bulgarian keeper. Bulgaria weren't going to keel over that easily, and immediately began to press the midfield to turn the tide. Their efforts saw them record nearly four chances as many minutes, with the side pushing for the equaliser. Despite impressive defensive instinct from the South Africans, the equaliser came from the boot of Petar Zhekov, who's long strike outside the box fired into the back of the net to make it 1-1 by the 31st minute. From here, the game turned into a battle of attrition, but despite their many chances, neither side could retake the lead. Full time left both teams on equal footing, with their next matches all important for their campaigns.
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GROUP B
Korea 2-2 Costa Rica
We then travelled to Pereira, where the Asian champions Korea faced off against underdogs Costa Rica. Korea were expected to take an easy first win here. From the first whistle, the Korean side looked to have things under control, dominating possession and forcing the Costa Ricans on the defensive. Recent investments into Korean football look to have paid off, with some commenting the skill of the Korean side would not look out of place in Europe or South America. The first goal came from Park Su-deok in the 14th minute, the cross coming in from the right side of the box being met with a thundering volley to send them in front. The success of this early goal kept the team in high spirits as they maintained their lead for the duration of the first half, with Costa Rica securing only one credible chance on the Korean goal. With the second half coming, a number of changes for the exhausted Korean team were in order. However, Costa Rica looked to be a team inspired with their early play. In the 66th minute, Roy Saenz fired a header from a deep corner ball bringing the score level, sending the fans into a frenzy. The goal stunned the Korean defence, but they immediately went on the counter, looking for any chances to get back ahead and not to lose the momentum. A clumsy tackle lead to a free kick, fired into the net by Chung Ho-seon to give the lead back to Korea in the 74th minute. It was all looking secure for Korea to go back to their camp with three points, until the 85th minute, when poor defending from a corner kick gave forward Mario Vega a quick tap in the rolled into the net to equalise the match. By the final whistle, there had not been a response. Both teams going away with a point, not the start Korea would have wanted but a miracle for Costa Rica, as their hopes for the next round will be high.
Yugoslavia 2-1 Uruguay
A meeting of two of the giants of the sport in Medellin was expected to cause sparks in this early match. Both sides looked to be on form and with strong squads, it could have been anyones game today. The match started with Yugoslavia holding onto possession, using the slow-build tactic to try and counter the fast paced and skilled play of the Uruguayans. This paid off, as within 8 minutes, Jurica Jerkovic sent the Balkan nation ahead with a fantastic strike just from the edge of the box. Such power was put behind this shot that the keeper couldn't stop it, even getting a hand on the ball before it charged past him. Advantage Yugoslavia, and the advantage they held for the rest of the half, with Uruguay trying their best to secure an equaliser but finding themselves incapable of overcoming that strong midfield. Second half, and Uruguay continued their offensive, trying to break the deadlock. With almost five chances in as many minutes, they were not letting up. However, their spirits appeared broken as Dragan Dzajic sent a volley into the back of the net to bring the score to 2-0, fans celebrating at the Uruguayans expense. Just a few minutes later, Uruguay found themselves in position for a corner kick. As the ball came in short and close to goal, it deflects off Yugoslavia's captain Stepanovic for the first own-goal of the tournament. This goal looked to be the start of Uruguay's come-back, but they were unable to find the answer to Yugoslavia's on-pitch dominance by the end of the match.
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GROUP C
West Germany 4-2 Haiti
Haiti had one of the toughest debut matches in World Cup history, facing reigning World Champions West Germany. Reporters were calling this the most uneven match-up in football history prior to the first whistle. The first half seemed to prove this, with the Germans all over the Haitian side, looking overwhelmed and powerless against the experienced squad. This was solidified given 10 minutes, a volley coming in from Helmut Haller to secure Germany's lead and sending them ahead. The first half was difficult for the Caribbeans, constantly on the defensive, preventing shot after shot from making it towards the goal. As the second half began, Haiti created a name for themselves as a team never to be underestimated. Philippe Vorbe, having never faced a team from outside of North America before, delivering the equaliser from a header to bring the score level, with the Haitian fans going wild in the stands. This equaliser stood for almost ten minutes, until the unthinkable happened. Guy Francois, Haiti's premier striker, delivering nothing short of a wonder-strike to score from the distance, and in a shock turn of events, the Haitians lead the World Champions 2-1 in the 70th minute. However, you should never count the Germans out, as before the celebrations had even died down, Germany's star striker Gerd Muller fired a long shot into the net to bring the equaliser. From here, the match became tense, both sides proving their capability. Haiti had a few strong chances to retake the lead, but the German defence rallied around Beckenbauer, affectionately nicknamed Der Kaiser, to prevent any shots going through. Muller sent Germany back into the lead with a build-up with teammate Uwe Seeler in the 85th minute, a comfortable tap-in securing it. Just as the match came to a close, Franz Beckenbauer delivered the final blow with a fantastic free kick to make it four. Final whistle, and what a game that was. Haiti have shown they aren't afraid of going toe-to-toe with the best, and we'll expect more from them in this tournament.
France 2-1 Iran
France face off against another of Asia's finest, as they look to redeem their lack-luster performance in 1966. The French squad, with a strong run of form, looked to dominate the first half, with Iranian coaches immediately focusing on close man-on-man marking to counter the spirited French attack. Holding the French for as long as they can, the Iranians could do nothing to stop the boot of Charly Loubet, who fired France into the lead within 14 minutes, and giving Les Bleus the advantage. Iran could not find their way through the French line in the first half, despite some impressive counter-attack plays, which were ultimately shut down by the impressive speed with which the French were able to drop back into the box. Despite this, Iran dominated chances in the first half, with France looking unwilling to test the waters for a second goal. By the second half, the Iranian offensive continued, albeit with some clumsy balls flying towards the French box. In the blink of an eye however, a clumsy tackle lead to the referee awarding Iran a penalty kick. Hossein Kalani, an expect penalty taker, slotted the ball away with ease to bring Iran level with the French. It wasn't over there yet, as both teams began to fight for possession in the midfield, looking for a breakthrough. This finally came in the 70th minute, with Herve Revelli depositing a low-ball into the back of the Iranian goal. Despite more attempts, neither team could add to their tally by the final whistle, France starting strong here and Iran showing some promising play.
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GROUP D
Norden 1-1 Kurdistan
Kurdistan's long-awaited World Cup debut would come against the Scandinavian side, a strong performer in these tournaments. The Kurds, having experienced one of the most dramatic rises in international football, were looking to make a strong impression in this first match. Both sides were evenly matched, though the Nordic players having more experience at higher levels of club and international football, and both sides were eager to secure an early advantage. The first half was slow, mainly played in the midfield with little chances on either side. The physical play was looking to already test the fitness limits of both sides. It was the Kurds, through some spectacular play, who opened scoring. Captain Salahaddin Yousefi striking true to find the back of the Nordic net as the Estadio General Santander erupted into chaos from the Kurdish fans. The goal was celebrated so intensely that the Kurdish side had to be warned by the referee to return to the centre or face disciplinary action. This goal proved to be the turning point for the match, as from here, the match was dominated by the Kurdish team, holding a majority of possession and chances for the duration of the first and second half. However, their failure to secure a second goal would eventually come to haunt them, especially in the final 10 minutes, where Norden took advantage of the exhausted Kurdish side to start their counter-offensive. This bore fruit in the 89th minute, with a leaping header securing a last-minute equaliser, ending their hopes for a debut World Cup win. A tough match for both sides, but enough to set them up with a point each and expectations for the next matches.
Italy 2-0 Ghana
The reigning European champions faced off against Africa's newest competitor in this opening match. Italy look to be one of the favourites for this tournament, securing a strong performance in the previous tournament before ultimately being defeated in the final. Ghana are one of the rising forces in African football, and were looking to make an statement on the international stage. This desire showed in the first half, with the Ghanaians pushing in the early stages to try and get an early goal, taking the Italians largely by surprise and forcing them on an unexpected retreat. Their physical style of play looks to be overwhelming the Italians here as we see the unfamiliar sight of them forced into defensive play. This dynamic lasted for most of the first half, by the end of which Italy had managed to start pushing forward and setting themselves up with chances. On chance, a free-kick close to the box, was neatly slotted away by Gigi Riva, sending the Italians ahead by the end of the first half. This goal did little to deter in unquenchable Ghanaians, as they continued their full-frontal assault on Italy's defence. However, the defence stood firm, preventing any serious threats from the African side. Consequentially, chances were rare for Italy as well, seeing them trail in the statistics of the match. It would take until the 83rd minute for Italy to secure their second goal from the head of Roberto Boninsegna, sending the Italians into the comfort zone, though still, not stopping the Ghanaians from seeking retribution. Final whistle, and Ghana leave disappointed but proving they're not a side to be taken lightly in this tournament.
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GROUP E
Portugal 3-0 Nigeria
Nigeria make their debut in the World Cup against Portugal, who themselves compete in only their second ever tournament. Expectations are high on both these sides after strong qualifying performances, with the Portuguese side all too familiar with the pressure that comes with making your debut in the World Cup. The first half began and Portugal looked to take an early advantage, pressing the Nigerian midfield who themselves used their more physical play to try and overcome the Europeans. By the 9th minute however, from the head of Eusebio that sent the Portuguese ahead to the cheers of the crowd. An early goal gave Portugal the faith they needed to dominate the early stages of the match, looking for the second goal to keep themselves ahead and to stay the threat of a Nigerian equaliser. It was their hero Eusebio who delivered this second goal, after a clumsy tackle from the Nigerian defence saw a penalty given, which was neatly slotted away by the star striker. The two goal lead saw Portugal settle into the match for the remainder of the first half, opting to hang back and defend from the Nigerian attack. The second half saw more chances coming the way of Nigeria, leading counter-attack after counter-attack to try and claw back an equaliser. The defenders, however, were too much for the African side, wrestling them from the ball on more than one occasion. Nigeria's defeat was sealed when Jacinto Joao struck a fast paced low-ball from distance into the back of the net to make it three. Portugal secure a strong first performance in a group where they will be tested by some of the toughest teams in the world.
Brazil 6-3 Poland
Favourites Brazil faced off against Poland in their first match, the latter of which had not experienced a strong World Cup performance for some time now. The match was expected to be fairly one sided, and some did not expect much from Brazil's opponents in this match. This was confirmed after Pele secured the first goal for the Brazilians in the 12th minute, a fantastic run followed by a strike that was simply too good for the keeper to save. The Brazilians looked to be in control of this match, but within minutes, a fumble from the Brazilian defenders saw Bernard Blaut make a fantastic run into space and strike to give Poland the equaliser, to the complete shock of the crowds. From here, Poland continued to turn the tide of the match, securing chance after chance and playing dangerously deep into the Brazilian half. All this play culminated in a penalty kick being given to the Poles, from which Lubanski fired a powerful shot home to give Poland a surprise lead in this match. The penalty stunned the commentators, but the match wasn't done with it's surprises. Within just a few minutes, the Brazilians had found an answer to bring the match level again, with Rivellino securing this from a volley to bring the score 2-2. The fans couldn't ask for a more exciting first half, with expectations high for the second half. Brazil wasted no time in getting theemselves ahead again, and within three minutes of the second half, Tostao struck a fantastic shot from well outside the box to give Brazil the lead once again. Holding on, Poland continued to press but found themselves unable to stem the tide of the Brazilian offensive. A through ball to Tostao, despite being marked, saw an incredible bit of skill to turn and shoot, giving Brazil yet another goal. Ten minutes later, Poland's fate seemed sealed after another wonder-strike from the Brazilians, this time from the foot of Jairzinho, gave them a fifth goal and sent them well into the lead. But in this match that just keeps on giving, two minutes later Deyna Kazimierz secured a goal back for the Eastern Europeans, with hopes of the come-back high with 20 minutes remaining. Brazil looked to defend and prevent just that from happening, and by the 85th minute, Rivellino tapped the ball into the net to give them their safety net back. One of the first matches of the tournament and already a contender for best match, with some incredible goals securing an amazing display of football here in Ibague.
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GROUP F
Netherlands 3-2 Spain
The first match of the 'group of death' sees two of Europe's finest teams come head to head. Both strong qualifiers for this tournament, it is shaping up to be a tough match and a spectacle for the fans to behold. With the first whistle, the teams spring into action, with the Dutch side playing their new tactics that have brought them success in Europe at both international and club level. In the early stage, it looks as though the Dutch had the advantage, pressing into the Spanish half and forcing them back. The first goal came within 13 minutes, where Peit Keizer picked up a deflection from the Spanish keeper and fired home to send them into the lead. The early goal looked to rattle the Spaniards, but the answer soon came from their star striker Ramon Grosso, who struck from outside the box to beat the Dutch keeper and bring them level again in the 20th minute. The first half remained level, both sides jostling for possession and statistically coming out mostly even in the match. By the second half, Spain looked to push for the lead, with Grosso securing this for them just four minutes into the second half, tapping the ball in from short-distance after a corner kick. Spain looked set to now hold their lead by dropping back, but the Dutch were not keen on letting them go that easily. Some impressive offensive play saw the Dutch push into the Spanish box, and in the 56th minute, poor defending lead to a penalty being given to the Dutch. Johan Cruyff stepped up to take, and fired the Netherlands level with ease as Spain now looked to retake the lead. Chance after chance came for both sides as the minutes ticked on, neither side able to secure that all important goal. With the last kick of the match, the Dutch fired in a corner, which miraculously was met by the head of Cruyff to send the Netherlands into the lead, securing their first win of the tournament and sending Spain back to camp with no points.
Argentina 0-1 Cameroon
Cameroon faced the world number 1 team Argentina in yet another difficult World Cup debut. Despite the match-up on paper, Argentina had suffered a less-than-positive qualifying campaign, nearly losing their spot to Paraguay on several occasions. The first half kicked off and Argentina pushed to try and secure an early goal to cement their lead and to set themselves up for what was expected to be a relatively easy match. The Argentinians pressed into the Cameroonians box time and time again but failed to connect any shots, many of which simply deflected by the African side. The first half became a difficult show to watch for the fans, with many open chances going to waste, the Argentines simply not looking like themselves. By the close of the first half, Cameroon began to press for their first chances, firing some impressive shots towards goal but ultimately failing to secure the lead. By the second half, many expected more of the same, with both sides trading shots back and forth. However, the stadium was brought to silence when in the 66th minute, Docta Bassanguen managed to connect a shot coming from a deflected corner kick into the back of the Argentine net, shockingly giving the debutants the lead. An incredible turn of events as the Argentinians were stunned by what was happening. The second half saw Argentina push for an equaliser, but ultimately fail, proving incapable of securing the goal they needed and concluding one of the most shocking cases of giant-killing the World Cup has ever seen.
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GROUP G
Australia 2-1 Guatemala
Australia faced debutants Guatemala in their first match, hoping to secure an early win to bolster their World Cup campaign. Guatemala are looking to secure a strong start to try and cause some upsets in what looks to be a difficult group for them. From kick-off, it looks as though the Australians hold the advantage in their hands, with strong offensive play overwhelming the largely inexperienced Guatemalan side. Their efforts bear results in the 21st minute, with Adrian Alston scoring from the free-kick to send the Australians ahead. Despite this, Guatemala continue to play strong, defending well against the formidable side. However, despite this, their efforts prove not enough to deal with a 34th minute strike from Dennis Yaager to send the Australians ahead by two. The first half seems to be dominated by the Matilda's as they lead in all areas of the match. The second half sees Guatemala start making efforts to press into the Australian half, with some good attempts falling just short of the mark. The Australians look to be defending well despite the spirited play of their opponents. However, a 78th minute penalty for Guatemala brings them back into the match, Daniel Salamanca striking hard to give them the goal they need. Despite this, Guatemala are unable to secure an equaliser, and Australia leave with three points from their opening match.
England 3-0 Peru
England look in strong form to face against their South American opponents Peru in this first match. Boasting a talented and experienced squad, they look to take the fight to the young and athletic Peruvian squad. The first half remains level, both sides having some good chances but ultimately neither side able to break the deadlock as the first half moves on. Eventually, it's none other that Geoff Hurst who brings England head, a fantastic header from the corner kick delivered into the box in the 34th minute to make it advantage England in this match. Peru continue their offensive through to the end of the first half, but are unable to breach the strong English defence. By the second half, England look comfortable and in control of the match, leading in statistics and pushing further into the Peruvian half. Bobby Moore secures the second goal with a tap in from yet another corner, sending England further into the lead. Just five minutes later, they make it three, with a fantastic shot from Alan Ball from outside the box. As the second half comes to a close, some late chances from Peru seek to deprive the English of a clean sheet, but it's not enough as Alf Ramseys mend finish the match with a strong victory and three points to set themselves up for what is expected to be a strong campaign for them.
---------------------------------------
GROUP H
Sudan 1-1 Czechoslovakia
Sudan face off against Czechoslovakia in one of the final games of this round, with both sides eager to start strong in the tournament. Czechoslovakia secure an early advantage, holding the ball in the midfield and looking to exploit the Sudanese defence for chances. The experienced side weave their way through, looking for a good chance to secure the first goal. The chance finally comes, where poor defending from Sudan leads to a penalty. Petras, a strong penalty taker, fires home and gives the European side the lead within just 11 minutes. The goal secures their lead and their grip on the first half, with more chances coming and going for them, but they are ultimately unable to find a second goal before the end of the first half. As the second half begins, a change in tactics sees Sudan on the offensive, trying for the equaliser. The goal finally comes for them after a series of back-and-forth headers finally finds Sudanese star Jaksa Abbas, who taps the ball in just out of reach of the Czechoslovak keeper to give them the equaliser. The goal secures the scoreline for the rest of the match, despite strong efforts from the Europeans to retake the lead. Final whistle, with both teams having hoped for more from this first match, but they come away with a point each and are still in a strong position to push for a successful campaign in the latter stages of the group.
Mexico 2-1 Romania
Our final match of this stage of the tournament sees tournament dark-horses Mexico face off against Europe's latest qualifier Romania, in what could prove to be a very tough match for both sides. Both teams bringing strong talent to this match, this could be an excellent way to end the group stages. Mexico spring into action with the first whistle, dominating play in the opening moments of the match and securing a strong start for their team. Within 8 minutes, Isidoro Diaz sends the Mexicans ahead with a fantastic header from the corner. The goal reverberates through the cheers in the stadium, leading them to secure their advantage early on. The Romanians, used to having to fight from a goal down, respond with some excellent forward play. As the first half goes on, the scales tip in favour of Romania, and in the 31st minute, they secure the equaliser following a fantastic strike from Gheorghe Tataru to level the tie. The first half ends level and the second half is all to play for, as both sides push for the lead. Despite good play from the Europeans, Mexico retake their lead from Diaz's strike after some excellent build up in the 61st minute, a lead they hold onto for the remainder of the match despite strong performances from the Romanian team. Disappointing for the Romanians and the perfect start for Mexico, it's still open in this group but Mexico's spirits will be high as we head into the second round of matches.
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[spoiler=tag]
Indonesian Federal Peoples Republic
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Earstenia, Tallahan, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Slipway, Poland1St, La Republica Revolucionaria De Cuba
[list][list]SHŌWA 45 | JULY 1970[/list]
[list][list]大気汚染
[pre]ATMOSPHERIC POLLUTION[/pre][/list][/list]
[pre] E N V I R O N M E N T A L C R I S I S [/pre]
[list][list][sub][pre] オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり
O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly![/pre][/sub][/list][/list]
TOKYO BAY MORNINGTIME
[sub]TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon[/sub]
| In a country with an area the size of Montana, where more than 100 million people live, soil, water, and air pollution has reached alarming levels. Facing criticism, EISAKU SATOs government decided to create a central headquarters, under the responsibility of The PRIME MINISTER himself, to coordinate the measures to be taken to combat the pollution crisis. More than 8,000 people were treated in the citys hospitals for eye pain and throat burns caused by white smog that covered large areas of Tokyo for five days. The vast gardens of the Imperial Palace are suffering from pollution and concerned authorities have urged the Emperor and the Empress to spend as much time as possible on their official duties, away from the city, at their mountain retreat in Nasu, or their seaside villa in Hayama. Tagonoura in Suruga Bay, once a picturesque village with famous views of Mount Fuji, is now a polluted port, clogged by waste dumped into the water by many paper mills. |
| Factories will not stop dumping waste into the water, while fishermens groups refuse to allow port authorities to dump waste into Suruga Bay. Thus, silt accumulates in the port, to the point that the water that was previously 28 feet deep is now only half as deep, and ships weighing 10,000 tons can no longer dock there. Kurobes dairy farmer KIYOSHI TAKIZAWA milks his seven cows daily and then the milk is poured into a hole dug in the ground. He has had to do so since April when inspectors declared a 325-acre area of farmland and pasture polluted by cadmium poisoning. The cadmium belongs to the Nippon Mining Companys zinc refinery. It has penetrated the soil so much that no one will eat the rice grown on the 325 acres or drink the milk from the cows there. In Minamata on the southern island of Kyushu, fishermen lost their sight after eating contaminated fish. Dumping of mercury waste into the water by Nippon Nitrogen Company is the cause. Forty-six people have passed away in the last two decades. In Sagiyama, north of Tokyo, 50 great blue herons, annual spring visitors from Southeast Asia, passed away after eating insecticide-contaminated fish. Air pollution is everywhere not just in big cities, but also in some rural areas. |
| On a seemingly clear and hot day, students at rural schools on the island of Shikoku complained of burning eyes and sore throats. A strange wind must have transported air pollution from the populated Osaka-Kobe-Kyoto area across the Inland Sea to this distant region. These are just a few examples of the pollution crisis plaguing Japan, often as a direct consequence of the countrys massive industrial expansion over the past 10 years an expansion that has made Japan the third-largest economy in the world (behind the United States and of the Soviet Union). Until now, the Government has supported economic growth policies that tend to favor both industrial and business companies, without worrying about the well-being of the population. Cabinet members jealously guarded their prerogatives; for example, concerning the contaminated port of Tagonaura, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry has established waste disposal standards for paper mills, while the Economic Planning Board has established standards for measuring pollution within the port. None of them prevented the disaster that occurred at the port. The Ministries of Transport, Communications, Agriculture, Social Assistance, and others exercise a degree of control over issues related to environmental crises, but there has been a lack of coordination. The Government decided to create a special headquarters to combat the pollution crisis, giving SADANORI YAMANAKA, Minister of State in the Prime Ministers Office, the additional role of serving as minister in charge of dealing with environmental crises. The Ministry of Welfare unveiled a 10-year anti-pollution program in the three prefectures of Tokyo, Kanagawa, which is adjacent to the capital and includes Yokohama, and Osaka. |
| However, the governments of Tokyo and Osaka say the program is rather slow and vague, as both have set goals of achieving relatively pollution-free conditions in all of their metropolitan areas within three to five years. Satos Finance Minister TAKEO FUKUDA, who hopes to be the next Prime Minister, announced that funds to combat the environmental crisis would be included in the budget for the 1971 fiscal year. This year, Japans spending on anti-pollution measures is about $126 million, and the amount is expected to increase sharply from next year. Authorities in Tokyo and Osaka estimate that at least $1.4 billion would be needed to support a 10-year anti-pollution program in their cities. The Ministry of International Trade and Industry wants to spend around $14 million over the next five years to design electric cars as a way to reduce exhaust gases. The objective is to design a car capable of reaching a speed of 48 miles per hour and covering at least 60 miles without recharging its batteries. Meanwhile, photochemical smog may continue in Tokyo during the hot season, as car exhaust gases are affected by ultraviolet rays, producing the characteristic white, acrid smog. Tokyo Governor RYOKICHI MINOBE wants to have more control over car traffic entering and leaving the city center so that if the worst happens, he can ban cars from driving in the city center. An air pollution alert system has been created, in which a semi-alert will be issued when the level of oxidants in the atmosphere increases to 0.15 parts per million, and a full alert when the level exceeds 0.3 parts per million. In both types of alert, citizens will have to stay at home. |
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Earstenia, New Provenance, Tallahan, Provenancia, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Poland1St
[list]July 1970
[sub]An Administration Unbowed[/sub][/list]
[pre]T H E S E C O N D A D M I N I S T R A T I O N[/pre]
RE-ELECTION SECURED
[sub]MANILA, THE MANILA PROVINCE, REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES, Provenancia - AFTERNOON[/sub]
| As PRESIDENT FERDINAND MARCOS quietly assumed his seat at the head of the conference room, the members of the assembled media ready and their cameras trained on the COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, the room waited with bated breath. The previous few weeks had been one of great stress and consternation for the administration and for the Philippine government as a whole, as the nation was hit with the largest protests not seen since independence had been secured in 1945. Within the last twelve months alone, millions of dollars worth of new infrastructure projects were unveiled by the Marcos administration. At the end of the last month, on 31 JUNE 1970, Marcos was sworn in to a second and final term as President of the Republic of the Philippines at the CONGRESS BUILDING, a move that was controversial in it of itself. Protests had erupted since then, demanding answers about the reports of electoral fraud and ballot box stuffing, which were all denied by the COMMISSION ON ELECTIONS (COMELEC). The results of the election had been predicted to be anyone's game, with most pre-election polling showing Marcos only narrowly leading popular Liberal opposition leader and senator NINOY AQUINO. To the surprise of all, Marcos won a landslide victory, handily defeating Marcos according to the COMELEC vote counts, which were backed up by local voting observers and other government agencies. |
[table=noheader][tr][td][list][pre]THE 1970 PHILIPPINE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
FERDINAND E. MARCOS, SR. - NACIONALISTA PARTY - 4,621,453 VOTES - 56.34%
NINOY AQUINO - LIBERAL PARTY - 3,149,872 VOTES - 38.40%
INVALID VOTES - 347,798 VOTES - 4.24%
OTHER CANDIDATES - 83,668 VOTES - 1.02%[/pre][/list][/td][/tr][/table]
| The outroar on both sides was enormous. Marcos supporters in the thousands marched down EDSA, a major thoroughfare in Manila, waving banners of red - the colors of the Marcos campaign - and carrying flags cheering on the New Society ("Bagong Lipunan") and its accomplishments. The Vice President, Nacionalista bastion FERNANDO LOPEZ, addressed the crowds in late May, less than two weeks after the election, praising them and the country for offering "such strong levels of support" during the votation. The next day, counter-protestors clashed with members of the Philippine Constabulary (PC) and METROCOM in an encounter that saw 43 protestors arrested and 12 injured. MALACANANG PALACE, seat of the President and head of state, continued with its business as normal, even as protests grew more intense against the second Marcos administration. He was inaugurated on 30 June 1970, against the backdrop of an emerging BALANCE OF PAYMENTS CRISIS that occurred as a result of expansive debt-financed infrastructure spending over the last twelve months. The President, with what observers described as "literal balls of steel", pledged to continue infrastructure spending "unfettered and uninterrupted, for the benefit of the nation". |
| July began with continued protests. Across LAWSON, in the central business district of MAKATI, and even in the southern provinces along the outskirts of Manila, in LAS PINAS and BATANGAS, demonstrations against the administration continuing. The protestors now were not demanding action against the balance of payments crisis, but were demanding Marcos step down and hold new elections. The Liberal Party galvanized protests, with AQUINO backing claims of fraud, pointing to reports in the media that there had been intimidation by the military at polling stations, and ballot boxes had been stuffed with fraudulent votes. The opposition also cried foul surrounding the record 347,000 votes thrown out and marked as "Invalid", which they argued had been a blatant attempt to dump opposition votes. The COMELEC shut down any possibility of a recount, affirming the legitimacy of the results and disparaging media reports that credible sources from within the government had established their worries about the growth of a possible personality cult around the President. |
| These events stood as his backdrop as MARCOS cleared his throat, preparing to address the media. He glanced around the room, steely-eyed, no emotion on his face. It was his first public appearance since the inauguration a week ago. "This is an administration unbowed. The voters made their choice clear as day. They elected us with a firm mandate, and rejected the socialism of the opposition with a firm fist. With this mandate, I intend to deliver real governance for the Filipino people, without the whining, without the troublemakers! We will not have a New Society, a Better Society if we are not brave enough to make the necessary reforms," Marcos said. In the same speech, he announced his plans to call a CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION to amend the 1935 Constitution to "greater reflect the needs of the nation". Congress, dominated by Marcos's right-wing NACIONALISTA PARTY, is widely expected to back the convention, criticized by the opposition as an attempt to remove the term limits that make Marcos's second term his last. |
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1750179
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Earstenia, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Poland1St
[list]1970년 07월 10일
[sub]Sleeping Sun[/sub][/list]
[list][sub]The Workers Party Split[/sub][/list]
[sub]Pyongyang, Korea[/sub]
| For most of its history the Workers Party of Korea had been the dominant force on the left, having been the ruling party of the Democratic Peoples Republic, the party smoothly transitioned its efforts to providing opposition to Syngman Rhees regime between 1953 and 1960. However since the fall of Rhee and Koreas transformation from a republic back to a monarchy the party has struggled ideologically, in the last election the party went from 106 seats to 79 dropping from 2nd to 3rd for the first time in their history. The result itself was disastrous for morale, but many believed the party would soon bounce back, however under the leadership of Kim Jong-il many feel that the party has ideologically stagnated falling back towards the hard-left, and in the process losing voters to the more moderate Social Democratic Party. |
| Kang Song-san, who lost the leadership contest to Kim Jong-il, had called a press conference in central Pyongyang. The press conference invites had gone out seemingly rushed, but a hoard of press arrived, it had been rumoured for several months that there were rumblings within the party with many disillusioned over its direction. Many suspected that Kang was about to launch a challenge against Kim in an attempt to wrestle control of the party. As the press conference began to get underway Kang was joined on stage by eleven other Assembly Members as well as some less well known regional and local representatives, greeting the journalists with a smile as the thirty-nine year old shuffled his papers adjusting the microphone slightly. |[list]
[sub]Kang Song-san: Morning all, thank you for coming at such short notice, I appreciate it was probably a mad dash up here. Speculation has been growing over my supposed challenge against Kim Jong-il for the leadership for the party, frankly that is not the case. The Workers Party as we know it is not fit for the modern age. It comes from a time of deep divisions within our nation, a time where Korea was at war with itself. The time has come for a new party of the left, one that is fit for the modern age, one that competes with the Social Democrats and the National Democrats. That is why today I am announcing I, along with the rest of my friends, are leaving the Workers Party to join the newly founded Socialist Labor Party.[/sub][/list]
| The room would light up with camera flashes as Kang spoke, the world of political journalism had been shaken, no one had thought that Kang and a number of others would up and leave the Workers Party. It was clear that the ideological split within the party had become too great for it to recover. Kang spoke some more about the new partys founding principles, he committed to creating a democratic socialist Korea that put people at the heart of its thinking, one that would combat the wrongs of capitalism, whilst recognising that change was a long process not an overnight revolution. On stage he was joined by senior figures like Lyuh Young-gu (the son of assassinated politician Lyuh Woon-hyung), Pak Hon-yong, Paek Nam-un and Yon Hyong-muk. The announcement would be a staggering blow to the Workers Party who were already lagging far behind the Social Democrats, losing many senior figures as well as those considered up and coming would cause a drain on the partys media and competency front. |
| The conference would meander through the various figures who had pledged to join Kang on this new journey under the Socialist Labor Party banner, many spoke of their dissatisfaction with the direction of the Workers Party; some spoke of the WPK fighting the battles of the past rather than those of the future. The last to speak was Lyuh Young-gu, the son of Lyuh Woon-hyung who is one of the few people revered by the left and right, the younger Lyuh had joined the Workers Party in 1954 and elected to the National Assembly in 1961. Lyuh was viewed as an up and coming talent in the Workers Party, seen as a progressive figure aligned more to the centre-left rather than the left. Standing at the podium the forty year old appeared calm, relaxed and friendly. |[list]
[sub]Kang Song-san: Hello, Im sure by now youve understood why many of us have joined tongji Kang on this journey. For me it is more personal than that, many questioned why I joined the Workers Party in the first place given my fathers more centrist ideology but for me the Workers Party used to represent that vehicle of change my father set out. However it has become clear that the Workers Party is more interested in its own standing, and fighting the battles of the 1940s and 50s. Under Kangs leadership I believe we as the Socialist Labor Party can create a truly fair society that works for all people, a Korea for the people. The vision my father set out in 1945 when he founded the Peoples Republic of Korea can truly be realised by all of us on this stage today, but as a party we recognise the battles my father fought and Im sure many here fought are not the same battles today. We are no longer fighting an enemy from overseas; we are not fighting one another in warfare; Korea no longer languishes in abject poverty and oppression, but we know we are not yet truly free, and that is what we will fight for every single day.[/sub][/list]
| The speech was feisty and from the heart, it solidified the existence of the party, to provide a modern left-wing view of how things can be different. However the backing of big names alone does make a political force, many now suspect were less than a year out from the next legislative election, the party will face some big uphill battles in order to fight for media coverage and prove itself to be a force in Korean politics. The biggest opportunity to prove themselves as an electoral force is the upcoming Gyeonggi Assembly elections in September, while they have little time to prepare for the elections, the conference hinted that they would run a full slate of candidates in the election. Time will tell whether this band of moderate socialists will be able to supplant the embedded workers party, but if the conference is anything to go by they certainly believe they can. |
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Earstenia, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[list][list]SHŌWA 45 | JULY 1970[/list]
[list][list]信教の自由
[pre]RELIGIOUS FREEDOM[/pre][/list][/list]
[pre] D I S P A T C H W O R K ¹ [/pre]
[list][list][sub][pre] オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり
O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly![/pre][/sub][/list][/list]
NAGASAKI, NAGASAKI MORNINGTIME
[sub]NAGASAKI PREFECTURE, Nippon-Nihon[/sub][/list]
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1989383
[list][sub]
"Freedom of religion is guaranteed to all. No religious organization shall receive any privileges from the State, nor exercise any political authority. No person shall be compelled to take part in any religious act, celebration, rite or practice. The State and its organs shall refrain from religious education or any other religious activity."[/sub]
____________
[sub]¹ DISPATCHWORK, Designed by Paramountica, Assembled for Commonwealth Of Liberty.[/sub]
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Earstenia, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
[list][pre]July 1970[/pre]
[sub][/sub][/list]
[list][list][list][pre] T H E S T A R L E D G E R [/pre][/list][/list][/list]
[list][pre]Unraveling Corruption and Political Turmoil in Hudson County[/pre][/list]
[list][sub]For over four decades, the 275,000 inhabitants of Jersey City and the 600,000 inhabitants of Hudson County have been familiarized with the specters of graft, crime, and governmental corruption. From the apex of Frank's ("I am the Law") Hague's reign, the erstwhile Mayor of Jersey City who held sway over the county until approximately a quarter-century ago, rumors have circulated suggesting the purchasability of favors from those in official capacities. Despite the absence of substantiated wrongdoing in judicial proceedings, a prevailing sentiment persists among the populace that transactions of influence remain feasible, fostering an atmosphere where open discourse concerning politics and public figures is met with trepidation. This apprehension endures despite the recent issuance of indictments against Mayor Thomas J. Whelan and ten additional officials from Hudson County.[/sub]
[sub]"Are you going to quote me?" queried a businessman on Kennedy Boulevard this afternoon. "I need to stay here."[/sub]
[sub]"Who dares to voice anything?" echoed the leader of a consortium of retail merchants. "We've become accustomed to such rumblings."[/sub]
[sub]The telephone switchboard operator at The Jersey Journal, a daily publication known for its historical support of the administration, disclosed an unprecedented surge in inquiries regarding today's indictments. However, the editorial likely echoed the sentiments of numerous individuals within the community.[/sub]
[sub]"Even in the event of a deluge of indictments today," The Journal articulated, "the veracity of the investigation's findings remains shrouded until the culmination of trials and appeals, distinguishing genuine revelations from mere conjecture and politically motivated fishing expeditions."[/sub]
[sub]Both the county and the city have been consistently characterized by federal and state law enforcement authorities as harboring some of the most entrenched political corruption in New Jersey. The John V. Kenny machine, which assumed control following the dissolution of the Hague organization in 1949, extends its influence across every facet of the region and has remained under constant scrutiny since its inception. Despite intermittent allegations of political graft, municipal kickbacks, and purported police complicity in shielding extensive gambling and racketeering enterprises, investigations have yielded scant indictments. Last May, state authorities, embarking on a campaign to purge Hudson County of corruption, brought charges against Mayor John R. Armellino of West New York for official misconduct and obstruction of justice. Accompanying him in the indictments were three reputed Mafia affiliates. During that period, a senior state law enforcement official hinted at an imminent grand jury indictment targeting several prominent political figures. "We may not unravel the entire county-wide network, but we'll certainly make a substantial impact," he remarked. Shortly thereafter, John Beier Theurer, the Republican county chairman of Hudson County, faced indictment by a state grand jury for allegedly conspiring to install a Hudson prosecutor disinclined to prosecute gambling activities.[/sub]
[sub]Accompanying Mr. Theurer in the indictment was Joseph Zicarelli, a figure identified by the Federal Bureau of Investigation as an integral member of an expansive organized crime syndicate previously led by Joseph Bonanno. Zicarelli's close collaboration with Gerardo Catena, purportedly a prominent underworld figure in New Jersey and a central figure in the prosecution of Mayor Hugh J. Addonizio of Newark, was also highlighted. According to law enforcement sources, Zicarelli has accumulated considerable wealth through activities such as loan sharking, gambling, and other organized crime endeavors predominantly centered in Hudson County.[/sub]
[sub]In June of last year, Zicarelli found himself implicated in the indictment of Jersey City detective Stanley F. Walczak, who stood accused of accepting bribes in exchange for furnishing intelligence regarding anti-gambling operations targeting Zicarelli's enterprises. Over the years, tales of corruption in Hudson County have become almost commonplace among residents, although substantiated instances remain scarce. There have been persistent anecdotes regarding Democratic party operatives allegedly purchasing votes, and illicit gambling activities observed within government buildings. In Jersey City, the Citywide Independent League is pushing for a recall election to remove Mayor Whelan. Similar initiatives against mayors in other municipalities have been reported, but none have succeeded. The exodus of the middle class and the influx of impoverished residents, mainly African American and Puerto Rican, has strained community cohesion. This demographic shift has also seen a transition from railroads to buses and trucks for transportation and commerce.[/sub][/list]
[list][list][list][spoiler=[sub]Commonwealth of Liberty[/sub]
I'm literally New Jersey
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
The Kemalist Republic Of Turkiye
[/spoiler][/list][/list]
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Skonhedens Land, Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia, Formosa-
★ UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC ★
[list][list][list][pre]
"Fear is, I believe, a most effective tool in destroying the soul of an individual - and the soul of a people."
ANWAR EL-SADAT
[/pre][/list][/list][/list]
_________________
[list][sub]𝐍𝐀𝐒𝐒𝐄𝐑'𝐒 𝐆𝐀𝐌𝐁𝐋𝐄:
𝐀 𝐍𝐄𝐖 𝐑𝐄𝐕𝐎𝐋𝐔𝐓𝐈𝐎𝐍[/sub]
[sub][sup]JUL 1970 - UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC[/sub][/sup]
[list][sub]The creation of the National Progressive Party's marked Nasser's last endeavor in his attempt to institutionalize the 23 July revolution and to safeguard its achievements. The aim with the Party was to empower the populace to acts as the masters of their own societal transformation through the mobilization of the masses and wielding their powers to enact the goals of Arab Socialism. However for the National Progressive Party to succeed in this goal, it needed not to fall into the same pitfalls that made its predecessor, the Arab Socialist Union, a bureaucratic behemoth that stifled progress rather than pushed it forward. [/sub]
[sub]Moreover, the fiery spirit of the Free Officers revolution had waned, particularly following the defeat to Israel during the Naksa, leading to disillusionment amongst many of the Arab peoples in the Nasserite system. The emergence of reactionary Islamist tendencies has further intensified these issues. There was also the threat that Nasser's legacy would be unraveled the moment he left power, highlighting the need to solidify mass support and restore faith in the system to ensure that Nasser's system does not end with him.[/sub]
[sub]In order to find a solution to these challenges, the U.A.R's leadership turned East. Drawing on the lessons gained from the People's Republic of China whom navigated similair issues ideological deviation, party stagnation, and threats to Mao's legacy the model of the Cultural Revolution emerged as one of the answers to the many questions asked in Cairo. Of course, with moderation to avoid the excesses observed in China. [/sub]
[sub]In doing so, the model of the Cultural Revolution in the United Arab Republic would be founded on three guiding principles: eradicating reactionary forces, consolidating the gains of the 23 July Revolution, and securing the supremacy of the National Progressive Party as the mass organ of the Arab peoples. By synthesizing the lessons from the past 18 years of the revolution, the aim was to entrench the Nasserite system against the various internal and external threats that sought it's demise.[/sub]
[sub]Ahead of the declaration of this new Revolution, the ideological department of the National Progressive Party was hard at work producing material to incite back the revolutionary fever in the populace. Leveraging an intellectual class composed of left-radical and Marxian elements that played a central role in synthesizing this campaign while exercising a degree of self-censorship to toe the expected primarily Nationalist line. With a healthy amount of self-censorship of course. With the stage set, President Nasser announced the inauguration of a new "Mass Revolution" (Thawra Sha'abiyya) on the 18th anniversary of the July 23 Revolution. [/sub]
[sub]Things were of course quiet at first, the notion of such a revolution had in the past amounted to nothing but mere rhetoric. However soon the effects of this declaration emerged. Mass mobilization efforts were initiated that attempted to engage the masses in the nation-building process through such policies as political education campaigns, cultural events, community projects, and national dialogue with various groups from intellectuals to artists. Political propaganda was intensified, saturating the streets with party slogans and various political posters.[/sub]
[sub]Simultaneously, a new operation was approved to grant the General Intelligence Service expanded powers to go after several dozen dissidents and suspected political agitators. Most of the arrested were primarily those associated with the Muslim Brotherhood, as well as liberal dissidents, and other general enemies of the state. This was coupled with a mini-purge of the National Progressive Party from leftover dissident elements.[/sub]
[sub]The emergence of this 'Mass Revolution' also prompted a call for economic and political reforms, to be deliberated by the National Progressive Party's Central Committee and reported on within time. Thus, the United Arab Republic seemed poise to chart a new course guided by this 'Mass Revolution', though the challenges ahead were far from easy. However there exists a feeling of hope for the future.[/sub]
[/list]
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Earstenia, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
Post self-deleted by Paramountica.
JULY , 1970
Start Of A Opposition
| [B]Mahathir Mohamad a disgraced member of [I]UMNO[/I] who only managed to escape political reeducation by having been kicked out of [I]UMNO[/I]. [I]Mahathir[/I] looking towards bringing his views of social and economical into the nation, he would begin writing his own political literature to challenge [I]Mazism[/I] as a state ideology of Malaysia. |
| His book would be titled as the: Malaysian Solution, the book would be written to challenge the [I]Mazist[/I] ideas of modernising Malaysia. The book contains:
[List][I]Abolishment Of Monarch Immunities
As an anti-royalist, I firmly believe in abolishing immunity for Malaysia's monarchy. No individual, regardless of title, should be exempt from national laws. Equality before the law is essential for a just society, and monarchs should be held accountable like any other citizen to ensure fairness and justice prevail.
[B]Affirmative Actions For The Malay Race
The marginalization of the Malay race demands affirmative action to rectify historical injustices. Providing opportunities and resources specifically tailored to uplift the Malay community is crucial for achieving equitable societal progress. Addressing systemic inequalities through affirmative action can foster greater inclusivity and social cohesion in Malaysia.
[B]Balance Between Environment and Resource
Striking a balance between environmental preservation and resource utilization is imperative for sustainable economic growth. Implementing responsible practices ensures we meet current needs without compromising the ability of future generations to thrive. By valuing both environmental protection and economic development, we create a path towards long-term prosperity and ecological integrity.
[B]Views Of Islam
There should be an adherence to the Qur'an, Hadith, and Sunnah. Under the aim of returning to the founding texts. However there needs to be an emphasis on Islam's promotion of absolute equality and that breaches of human rights are alarming cases that need to be dealt with efficiently.
[B]Asian Values
Asian values should be used for a Asian nation to truly be free from the beban orang putih (white man's burden) in particular, filial piety or loyalty towards the family, corporation, and nation; the forgoing of personal freedom for the sake of society's stability and prosperity; the pursuit of academic and technological excellence; and, a strong work ethic together with thrift.
[B]Liberty, Unity & A Nation Of Liberty
Liberty is intertwined with unity, acknowledging inherent human inequality and the rarity of the "voice of the people" reflecting divine will, while external forces threaten national integrity. Besides Asian Values, other vital values such as harmony, stability, virtue, reverence, loyalty, self-discipline, and moderation are essential for a thriving nation of liberty.
[B]Conservatives In A Certain Point Of View
Upholding the rule of law as enshrined in the constitution is paramount. Conservatives prioritize safeguarding property, upholding social order, and preserving cultural heritage. Adhering to law, order, social caution, and moral restraint fosters a stable society. This commitment underscores the conservative approach, ensuring coherence and continuity in governance.
[B]Anti-Expansionist
Expansionism should be a government's last resort. It becomes necessary only in crises of overpopulation within current borders. However, expansion risks creating more minority groups, leading to human rights abuses and economic stagnation as conquered lands require rebuilding. Thus, cautious consideration of expansion's implications is vital for sustainable governance.
[B]New Money Aristocracy Noble Obligations
Advocating for the landed gentry and new money aristocracy entails upholding their noble obligations and sense of duty towards all of society, including the lower classes. While not opposed to private enterprise, caution is warranted against embracing the modern commercial business class's values wholesale. Their pursuit of unchecked individualism and greed undermines community cohesion and disregards religious and cultural values. Thus, a balanced approach is essential to preserve societal harmony and values.
[B]Return To Seriousness
There needs to be a return to seriousness to address issues like homosexuality. By upholding traditional moral standards and fostering a society based on cherished values. However, it's crucial to approach such matters with sensitivity and respect for human rights.
[B]What Defines Race
What defines race formation are the result of dynamic historical and political processes established within the confines of the nation state and that the defining characteristics of a people were determined by the interaction of heredity, environment, culture, and evolution over a historical period of time. Hence it is possible that with the right measures other races could be naturalised into other cultural identities.
[B]Economic Ideals
The government's responsibility is to foster economic prosperity, especially during downturns, by subsidizing infrastructure projects and implementing policies to aid economic growth. This includes developing internal improvements financed by tariffs and land sales, supporting a high tariff, maintaining public land prices, establishing a national bank for currency stability, and providing funds for national defense through trade. Additionally, it's crucial for corporate groups to shape societal and state structures, with citizens belonging to designated interest groups influencing policymaking. State-owned enterprises should operate commercially without unfair advantages, particularly in strategic sectors. Economic development should be driven by new money aristocrats incentivized by state support, including tax breaks and financing. Export-led industrialization and adherence to state regulations incentivize technological innovation and global competitiveness. Lastly, a standard 40-hour workweek with daily and weekly hour limits should be implemented to ensure fair labor practices.[/I] |[/list]
| [I]Mahathir[/I] would write an additional chapter that glorified the Malacca Sultanate, by stating:
[List][I]" The Malacca Sultanate, stands as the ideal baseline for a country in the Malay peninsula. Exploiting its strategic position for trade between both the western and eastern world, through the strait of Malacca and having served as a melting pot of Persian, Arabic, Chinese and Indian culture, in the past during its peak. "[/I] |[/list]
| [I]Mahathir's[/I] book, resonated mostly with the Malay population. As the Malays believe that [I]Mazism[/I] is inherently a non-local ideology. Meanwhile [I]Mahathir's[/I] ideology that was presented in the [I]Malaysian Solution[/I] was very much a local ideology. At least in the eyes of the Malay people, who are not pleased with the present administration and it's attempts to crackdown on Malay privileges. However there were those among the Chinese, Indians and other groups that haven't naturalised, that were more in favour of [I]Mahathir's[/I] ideology over [I]Mazism[/I], as [I]Mahathir's[/I] [ideology] presented a more private business friendly economic model, in comparison to [I]Mazism's[/I] more socialist economic model. |
______________________________________________
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Spain-, Slipway
[list][list]APRIL 1970
[sup]Tiny Neutral Buddhist Country[/sup][/list]
[list][pre] V I E T N A M ¹ [/pre][/list]
[list][sub][pre]We bite the bullet here, in Cambodia![/pre][/sub][/list]
SKIES OVER CAMBODIA DAY & NIGHT CONTINUOUS
[list][pre]1969-70
LAOS & CAMBODIA
SECRET AIR BOMBINGS
245.000 MISSIONS[/pre][/list]
| Focused on a lone B-52, flying over the clear skies of Cambodia, it proceeds to drop its payload of bombs upon the jungles and expansive rice fields. The bombs glide down, almost in a peaceful manner upon the tranquility of the area. Many more will and have joined the campaign. |
OVAL OFFICE, WEST WING, THE WHITE HOUSE
[sub]WASHINGTON D.C., Paramountica AFTERNOON[/sub]
| A mid-afternoon meeting in the Oval Office. President Richard M. Nixon paces around the two sofa region of the room, as BILL ROGERS, Secretary of State and MEL LAIRD, Secretary of Defense are seated upon one of the sofas, and across from them, ALEXANDER HAIG, Deputy National Security Advisor, DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER, National Security Advisor are seated on the sofa across from them.The room is tense, and the battle lines are drawn. The doves on one side, and the hawks on the other as the President circles them, thinking. Seated on one of the wooden armchairs next to the sofa, where the Doves, Rogers & Laird are situated, is BOB HALDEMAN, WH Chief of Staff Next to Kissinger, and before the Oval Office Desk, is a stand-up chart that displays a large map of Cambodias border with South Vietnam. |
[list]| WILLIAM P. ROGERS, [sub]Secretary of State[/sub] | . . . Itd be a disaster. Theres a lot of sympathy out there for Cambodia . . . Tiny, little, neutral Buddhist country. Thered be protests in the streets, right out on your front lawn!
| MELVIN R. LAIRD, [sub]Secretary of Defense:[/sub] | Building the Cambodian army up? My god, that would be harder than the Vietnamese army. They have no sense of tradition. Mr. President, the government there will collapse.
| RICHARD M. NIXON, [sub]The President[/sub] | So what your saying is, Do Nothing.
| MELVIN R. LAIRD, [sub]Secretary of Defense:[/sub] | No, Sir, continue the bombing.
| RICHARD M. NIXON, [sub]The President[/sub] | The same old nonsense. Well thats not good enough! Im sick of being pushed around by the North Vietnamese, like were some uh, you know, pitiful giant. Theyre using our POWs to humiliate us. Well, what we need now is a bold move into Cambodia, and go right after their VC bases! You know, make them know. What do you think Henry?
| HENRY A. KISSINGER, [sub]National Security Advisor[/sub] | Well . . . as you know, most of my staff has weighed in against this incursion. They believe it will fail to achieve anything fundamental, militarily, and will result in crushing criticism . . . domestically.[/list]
| The Secretary of State & the Secretary of Defense both nod at Kissingers remarks, although The PRESIDENT doesnt care about what Kissingers staff thinks. |
[list]| RICHARD M. NIXON, [sub]The President[/sub] | I didnt ask for what your staff thinks, Henry. What do you think?
| HENRY A. KISSINGER, [sub]National Security Advisor[/sub] | What I think is . . . theyre cowards. Their opposition represents the cowardice of the Eastern Ivy League Establishment. They dont realize as you do, Mr. President, that the Communists only respect strength, and they will only negotiate in good faith if they fear the madman, Richard Nixon.[/list]
| The PRESIDENT smiles, a dark smile, Kissinger is exactly right. Kissinger slightly turns to Rogers & Laird, as they display stunned expressions upon their faces. |
[list]| RICHARD M. NIXON, [sub]The President[/sub] | EXACTLY! . . . Unpredictability is our best asset. We got to take the war to them. Hit em right where are striking into South Vietnam. More operations, more movements! Right, Al?[/list]
| Al, otherwise known as Alexander Haig shifts uncomfortably next to Kissinger. Secretary of State Rogers cant believe his ears, as Nixon turns his attention to him. |
[list]| ALEXANDER HAIG, [sub]Deputy National Security Advisor[/sub] | Thats what theyre doing, Mr. President.
| RICHARD M. NIXON, [sub]The President[/sub] | (To ROGERS) See, your cocktail drinking State Department dont understand, Bill, that youve got to electrify the people with bold moves.
| WILLIAM P. ROGERS, [sub]Secretary of State[/sub] | B-but, Mr. President!
| RICHARD M. NIXON, [sub]The President[/sub] | Bold moves make history, Bill! Like uh, Teddy Roosevelt, T.R., rushing up San Juan Hill! Small but dramatic! People took notice.[/list]
| The PRESIDENT says this while standing before the fireplace, as the portrait of General & President GEORGE WASHINGTON, oversees him, above the fireplace. The Secretary of State just groans at the suggestion. Nixon ignores him. |
[list]| WILLIAM P. ROGERS, [sub]Secretary of State[/sub] | . . . Oh theyll take notice, all right . . .[/list]
| The PRESIDENT walks over the stand-up board of the border map. |
[list]| RICHARD M. NIXON, [sub]The President[/sub] | The fact is, if we sneak out of this war, therell be another one a mile down the road . . . We bite the bullet here, in Cambodia! There! We bomb the Viet Cong, across the border![/list]
[list][list][pre]♪ https://youtu.be/XhqaPumDBSo?t=10s ♪[/pre][/list][/list]
| SLAM! He takes a wooden pointer, and slaps the map where Cambodian-South Vietnamese border is. |
SKIES OVER CAMBODIA DAY & NIGHT CONTINUOUS
| As The PRESIDENT addresses the United States via a television and radio address, the operations into Cambodia begin. B-52s soaring overhead, Aircraft being deployed from positioned aircraft carriers in the Gulf of Siam and the South China Sea. The bombs drop upon the canoy jungles of Cambodia, lighting the lush green areas with orange and bright clouds. |
[list]| RICHARD M. NIXON, [sub]The President[/sub] | [sup](VOICE OVER)[/sup] . . . Tonight, American, allied and South Vietnamese units will attack the headquarters for the entire Communist military operation in South Vietnam. This is not an invasion of Cambodia. We take this action not for the purpose of expanding the expanding the war into Cambodia, but for the purpose of ending the war in Vietnam . . .[/list]
[list][list][pre]♪ https://youtu.be/XhqaPumDBSo?t=38s ♪[/pre][/list][/list]
| . . . BOOM! The Bombs continue to deploy across the border, as the fighter jets SOAR across as well, joining their B-52 counterparts. On the ground, both Vietcong and Civilians flee from the scenes of the war, hiding, as the war is expanded into the tiny neutral Buddhist country. |
ACROSS THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA | Paramountica
| On the major news networks, NBC, CBS & ABC, footage displays the reaction of the countrys university students. The Anti-War Movement has only grown stronger, well aware that their President has plunged them further into the war. Battles between STUDENTS and POLICE take place. |
[list]| MARK TRUMAN, [sub]CBS Reporter[/sub] | Across the country, several hundred universities are in turmoil as students battle authorities in protest against the invasion of Cambodia.[/list]
| In some universities, the NATIONAL GUARDSMEN are called in, advancing . . . at KENT STATE UNIVERSITY, the faces, the young protestors clash with the young National Guardsmen. The difference is clear, the unshaven hippies for Peace, versus the clean-shaven faces of the first line of the pro-war national establishment. The whole scene is very tense. Order has turned into chaos on this campus. |
▬▬▬
[sub]¹ A Series: VIETNAM Ongoing American activities in South Vietnam, an Epic Tragedy of sorts that sought to sustain the Republic of Vietnam from northern Communist encroachment.[/sub]
Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Earstenia, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Slipway, Independent Singapore
[table=noheader][tr][td][pre]T H E S L O V E N E R E P U B L I C S L O V E N S K A R E P U B L I K A[/pre]
AGAINST ELECTION LOSSES, JAKAC GOVERNMENT WORKS TO SETTLE THOUSANDS OF ETHNIC SLOVENES FROM YUGOSLAVIA
[sup][pre]The Aesthetic League of Carniola suffers severe election losses. Still, a task lies before Jakac: settling thousands of deportees.[/pre][/sup]
[/td][/tr][/table]
[list][sup]JUSTICE FOR THE INTERNED
JULY 1970[/sup][/list]
Truck after truck trundled over the Sloveno-Yugoslavian border into the Slovenian border town of Obreje, sputtering and spewing exhaust as they collectively bore eleven and a half thousand ethnically Slovene prisoners into the Republic over the weeks. It was no light or sudden deedfacing its own domestic unrest, Yugoslavia had agreed to relinquish its enormous population of interned Slovenes, arrested vaguely for subversion, to relieve one angle of internal pressure.
The resulting logistical burden fell upon a demoralized Jakac government. The legislative elections of July 1970 had been decisive: President Boidar Jakacs Aesthetic League of Carniola was positively shut down, trounced by an ascendant Liberal Democratic Party in full support of Angela Vodes forthcoming presidential bid. The end of the League was in full view, and Jakac knew it; the time for eccentric ideologues was over. The Republic had cooled after the fires of its youth, and the expectations of the Slovenian electorate now lay with more traditional parties. Still, Jakac had a duty to the beautiful Republic he so imagined. A program was at once announced for the returned prisoners. Seven thousand of the eleven and a half had been imprisoned since 1945, and were thus upper middle-aged. Regardless of age, however, each returnee was to be afforded state scholarships to the Marshall plan vocational and trade schools which dot the country. When possible, they were to be afforded transit to living relatives; when not, they were referred to the countrys last remaining settlement boards, governmental institutions meant to handle Slovene immigrants from the New World. The provincial boards of Beneka (Venetia) and Primorje (the Littoral) received most of the strays, finding homes and commissioning the construction of some, partially subsidized by the state and partially on mortgages to be paid by the resettled.
The experiences of the returned Slovenes were of considerable interest to the public. Stories of decades of imprisonment and forced labor at the hands of Titos henchmen made appearances on talk shows, in newspaper columns, and throughout political organizations. The move by the Yugoslavian government was generally lambasted by the public, who observed that the deportees were aging and that the Yugoslavs were simply foisting soon-to-be pensioners on Slovenia. It was an unmistakable cruelty, quoth the now 75-year-old former president Boris Furlan, that the Titoists deprived these men and women of the fullness of their youth and middle age, and returned them to their homeland only as they grew silver. Let this eternal shame fall on Belgrade. Allowances were to be afforded to the newly arrived Slovenes according to the number of borne children, so as to encourage them to make the most of settled life in their new places of residence. For many, though, the next two decades would be ones of finding new work and saving what they could for the retirement to inevitably come. The Slovenian Foreign Ministry issued a curt note of gratitude to the Yugoslavian government, stating that it had done a long overdue deed, but saying little else.
[list][sub]IN OTHER NEWS: Considerable humanitarian attention has been devoted to flooding in Romania (Socialist Democratic Republic Romania). A substantial relief fund has brought about $80,000 (1970) in donations, and ninety-four volunteers with the Slovenian Red Cross (Rdeči kri Slovenije, RKS) were dispatched to the nation in June.[/sub][/list]
Paramountica, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Earstenia, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Slipway, Independent Singapore
[list] | [sub]𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺[/sub][/list][/list]
[list] | [sub]29 𝖣𝗂𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖻𝖾𝗋 1969[/sub][/list][/list]
[list]──[/list]
[list] | [sub]𝖱𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖳𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗒𝖾𝗇 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺[/sub][/list]
[list][list]𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖺𝗉𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖡𝗂𝗅𝗅 1969 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝖾𝖽 𝖻𝗒 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖫𝖾𝖾 𝖪𝗎𝖺𝗇 𝖸𝖾𝗐 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 [/list][/list]
[list][list] | 𝖠𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗌𝖾𝖽 𝗂𝗇 𝗈𝗎𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗎𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍 𝗈𝗇 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, (𝖼𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗄 𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇), 𝖫𝖾𝖾 𝖪𝗎𝖺𝗇 𝖸𝖾𝗐 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝖾𝖽 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗈𝖿 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗈𝗇 𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗅𝖾 𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝗀𝗋𝗈𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗌. 𝖨𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀, 𝗁𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗁 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗌𝖺𝖿𝖾𝗍𝗒 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗌. 𝖶𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗉𝗋𝗈-𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂-𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗌 𝗂𝗇 𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝗈𝗌𝖾 𝗐𝖺𝗋 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝖾𝖺𝖼𝗁 𝗈𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗋, 𝗂𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝖽, 𝖫𝖾𝖾 𝖪𝗎𝖺𝗇 𝖸𝖾𝗐 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖿𝗎𝗅𝗅𝗒 𝗐𝗈𝗇 𝖺𝗇 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝗈𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖼 𝖻𝖺𝗍𝗍𝗅𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗌.[/list][/list]
[list][list][list][list][sub]𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖡𝗂𝗅𝗅 (1969) 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝖺𝗅𝗅𝗈𝗐 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖠𝖼𝗍 𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗁𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖽 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗒. 𝖳𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗍𝗁𝗈𝖽 𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗉 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝗐𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇'𝗌 𝗁𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗁 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗁𝗍𝗌, 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝗅𝖾 𝗂𝗇 𝖺𝖽𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗐𝖾𝖺𝗄𝖾𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖻𝖺𝖼𝗄𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗍 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖼 𝖻𝗎𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌.[/sub][/list][/list][/list][/list]
[list][list] | [sub]𝖫𝖾𝖾 𝖪𝗎𝖺𝗇 𝖸𝖾𝗐, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖯𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗈𝖿 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝖾𝖽 𝗂𝗇 𝖿𝖺𝗏𝗈𝗎𝗋 𝗈𝖿 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗍𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗅𝖾 𝖻𝖾𝗇𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗍𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗒 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇. 𝖫𝖾𝖾 𝖪𝗎𝖺𝗇 𝖸𝖾𝗐 𝗂𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗌𝗆𝖺𝗅𝗅𝖾𝗋 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗌 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖻𝗅𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗌 𝗍𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗌 𝗈𝗇 𝖿𝖾𝗐𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗁𝗂𝗅𝖽𝗋𝖾𝗇 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗋𝖼𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗑𝗍 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝗈𝖿 𝗁𝗂𝗀𝗁-𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗒 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗌. 𝖫𝖾𝖾 𝖪𝗎𝖺𝗇 𝖸𝖾𝗐 𝖺𝗅𝗌𝗈 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖻𝗂𝗀𝗀𝖾𝗋 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗌 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗇𝗈𝗍 𝖻𝖾 𝖺𝖻𝗅𝖾 𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗎𝗀𝗁 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗂𝗋 𝖼𝗁𝗂𝗅𝖽𝗋𝖾𝗇 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗉𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍. 𝖠𝗌 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖾, 𝗆𝖺𝗄𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗆 𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗌-𝗈𝖿𝖿 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗌-𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼𝖺𝗍𝖾𝖽. 𝖨𝗇 𝖺𝖽𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖯𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗅𝗌𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗓𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗅𝗅 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗍 𝗈𝗇 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗍𝗒 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖼𝖾, 𝗂𝗍 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖼𝗁𝗂𝗅𝖽𝗋𝖾𝗇 𝖻𝖾𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗅𝗒 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗏𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗀𝖾𝖽 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗀𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖼𝗁𝗂𝗅𝖽𝗋𝖾𝗇 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖾 𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗀𝗁𝖾𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝗅𝗂𝖿𝖾. 𝖫𝖾𝖾 𝖪𝗎𝖺𝗇 𝖸𝖾𝗐 𝗐𝗁𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗁𝖾𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾𝖽𝗅𝗒 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖺𝗌 𝗁𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝖾𝗐𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗌 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗁𝗂𝗅𝖽 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗋𝖼𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗈𝗉𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗍𝗂𝖾𝗌. 𝖶𝗁𝗂𝗅𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝗈𝗌𝖾 𝗐𝗁𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗇𝗈𝗍, 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗁𝗍, 𝗂𝖿 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝖻𝗒 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝖺𝗋𝖽, 𝗍𝗈 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗒 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇.[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][list][list][sub]𝖢𝗁𝖺𝗇 𝖢𝗁𝗈𝗒 𝖲𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗀, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗈𝗇𝗅𝗒 𝗐𝗈𝗆𝖺𝗇 𝖬𝖾𝗆𝖻𝖾𝗋 𝗈𝖿 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍, 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗐𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇 𝗐𝗁𝗈 𝖺𝗋𝖾 𝗅𝗈𝗐-𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾, 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗂𝗇 𝗉𝗈𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗋𝖽𝗌, 𝗐𝗁𝗈 𝗅𝖺𝖼𝗄 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍 𝗇𝗈𝗎𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗁𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖺𝖿𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗒, 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽, 𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗎𝖻𝗍𝖾𝖽𝗅𝗒, 𝖻𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗒 𝖺𝖿𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝖻𝗒 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖡𝗂𝗅𝗅. 𝖨𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖾𝖺𝖽, 𝗌𝗁𝖾 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗁𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗌𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝗇𝗈𝗍 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇, 𝗂𝗌 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗐𝖾𝗋 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅. 𝖳𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖾, 𝗌𝗁𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝖾𝖽, 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗅𝖾 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗅𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗍 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍 𝗈𝗇 𝗌𝖾𝗑 𝖻𝗎𝗍 𝗈𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗌 𝗈𝖿 𝗅𝗂𝖿𝖾. 𝖲𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝗀𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗌 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗐𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌 𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗅𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗁𝗎𝗋𝗍 𝗆𝗈𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗇𝗈𝗍 𝖿𝖺𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗋𝗌. 𝖬𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋, 𝖬𝖯 𝖳𝖺𝗒 𝖡𝗈𝗈𝗇 𝖳𝗈𝗈, 𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗇 𝗈𝖿 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗍 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗒 𝗉𝗅𝖺𝗇𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖻𝖾𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖾𝖽, 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗅𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗈𝖿 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗒 𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖾 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝖻𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝗅𝖺𝗐𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗌𝖾𝗑𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗒. 𝖮𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂-𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍 𝖬𝖯𝗌 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝖻𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗍𝗒, 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗂𝗋 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗈𝗎𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝗈𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖼 𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗇𝗍.[/sub][/list][/list][/list][/list]
[list][list] | [sub]𝖧𝗈𝗐𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗋𝖾𝖽 32 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗈 10 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗌, 𝗂𝗇 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖠𝖼𝗍 1969 𝗀𝖺𝗏𝖾 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝖺𝗋𝖽 𝗉𝗈𝗐𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗁𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖾𝖽 𝖼𝗂𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗌. 𝖥𝗎𝗋𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖾, 𝖺𝗅𝗅𝗈𝗐𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝗈𝗆𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖽 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁𝗈𝗎𝗍 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗁𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝖻𝗒 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝖺𝗋𝖽. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗅 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝖽 𝖻𝗒 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗈𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 29 𝗈𝖿 𝖣𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗆𝖻𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝖿𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗍 𝗈𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 20 𝖬𝖺𝗋𝖼𝗁 1970.[/sub][/list][/list]
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway
International Association Football Federation | Fédération internationale de football association
FIFA World Cup 1970 | Copa Mundial de la FIFA 1970
THE GROUP STAGES (PART 2)
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The first round of the group stages saw some familiar results, alongside some shockers where the underdogs triumphed over superior foes. The World Cup has already delivered its share of action as we head into the all-important second round of group stage matches. We expect to see tensions running high as the teams will be competing for the opportunity to secure their place in the next round, and some competing to stay in with a chance. Many teams, after their first round victories, could seal their spot with another victory here today, whilst some will need a victory to keep their hopes alive. The players, managers and fans will all be tense as we head into this next round of World Cup matches. Will we see more shocks this round, or will it be business as usual for the best of the best in the world? Let's head down to our commentary team for the full recap of this round of matches.
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Group A
Colombia 2-1 Bulgaria
After a successful opening match against China, Colombia can secure their place in the knockout stages, becoming yet another host to advance past the first round. Bulgaria, having achieved one point from their first match draw with South Africa, are still in contention for the knockout stages, but they needed a strong performance to secure that. As the first half began, Bulgaria looked to try and hold possession, passing around looking for the build-up, but within the blink of an eye an interception from the Colombians lead Luis Paz with space to strike and send the hosts ahead in 3 minutes. Not the start Bulgaria wanted as they headed back into the restart, already on the back-foot and now scrambling to get ahead. Their equaliser came just minutes later, after some excellent build up and a low-pass driven into the box saw Hristo Bonev secure his first goal of the tournament to equalise. From here the first half became a war of attrition, with both sides getting a number of chances but failing to convert any by the end of normal time. The second half was mostly the same, with Colombia leading in offensive statistics. The breakthrough finally came when a clumsy tackle saw a penalty awarded, which captain Arturo Segovia neatly deposited into the back of the Bulgarian net to hold onto lead. Colombia held on to the lead for the remainder of the match, with the final whistle securing their spot in the next round, and Bulgaria having a task ahead of them in the final match.
South Africa 0-0 China PR
South Africa, capitalising on the earlier result, were looking to try to secure a victory against China. A victory would put them in the clear and give them a strong grasp on the knockout stages. In the early stages of the match it looked as though an early goal would come, but the Chinese side, learning from their first-round match, were heavy on the defence, dropping most of their players back as the keeper put in an extra shift to make sure they couldn't score. In the brief moments of respite, China's side attempted to counter the more experienced South African side, but a combination of poor co-ordination and a lack of control over the ball meant their efforts fell short. The second half saw much of the same, with China getting some very close chances but ultimately failing at the final hurdle, and South Africa similarly being unable to secure any major chances by the end of the match. A frustrating match for both sides, as both will need to win in their final matches to have a chance to enter the next round. It's still wide open in this group, and the pressure is on.
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Group B
Uruguay 2-0 Costa Rica
Uruguay's disappointing first round loss to Yugoslavia might have hindered their early campaign but they are still in a good place to capitalise and advance into the next round. Similarly, Costa Rica looked strong by holding Korea to a draw, and shouldn't be underestimated. Despite this, the Uruguayan's looked to be in control of the very early stages, with some aggressive forward play pushing into the Costa Rican half. By the 6th minute, they had converted this into a penalty kick after some clumsy defending from the Central Americans, neatly delivered by captain Pedro Rocha to secure the lead. Within minutes, the Uruguayans made it 2-0 with a fantastic strike from distance by Oscar Zubia. From here, Costa Rica looked frantic as they tried to secure a goal back. Throughout the remainder of the first half they were unsuccessful, and the second half saw little change, with Uruguay dropping back to form a tight defensive line to hold onto their lead. The final whistle saw Uruguay's hopes renewed as they stand within touching distance of the next round, and Costa Rica know they have a mountain to climb if they are to advance to the next round.
Korea 1-3 Yugoslavia
The clash of the titans between two of the highest ranked teams in the world drew a capacity crowd, Yugoslavia's strong opening match a sign of good form for the Balkan side, with Korea looking for redemption after that difficult draw in the first match. The first half began with a tussle for possession in the midfield, both sides eager to control possession in the early stages. Eventually, the ball did come the way of the Yugoslavians, who were the first to make efforts towards the goal, securing a number of early chances. Dragan Dzajic converted the first of these, in the 16th minute, with a fantastic strike from distance, securing the lead. Korea began their counter-offensive, but to little avail. By the 29th minute, one of a number of Yugoslavian corners found their way to Dusan Bajevic, who's header saw them go ahead by two goals. The remainder of the first half saw no new goals, but showed Yugoslavia's control over the match was largely absolute. As the second half began, Korea looked to try and get a goal back, pushing dangerously into the Yugoslavian box, but with little success, as the minutes ticked on, the situation became more and more precarious. As the final ten minutes came, it was Chung Ho-seon that volleyed Korea back into the match, and a last-minute comeback was on the cards for the Asian champions. However, within minutes, Jurica Jerkovic fired home a fantastic strike to make it three, securing Yugoslavia's place in the next round and meaning Korea had to win their next match in order to advance.
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Group C
Iran 2-3 Haiti
Haiti's strong performance in the first match, despite their loss, has made them a team to be reckoned with as they head into their match against Iran. The teams appeared evenly matched on paper, with some even favouring the Iranians, who have more experience at this level than their Caribbean opponents. Nevertheless, Haiti sprung into action from the first whistle, with some impressive attacking play. Within the first 10 minutes, Haiti already had a number of chances, culminating in their opening goal coming from Jean Claude Desir who fired home from a free kick. With the advantage in this early stage of the match, Haiti continued their offensive, with Guy Saint-Vil making it 2-0 by the 16th minute, his head finding the cross from the corner. Haiti appeared firmly in control of the first half, with Iran struggling to find an answer to their spirited play. Claude Barthelemy made it 3-0 with an excellent shot from the deflected chance of his team-mate, securing their lead. Before the end of the first half, Iran began to push back against their opponents, with a penalty scored by Ali Parvin potentially starting the comeback. The second half saw the Haitians exhausted, with Iran capitalising. Despite push-back, Ali Jabbari secured a wonder-strike from distance to secure a second and bring the score to 3-2 in the 60th minute. Iran continued their offensive but ultimately, despite many chances, were unable to level the tie, securing Haiti their first ever World Cup win in their debut tournament.
West Germany 1-1 France
One of the most hotly anticipated matches of the tournament thus far sees West Germany face off against France in a battle of the Western European giants. The World Champions face off against a French side that has been reviving itself after some disappointing years in the 1960s, with a strong performance in the Euro 68. The first half reflected the attrition between these two sides as they traded chances and possession for the duration, neither side able to make a breakthrough. The traditionally confident German side looked overwhelmed by the faster play of the French, who were looking to break that solid German midfield to get in with the counter-attack. The first half ended with no goals, prompting tactical changes for the second. It remained level until the deadlock was finally broken by Michel Henri, the striker delivering a header into the back of a stunned German keeper to bring the French 1-0. Spurred on by the rivalry, the Germans were quick to respond, and just four minutes before the end of the match, Wolfgang Overath secured their equaliser with a fantastic strike from outside of the box. 1-1 was the final score with both teams in superb positions to advance to the next round.
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Group D
Kurdistan 1-0 Ghana
Kurdistan stunned the tournament by holding Norden to a 1-1 draw, especially after taking an early lead. A team that has shown more than enough promise in recent years, the Kurds have shown major improvement in their efforts to make it to the World Cup. Ghana, coming off the back of a disappointing opener, were also looking to secure a strong performance in these early stages of the tournament. Kick-off saw the Kurds dominate the early play, securing a number of chances at the expense of the Ghanaians. These plays paid off, with Ferhad Ardalan securing Kurdistan's opener in the 11th minute. With the lead in their hands, they now had to secure their own goal from the Africans, who's more physical play was now starting to wear down at the Kurdish midfield. Despite this, the score remained into the second half, where Ghana began to get more chances, though failing to convert. The Kurdish side held on valiantly until the closing moments of the game, where they almost slipped by allowing a stray ball into the back of their net. Saved by the whistle, Kurdistan secure their first World Cup victory.
Italy 1-0 Norden
A familiar sight in these competitions, as Norden take on Italy for this match. Both sides favourites to go through, though Italy had a stronger run in the first match where the Nordic team was held to a surprising 1-1 draw at the hands of Kurdistan. The two rivals began their clash at the first whistle, from which the Italians looked in command of the early stages. Within 10 minutes, Angelo Domenghini had sent the Italian side ahead with a fantastic strike. Italy then opted for the defensive, though still sending balls forward for the counter-attack. Norden appeared unable to answer in the first half, with even their best strikers finding it difficult to make it past the dominating presence of the Italian midfield. The second half yielded little change to the status quo, both sides coming forward with some decent chances but neither being able to secure a goal. The Italians held on until the final whistle to secure their spot in the next round, with Norden now needing a win to overcome Kurdistan for the second-place spot.
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Group E
Nigeria 1-0 Poland
Nigeria suffered a big defeat at the hands of the Portuguese in the first round, and were now looking for redemption against Poland, who themselves were involved in a spectular 6-3 match with Brazil, which briefly saw them take the lead. Both sides are hungry for that first win and the group remains open for anyone to qualify for the next round. The first half begins and both sides clash with opposing tactics bring the match to a stalemate. Though the more physical, aggressive style of the Nigerians allowed them to lead in offensive statistics, the slower build of the Polish game saw them maintain possession and defend better compared with their opponents. The first half was a war of attrition with neither side able to secure the breakthrough. The second half began and at this point, it was a case of whoever strikes first will likely go on to win the match. Despite numerous Polish chances early in the match, it was Nigeria who struck first, the free-kick finding Sunday Ineh who tapped the ball in for Nigeria's first World Cup goal. The fans went wild even after play resumed, with Poland unable to find an answer, and this group coming down to the final match.
Brazil 2-0 Portugal
The Lusophone Derby between these historic rivals was yet another match that had been highly anticipated, with both sides on form and looking to be strong contenders for this tournament. Both sides have a chance to advance today, with Brazil looking to be the favourites for this group. As the first half began, both sides tussle to create chances, with similar formations and attacking styles this match could be viewed as the teams playing themselves in the mirror. Though the Portuguese had some strong chances early in the match, it was Brazil who drew first blood with Rivellino scoring with a strike from outside of the box. With the advantage in their hands, the Brazilians looked to extend their lead but struggled with an undeterred Portuguese side. Tostao made it 2-0 with a header just before the end of the first half, leaving the Europeans with a job to do. The second half did not bring much change to the scoreline, Portugal continued to press against the Brazilians but were ultimately unable to secure any goals. Brazil also looked to extend their lead, but after a tactical change found themselves unable to breach the Portuguese defence. 2-0, and Brazil head to the next round with Portugal now contending in a three-way tie for the final qualifying spot.
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Group F
Argentina 1-4 Netherlands
Argentina were stunned after the first round loss to debutants Cameroon, and now found themselves in a precarious situation whereby if they lost to the Netherlands, they would be eliminated for the tournament. The pressure was on as the first half began, with Argentina looking to try and secure an early goal to hold onto the lead. It was the Dutch, however, that found the advantage, holding possession and out-playing the South Americans for the advantage. The Netherlands eventually did open scoring, after a tackle lead to a penalty for Keizer to slot away into the bottom corner, giving the Europeans the lead. Then, within just a few minutes, a through-ball found it's way to Theo Pahlplatz, who managed to secure a second goal to give the Netherlands a comfortable lead. Argentina looked overwhelmed but it was Conigliaro who secured their first goal of the tournament from a free-kick, looking to bring them back into the match. Despite the momentum, they were unable to secure another goal by the end of the first half. The second half saw the Dutch retake control and head into the closing moments with confidence. Epi Drost managed to secure a third goal for the Netherlands with a header from a long-distance free kick, before a fourth goal was sealed by Nico Rijnders in the 77th minute, securing the Netherlands into the next round. The final whistle blew, and the Argentines couldn't believe it, with that loss they are eliminated from the tournament.
Spain 2-3 Cameroon
Cameroon pulled of a great shock by defeating Argentina but now we find out if that was just a one-off miracle or signs of greater things to come, as they face Spain. Spain were unable to overcome the Dutch in their first match but are still in with a chance to secure their spot in the next round. The first half saw both sides fighting for possession, but it was Ignancio Zoco of Spain who secured the first goal, leaping to head the ball into the Cameroonian net from the corner kick. With this first goal, it appeared Spain had the advantage. However, within just a few moments Gabriel Abossolo managed to secure an equaliser, with a fantastic cross leaving him wide open to secure his first goal of the tournament. With the scoreline level, the match continued into the second half with neither side able to secure a lead by the end of the first. Ramon Grosso, within 2 minutes of the second half, managed to secure Spain's lead and renewed hopes of victory. They managed to hold off the Cameroonian onslaught but in a dramatic turn of events, keeper Salvador Sadurni failed to hold onto the ball after a strike from the Cameroonians, knocking the ball into his own net and leaving the score level again, despite protests from the Spaniards. This could not have come at a worse time, as within a few minutes of this, Samuel Mbappe Leppe's free kick found the back of the Spanish net, giving Cameroon the lead. A dramatic end to the match sees Spain join Argentina in elimination from this tournament, with Cameroon securing a historic debut performance.
---------------------------------------
Group G
Guatemala 1-5 Peru
Peru were looking to make a statement today after their first match loss to England, and Guatemala were looking to keep themselves in the tournament as they face a team against which they have never had considerable success against. Peru looked in control from the first whistle, sending the Central Americans on the defence within moments of the ball leaving the centre. Guatemala managed to fend off early attempts against the Peruvians but were powerless to stop the wonder run of Teofilo Cubillas, who charged from the centre to strike and give Peru the lead. Cubillas was looking dangerous as he continued to lead the Peruvian onslaught, securing his second from a volley in the 32nd minute. The first half ended with Peru two goals ahead. The second half saw Peru immediately seek the extend that lead, with Pedro Pablo Leon scoring from a corner kick in the 50th to give Peru an extension to their lead. Ten minutes later, it was Alberto Gallardo who secured a fourth with a long strike from just outside the box. To secure the match, and complete Guatemala's humiliation, a fifth was scored by Leon from a free kick, giving Peru total control. Roberto Ochoa, Guatemala's captain, managed to secure a consolation goal in the 81st minute, but it was not enough as Peru cruise into the final match confident of a place in the next round.
England 2-1 Australia
England and Australia face off against one another in a derby match, a football version of the Ashes as both sides will be looking to try and secure a victory and a place in the next round today. England start off strong and in control, the Australians struggling to find a counter to the pace of the English. Bobby Charlton secures his first with a fantastic shot from outside the box, securing England's lead within 9 minutes of play. The first half continues the way of England, with possession being dominated by white shirts across the pitch. Geoff Hurst secures a second goal, after a slow build up leads to an easy tap-in to give England the two goal lead into the end of the first half. Australia come back out into the second half opting to defend and go for the counter-attack, preventing shot after shot from their English opponents. Despite this, the English side proves too much and they can't secure a clean shot on target. The second half continues on and it looks as though Australia won't be able to secure an equaliser, though Adrian Alston scoring from the penalty spot gives them a goal back in the 85th. England go through to the next round, with Australia needing to beat Peru to secure their place in the next round.
---------------------------------------
Group H
Czechoslovakia 1-2 Romania
Czechoslovakia come into this match needing a win to secure their spot in the next round, after failing to overcome Sudan. Romania are a loss down and will need to secure a win to stay in the tournament. Tensions are high as the match begins and kick-off sees the teams head into battle. It's the Czechoslovakians who draw first blood, within 3 minutes securing a header from the corner kick to send them into the lead. After securing this, they hold onto it with some strong defensive play, trying to hold off against the Romanian counter-attacks. With both sides now fighting to get into space, the first half remains in deadlock until a free kick delivered into the box gives Romania the equaliser they needed. With the end of the first half, the score remains level as they head into the second. The Czechoslovak side pushes hard against the Romanians looking for a chance to get through, but they struggle as the Romanian defence closes them down, too much at stake for both sides here. The deadlock is finally broken with Romania securing a penalty kick, which is delivered in by Dumitrache. The score sits at 2-1 for Romania, they secure their chances for the next round and it will all come down to the final game.
Mexico 4-0 Sudan
The final match of this round sees favourite Mexico face off against Africa giants Sudan, in an all important match, as Sudan will need a strong finish here to try and secure their spot in the next round. Mexico have been on form and start strong here with some commanding play from the first whistle to take the advantage. Sudan struggle to keep up with the fast-paced Mexican play as they defend against shot after shot. The deadlock is broken when Enrique Borja manages to score in the 18th minute, sending Mexico into the lead. They hold onto this lead in the face of relentless counter-attacks, but Isidoro Diaz makes it 2-0 before the end of the first half. Mexico looked firmly in control as Padilla makes it three in the 63rd minute, the Sudanese side floundering as the match goes on. Despite some late efforts from the African side, the final blow came with the last goal from Diaz, making it 4-0 and securing Mexico's path into the next round.
---------------------------------------
International Association Football Federation | Fédération internationale de football association
GLOBAL PARTNERS
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[spoiler=tag]
Indonesian Federal Peoples Republic
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Rutannia, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Earstenia, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Greater Kurdistane, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
[list][list][pre]| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X
| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"[/pre]
[list][list][pre]Het vertrouwen van de mensen
winnen betekent hun liefde verdienen...[/pre][/list]
[pre]// 22 JULI 1970, ZOENDAG
AMSTERDAM, NEDERLAND //[/pre][/list]
Ā L E AㅤㅤI E C T AㅤㅤE S Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤT H EㅤㅤS E R V A N TㅤㅤO FㅤㅤT H EㅤㅤP E O P L E
[list]ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ[sub]As a modern and progressive nation, Holland has earned renown for its substantial investments in human capital, aimed at fostering national growth and well-being. With continuous enhancements in healthcare, social services, and welfare programs, the Dutch government remains steadfast in its commitment to improving the lives of all citizens. The proliferation of hospitals, particularly in non-urban areas, reflects the government's dedication to ensuring accessible healthcare services for all. Simultaneously, the quality of healthcare in major cities has seen a remarkable surge, thanks to ongoing advancements and investments. Among the most commendable initiatives undertaken by the Dutch government in recent years is the establishment of the Lodewijk Haarten Foundation for sick children. This foundation has successfully founded sixteen children's hospitals across the Netherlands, as well as one in Dutch Guiana, dedicated to supporting children battling illness and cancer. Equipped with cutting-edge technology and staffed by skilled professionals, these hospitals provide a safe haven for sick Dutch children, offering them the best possible care and treatment.[/sub]
[sub]As the network of hospitals and hospices under the Lodewijk Haarten Foundation expanded, another notable addition emerged in the northern part of Amsterdam. Known as the Sint-Polycarpusziekenhuis (St. Polycarp Hospital), this facility stands adjacent to the Baruch Spinoza metro station and encompasses six stories. The hospital is furnished with the latest state-of-the-art technology available in the healthcare industry, and its staff members are carefully selected and trained to assist children with terminal illnesses and cancer. Inside the corridors and rooms of this new hospital, approximately four thousand child patients anxiously await the day when they can recover and resume living their lives just like their peers.[/sub]
[sub]Prime Minister Adrian Wolsheijner embarked on a heartwarming visit to the newly constructed hospital, driven by a dual purpose: to inspect the facility's conditions and to bring joy to the faces of the ailing children. Eschewing any security detail, the Prime Minister ventured into the hospital accompanied only by a handful of aides, bearing a trove of gifts intended to brighten the children's spirits. Among the offerings were stuffed animals, toys, and books, alongside delightful Flemish chocolate and vibrant balloons, all poised to bring smiles to the young patients. As Wolsheijner made his way through the hospital rooms, the sight of the children's growing smiles filled him with delight. Engaging with the families, the Prime Minister listened intently to their tales of unexpected illness, financial struggles, and the capriciousness of life. Yet, amidst these challenges, he also gleaned a sense of unwavering dedication to serving the people, recognising that their work was far from complete.[/sub]
[sub]As the evening drew near, Wolsheijner and his entourage had finally departed from the hospital, bidding farewell to the children and their families. En route to The Hague, Wolsheijner gazed out of the car window, watching the sun dip below the horizon as they left Amsterdam behind. Deeply committed to his role as a servant of the people, Wolsheijner felt a sense of determination coursing through him. He was resolute in his mission to serve every citizen of Holland, each Dutchman, with integrity and dedication. Determined to distinguish himself from the trappings of previous oligarchic rule, Wolsheijner was driven by a fervent desire to prove himself worthy of the position of power entrusted to him by the people. In the eyes of the people of Holland, Wolsheijner recognised a profound need for leadership and genuine service. As he journeyed towards The Hague, he remained steadfast in his resolve to fulfil this imperative, knowing that the trust and faith of the Dutch populace rested squarely upon his shoulders.[/sub][/list]
_______________________________________________
[/list][spoiler=[sub]Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor[/sub]
de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler][/list]
Paramountica, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Zingium
[list][pre]August 1970[/pre]
[sub][/sub][/list]
[list][list][list][pre] T H E S T A R L E D G E R [/pre][/list][/list][/list]
[list][pre]DeCavalcante Gets A 15‐Year Sentence[/pre][/list]
[list][sub]Simone Rizzo DeCavalcante, renowned as "Sam the Plumber," a figure of prominence within the Mafia hierarchy, found himself facing the harsh gavel of justice as he was handed down a formidable sentence of 15 years behind penitentiary walls for his involvement in an intricate web of extortion conspiracy. As the courtroom atmosphere hung heavy with anticipation, DeCavalcante's demeanor betrayed the weight of impending doom, manifested through the unsettling spectacle of his left cheek convulsing uncontrollably. The very air seemed to grow dense with tension as Federal Judge Lawrence A. Whippie, a bastion of impartiality and authority, delivered the decisive blow, causing DeCavalcante's countenance to blanch with stark realization. With a somber cadence, Judge Whippie decreed the revocation of DeCavalcante's $50,000 bail, his proclamation resounding with finality, as he commanded immediate confinement, consigning the once-dominant Mafia luminary to the confines of incarceration without delay.[/sub]
[sub]Simone Rizzo DeCavalcante, known as "Sam the Plumber," a reputed Mafia leader, was sentenced to 15 years in prison for his involvement in an extortion conspiracy, the maximum penalty allowable under the law. This marked the first time the 58-year-old kingpin of a Mafia family in the state had faced incarceration. Despite the severity of the verdict, his legal team vowed to lodge an appeal. DeCavalcante's fall from grace was catalyzed by the disclosure of bugged underworld conversations, which surfaced as public documents toward the end of the previous year. Alongside two of his trusted lieutenants, he was found guilty of extorting $12,000 from players in a rigged dice game in Trevose, Pennsylvania. Daniel Annuziata, aged 31, received a three-year sentence, while Gaetano "Corky" Vastola, aged 41 and hailing from Brooklyn, was handed a five-year term. Their convictions underscored the collaborative nature of their illicit activities and served as a stark reminder of the consequences of engaging in criminal endeavors.[/sub]
[sub]None of the defendants incurred fines, a notable omission given the potential for penalties, particularly in DeCavalcante's case, where fines could have amounted to $30,000. The courtroom, already fraught with tension, erupted into turmoil following the sentencing of DeCavalcante's two lieutenants. Vastola's impassioned plea through his young wife, who cried out, "Let him go free on bail. Think of my children!" resonated through the crowded chamber. Meanwhile, Annuziata's wife could only manage sobs, her distress palpable amidst the emotional tumult. Earlier in the proceedings, DeCavalcante's fragile health became a focal point when a severe asthma attack left him doubled over in coughing fits, necessitating a temporary removal from the courtroom. Upon his return, the weight of the verdict seemed to settle heavily upon him. "What can I say, eh?" he uttered in resignation. "I don't know what happened. I tried to make things equal, and this is how they turned out, eh?" His words, tinged with a sense of bewilderment and acceptance, served as a poignant reflection of the tumultuous events unfolding around him.[/sub]
[sub]In compliance with the request made by George Koelzer, an assistant U.S. attorney, Judge Whippie made the decisive move of revoking the bail granted to the three defendants. In his rationale, Judge Whippie labeled Vastoia and Annuziata as "gunmen and robbers," painting a stark picture of the threat they posed to their respective communities. Moreover, he did not mince words in categorizing all three defendants as dangerous elements intertwined within the fabric of organized crime. Mr. Koelzer's poignant query underscored the gravity of the situation: "Are we going to pick up a newspaper someday and find out that the government's witnesses were killed because these men are on the street?" This sobering question encapsulated the fearsome potential repercussions of allowing individuals with such criminal proclivities to roam freely. Throughout the arduous eight-day trial, culminating in the custodial outcome for the trio, the government presented a damning narrative. They alleged that DeCavalcante had orchestrated the extortion scheme with meticulous precision, dispatching his trusted lieutenants to the rigged dice game with full knowledge of its deceitful nature. According to the indictment, when Vastola and Annuziata purportedly stumbled upon the revelation of the game's fixed nature, they feigned shock before dutifully aiding the operators, thereby implicating themselves further in the nefarious enterprise. [/sub]
[sub]Following the charges, it was alleged that the two men, Vastola and Annuziata, proposed the involvement of DeCavalcante to mediate the dispute. DeCavalcante, purportedly wielding influence over various criminal enterprises spanning Mercer, Middlesex, and Union Counties, found himself entangled in a separate federal indictment. This indictment accused him of orchestrating an interstate gambling operation, further cementing his reputation as a formidable figure within the underworld. Meanwhile, in a separate legal development in Trenton, the Appellate Division of the State Superior Court dealt a blow to Gerardo Catena, the reputed top Mafia figure in the state. Catena's appeal, which contested the constitutionality of his imprisonment on civil contempt charges from the previous March, was summarily rejected. His refusal to testify before the State Commission of Investigation had led to his incarceration, marking yet another chapter in the ongoing legal battles within the realm of organized crime[/sub]
[list][list][list][spoiler=[sub]Commonwealth of Liberty[/sub]
I'm literally New Jersey
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
The Kemalist Republic Of Turkiye
[/spoiler][/list][/list]
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
Post self-deleted by Rudnatia.
PROPOSAL
Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community (EC) and Singapore
Preamble
The European Community (EC) and Singapore, hereinafter referred to as the Parties, recognizing their mutual interest in enhancing economic cooperation, hereby agree to the following provisions:
Article 1: Most-Favored-Nation (MFN) Treatment
The Parties shall grant each other the same trade advantages, exemptions, and preferences that they grant to any other trading partner.
The MFN treatment shall apply to goods, services, and investments.
Article 2: National Treatment
The Parties shall ensure that foreign goods, services, and investors receive treatment no less favorable than domestic ones.
Discriminatory practices that disadvantage foreign entities shall be avoided.
Article 3: Tariff Reductions and Bound Tariffs
The Parties commit to gradually reducing tariffs on specified goods.
Tariff reductions shall be based on schedules of concessions (bound tariffs) negotiated between the Parties.
Article 4 : Anti-Dumping Measures
The Parties shall establish rules to prevent unfair trade practices, including dumping.
Transparent and consistent anti-dumping policies shall be adopted.
Article 5 : Safeguard Measures
The Parties may impose temporary restrictions on imports to protect domestic industries from sudden surges.
Clear criteria for invoking safeguards shall be defined, ensuring they do not become protectionist tools.
Article 6 : Trade in Services
The Parties shall facilitate cross-border services trade, including financial, telecommunications, and professional services.
The principles of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) shall guide services trade.
Article 7 : Dispute Settlement Mechanism
The Parties shall establish a robust dispute resolution mechanism.
Procedures for settling disputes shall be based on Article XXIII of the GATT.
Article 8 : Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT)
The Parties shall harmonize technical regulations, standards, and conformity assessment procedures.
The agreement shall address TBT issues while promoting trade facilitation.
Article 9: Implementation and Monitoring
The Parties shall designate competent authorities responsible for implementing and monitoring the agreement.
Regular consultations and reviews shall be conducted to assess progress and address any challenges.
Article 10 : Entry into Force and Duration
This agreement shall enter into force upon ratification by both Parties.
The agreement shall remain in force for an initial period of 5 years, renewable by mutual consent.
In witness whereof, the undersigned, duly authorized by their respective governments, have signed this Economic Partnership Agreement.
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium, Independent Singapore
[sup][sub]August 1970[/sub][/sup]
[pre]| 𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐂𝐎𝐋𝐎𝐍𝐈𝐀𝐋 𝐖𝐀𝐑𝐒 |[/pre]
[list]- 𝐏𝐑𝐄𝐋𝐔𝐃𝐄 -[/list]
[table=noheader][tr][td][pre] São Tomé and Príncipe y Cape Verde, Media Basin of the Portuguese Media Administration[/pre][/td][/tr][/table]
[sub]| Tensions have been on the rise ever since Portuguese Troops landed in Africa and began to assert Portuguese laws in the African colonies. The two most controlled colonies were Angola and Mozambique; two African Colonies that have intolerance towards Portuguese rule, which has been established in the region for hundreds of years. Many Portuguese view the war in the colonies as started, with the violent rebellions that go on within the colonies. Angola, the largest colony, has been showing the signs of a rebelling colony; the Portuguese Empire is under threat by people in the colony. Many communists from Portugal fled here after Don Manuel III rose to power, and the men and women who supported this party were forced to flee all over the Portuguese Realm, even in Brazil. The Portuguese Military Forces have taken their liberty in securing security in the Angolan Colonies, and the same goes for Mozambique. Military Regiments from mainland Portugal had been dispersed throughout the colonies. A General was also dispatched by order of the Prime Minister, Francisco da Costa Gomes, an up and coming general who had been dispatched in Angola many years before. He had proven to be a good general, strategist, and militarist leader, so he was given the title 'Comandante em Chefe de Angola' (EN; Commander in Chief of Angola) in the time he was promoted, he secured military pacts with the Union of Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) against the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA).[/sub]
[sub]| "Liberdade ou morte! Que fique claro que Angola não responderá aos tiranos de Portugal!" - A famous statement made by a MPLA activist who stated against it on a podium in the city of Lunada, the De-Facto capital of the Province of Angola. As many know, even after the Carnation Revolution, the Novo Estado policies had not been broken at this time. Promises still lingered in the far away colonies, and the past Portuguese plans to create a totally controlled colony created a paradox within the colonies; many though they were still under the Novo Estado, but in the Revolution of Carnations, it altered the system and deposed a dictator of Portugal, and deposed the worse legacy of the nation. Show's and Military Marches were almost routine in the colonies as a show of dominance or power, and the colonies of Mozambique and Angola had almost had it. The more secure colonies (São Tomé y Príncipe y Cape Verde) served as military hubs within Africa, to serve and protect the continent. These colonies have been given relative freedoms within the Portuguese Government, but the same cannot be said for the larger colonies. The parties, however, seem to be backed by other states, depending on their political ideology or doctrine of choice. The Soviet Union, Cuba, China, Republic of the Congo (Léopoldville), Zaire, People's Republic of the Congo, Tanzania, Zambia, Senegal, Guinea, Romania, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Sweden, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Algeria, Israel, Morocco, Brazil, and Mexico supporting the Angolan Parties of the MPLA, FNLA, FLEC, the Guinean Party of PAIGC, and the Mozambican Party of FRELIMO. Portugal, as it seems, is fighting the whole world for its colonies, and is determined to keep the peace in their overseas territories. These colonies were the inspiration of the Carnation Revolution, and were the main reason the people of Portugal rose up. Now, it is time to keep order and peace in the overseas areas of Portugal, even if it means complete military occupation for the colonies.[/sub]
[sub]| People in Portugal are confident that they can keep the colonies in Portugal and are confident that the military, using strategic planning and gambits, that maybe the overseas colonies can stay under firm control. In 1968, the United States made formal agreements with Portuguese officials to be supportive in the overseas wars, this along with Spain, France, and West Germany supported the Portuguese during the war, also including local powers such as Southern Rhodesia and South Africa, and with the backing of all these nations, and formal agreements signed, the Portuguese Army gears up for war; and gears up for the inevitable pop of the powder keg of the African colonies, and is prepared to fight for them and is prepared to fight for the territories that have been kept for over centuries in Portuguese Possession, and this will not change under the watchful eyes of the Portuguese Government and the Portuguese Military Officials that fight so hard to keep the nation and its overseas possessions safe from foreign aggression.[/sub]
[list][pre]"Ó Olhe para esses homens, pessoas que perderam o controle por falta de orientação.
Esta é uma situação reparável e recuperável;
não perca a esperança!
Em nome de Deus, de Jesus e do Espírito Santo. . ."[/pre][/list]
[table=noheader][tr][td][pre] August 9th, 1970[/pre][/td][/tr][/table]
[pre]𝐌 𝐈 𝐍 𝐈 𝐒 𝐓 𝐑 𝐘 𝐎 𝐅 𝐏 𝐀 𝐑 𝐋 𝐈 𝐀 𝐌 𝐄 𝐍 𝐓[/pre]
[list][pre]The National Parliament; Providing the Status of 'Autonomous State' to Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau[/pre][/list]
| António de Oliveira Salazar [sub][sup]Prime Minister of Portugal[/sup][/sub]| "Bringing forth this new problem and issue to the parliamentary legislation, the recent political unraveling of Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique has proven catastrophic for the internal government, as such we keep such promises close to our hearts and our legislation, so we begin the passing between the legislative bodies. The Constituent Assembly has already approved of the proposal as of today, so voting is increment. Please announce results now."
| 1st MP | "Ay. This proposal brings forth wonderful new proposals to the table, and could stabilize colonial rebellions."
| 2nd MP | "Ay, for the same reasons above and that this could strengthen colonial trust."
| 3rd MP | "Nay. This proposal proves to be a ridiculous attempt at trying to stabilize different colonies that should obey at will. I say we should just send military occupation charges and let the other powers deal with it for easier transportation."
| António de Oliveira Salazar [sub][sup]Prime Minister of Portugal[/sup][/sub]| "2 Yes to 1 Nay, with 7 absent. Motion Passes. "
[table=noheader][tr][td]https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=2010968[/td][/tr][/table]
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia, Zingium
[list][list][sub]S O C I A L I S T R E P U B L IC O F R O M A N I A R E P U B L I C A S O C I A L I S T Ă R O M Â N I A [/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list]Economic Slowdown in Romania[/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]Iulie 1970, Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist Român, București, Republica Socialistă România[/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list][sub]July 1970, Central Committee of The Communist Party of Romania, Bucharest, Socialist Republic of Romania[/sub][/list][/list]
| After nearly two decades of sustained growth, the Romanian economy has encountered a significant downturn, marked by a decrease of 5.2% in GDP. This abrupt reversal in economic trajectory has raised concerns in the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party, prompting an analysis of the underlying factors contributing to this slowdown.
| The decline in GDP growth reflects a broader contraction across various sectors of the economy. Industrial production has experienced a notable decrease of 6.8%, while agricultural output has declined by 3.5%. Additionally, exports have declined by 8.9%, contributing to a widening trade deficit.
The floods have had a particularly adverse impact on the agricultural sector, with crop yields significantly reduced due to inundated fields and waterlogged soil. As a result, Romania faces diminished agricultural output, leading to food shortages and increased reliance on imports. A directive has been set in place by the Ministry of Agriculture, Food Industry and Water, renamed and given the task to manage the Romanian waters, at the advice of His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation for the construction of a network of canals and irrigation systems throughout the Socialist Republic of Romania.
Industrial production has also been severely affected by the floods, as factories and manufacturing facilities grapple with the aftermath of inundation and damage to machinery and equipment. The idling of over 140 factories, coupled with the collapse of three mines, has further exacerbated the decline in industrial output, as reported by the Ministry of the Economy and Industry.
| The disruption caused by the floods has also reverberated through Romania's trade networks, particularly in the maritime ports of Constanța, Mangalia and Midia, as well as the Danube port and the second biggest port after Constanța in Galați leading to a decline in exports and a widening trade deficit. The inability to meet export commitments due to logistical challenges and reduced production capacity has strained international trade relations and exacerbated economic pressures.
[list][list][sub]| The slowdown of the Romanian economy represents a significant setback for the Socialist Economy. While the recent floods have been identified as the primary cause of this downturn, their impact has been far-reaching, affecting multiple sectors and undermining the nation's economic resilience.
As Romania seeks to navigate through this challenging period, concerted efforts will be required to address the immediate repercussions of the floods, revitalize economic activity, and rebuild critical infrastructure. By mobilizing resources and implementing targeted recovery measures, Romania can mitigate the effects of the economic slowdown and lay the foundation for sustainable growth and prosperity in the years ahead. |[/sub][list][list]
[sub]E scris pe Tricolor unire! Pe roșu steag liberator! Prin lupte sub a lor umbrire, spre Comunism urcăm în zbor![/sub]
[sub]Trăiască Partidul Comunist Român în frunte cu al său secretar general, tovarășul Constantin Rotaru![/sub]
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Skonhedens Land, Zingium
[list][list]18 June 1970
[sub]Edward Heath wins the 1970 General Election & Harold Wilson Resigns as Labour Leader![/sub][/list]
10 DOWNING STREET, WESTMINSTER, LONDON, Great Britain Gb
| Various polls last week gave Labour leads ranging from 7 per cent to a fantastic 12.4 per cent. The latter, hard to believe now, would have given Labour about double its present majority of 65 seats in the House of Commons. This general election has had a very personal element about Mr. Heath's apparent strain. He really believes that the Labour Government is bad for the country, that Prime Minister Wilson is a rogue; the indignation in his platform voice is genuine. Tory strategists had said before the election that Gallup and company are going to be as wrong as they were with Harry Truman in 1948. In the key districts, the Tories said, their superior machinery will get the vote out and win enough seats to defeat Labor - and so they did. |
| The Conservatives officially won 330 seats, gaining 77 seats, with Labour losing 75 seats and holding 288 seats in parliament. This news came as a shock not only to pollsters and the media, but also to the former Prime Minister himself who has taken it upon himself to resign his tenure as leader of the Labour Party. There are multiple potential candidates for the Labour leadership election, including the natural successor to Harold Wilson, former Chancellor James Callaghan. Other potential candidates include former Minister of Technology Tony Benn, former Foreign Minister Michael Stewart and former Defence Secretary Denis Healey. The Labour leadership election will take place within the coming months,whilst the Heath Ministry simultaneously begins its first few months in office. |
| There seems little doubt that the Tories gained significantly in the final stages of the campaign. Heaths attacks on Wilsons economic record looked particularly convincing when, on 15 June, the monthly trade figures showed that the balance of payments, by which so many were mesmerised, had moved back into deficit by £31 million. Heath capitalised too on growing public anxiety about rising prices which were beginning to become evident. On 16 June, journalists were given a detailed critique by the Conservative Research Department of the prospects for the economy under Labour. A further devaluation was described as a probability. Wilson roused himself from his election torpor to denounce it. He struck journalists as a man who was becoming badly rattled. The ORC poll on 18 June putting the Tories one point ahead was an unduly modest indication of what was occurring - a 4.5 increase in Conservative vote share and a 4.9% decrease in Labours vote share. |
[spoiler=FULL RESULTS AS FOLLOWS]
Conservatives (Leader Edward Heath, MP for Bexley): 330 Seats (Increase of 77 Seats) (46.4% Popular Vote)
Labour (Leader Harold Wilson, MP for Huyton): 288 Seats (Decrease of 75 Seats) (43.1% Popular Vote)
Liberals (Leader Jeremy Thorpe. MP for North Devon): 12 Seats (Decrease of 6 Seats) (7.5% Popular Vote)[/spoiler]
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
The air hung heavy with the scent of pine and anticipation. Jaan crouched amongst the undergrowth, his weathered face obscured by a mask of camouflage paint. Beside him, Mikk adjusted the ancient hunting rifle slung across his back, its worn stock a stark contrast to the steely glint in his eyes. Today was the day their whispers in the wind would take flight.
Their target: a Soviet transport truck, a regular visitor on the road snaking through their forest hideout. Intel gleaned from their newly formed network of village sympathizers indicated a weapons transport scheduled for this very afternoon. It wasn't much, a pittance compared to the Red Army's storage, but it was a start. A way to cripple a small operation, disrupt the occupiers' routine, and most importantly, send a message.
A twig snapped in the distance. Jaan froze, hand instinctively reaching for the knife strapped to his thigh. Mikk remained motionless, eyes narrowed, deciphering the sound. It was just a deer, startled by something deeper in the woods. Relief washed over Jaan, replaced by a surge of adrenaline.
The rumble of the approaching truck shattered the afternoon quietude. Jaan and Mikk exchanged a silent nod. With practiced ease, they separated, flanking the road at opposite ends of a small clearing. The rusty green truck lumbered into view, its canvas top offering little protection from the determined glint in the Forest Brothers' eyes.
As the truck reached the midpoint of the clearing, Jaan rose from his cover, his arm extended, firing a single shot into the air. The truck screeched to a halt, occupants thrown forward by the sudden stop. Two soldiers emerged, confusion etched on their faces. Before they could react, Mikk emerged from the other side, his rifle aimed at the driver.
The ensuing moments were a blur of barked orders, frantic fumbling for weapons, and Jaan's voice, surprisingly calm, issuing a simple directive. "Hand over the boxes. No heroics."
The soldiers, clearly green, surrendered their weapons without a fight. Jaan and Mikk swiftly relieved them of two metal containers holding the payroll and herded them deeper into the woods, away from prying eyes.
By the time the sun began its descent, painting the sky in fiery hues, the Forest Brothers were back in their hidden camp. The captured weapons, though meager, felt like a weight of gold in their hands. It was proof their plan could work, a testament to the growing resistance simmering beneath the surface.
As night cloaked the forest, Jaan shared a celebratory mug of strong tea with Mikk. The embers of the fire cast dancing shadows on their faces, etched with grim determination and a flicker of something new - hope. The Forest Brothers had taken their first step, a whisper that would soon become a roar.
Paramountica, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
[list][list][list][pre]RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE
FRENCH BUREAUCRACY
MINISTÈRE DE LINTÉRIEUR[/pre][/list]
______
MINISTRY OF THE INTERIOR: FRANCE'S LEFT WING FORGES ON IN DISARRAY
[sub]VTH REPUBLIC | PARIS, JULY 1970[/sub][/list]
[sub]| HELM OF LIBERTÉ, MINISTÈRE DE LINTÉRIEUR - | French publisher Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber issued a dire warning to Europeans three years ago in a smashing hit novel titled The American Challenge. His warning to Europe: they had to start acting quickly. He clarified that the goal should be to revive the old continent's own diminishing vitality in addition to averting the US businesses' planned huge invasion of the broad European economy. Servan-Schreiber has taken action on his own advice and he has demonstrated a dynamism in his new political career that has established him as a significant new player in French national life.[/sub]
[sub]In a by-election for the National Assembly held in Nancy last week, Servan-Schreiber ran as an independent and placed first out of the six candidates in that race. With 45% of the overall vote, J-J S-S defeated the Gaullist candidate in second place with 27% and the Socialist candidate with 19%. With the likelihood that he would inherit many of the votes that would have gone to the disqualified leftist contenders, he appeared very certain to win this week's three-way runoff election. Servan-Schreiber ran a campaign in the manner that has earned him the moniker "the French Kennedy." He established his busy campaign headquarters in the Grand Hotel after selecting a home to rent in Nancy. He officially resigned as editor of his newsweekly L'Express, but they continued to faithfully cover his campaign with a cover story and several in-depth J-J S-S interviews. Servan-Schreiber drove a rented Renault cab to all of his campaigning events in Lorraine, stopping at pubs and cafés to strike up lengthy conversations with locals. Servan-Schreiber hammered home a point about South Lorraine's potential for economic growth while playing on the region's hurt feelings, which are overlooked by most politicians in Paris. [/sub]
[sub]Servan-Schreiber intends to mobilize French public opinion through the National Assembly's platform and the voice of L'Express, whose domestic political coverage he will continue to oversee. One goal is to get the now-splintered left's non-Communist parties together to form a rival to Georges Pompidou's Gaullist government. In the past, Servan-Schreiber occasionally acknowledged that he hoped to become president of France. Not anymore. Servan-Schreiber has set his sights higher, seeing the resurgence of Europe's often-delayed tendency toward greater economic and political unity. "I just want to be one of those European commissars," added Servan-Schreiber in his most recent televised interview with L'Express. Whether or not he will be able to actually unite France's disenchanted left and lead it effectively against Georges Pompidou and Prime Minister Jacques Chaban-Delmas' Gaullist government is yet to be seen. However it is likely Servan-Schreiber will have an even harder time persuading the entirety of the French public that his economic plans are of any great substance than those being put into effect by Finance Minister Valéry Giscard d'Estaing.[/sub]
[sub]Meanwhile it seems France's splintered left wing continues to sew chaos as one early morning last week, a group of sleepy tourists were horrified to discover a $25,000 Lamborghini sports car in flames on the pavement outside the opulent white casino in the Channel resort of Deauville. There were a few Maseratis, a Ferrari, a Jaguar, and an Iso Rivolta close by that had just been painted with vivid red sickles and hammers. The current battle cry of France's increasingly militant youth Maoists, "Pas de vacances pour les riches" (no vacations for the rich), was written on a wall not far from the scene. The Maoists set a minor fire and threw a Molotov cocktail at a hotel in La Baule, near the Brittany coast, one day after their Deauville raid. In Lourdes, close to Bernadette's shrine, hundreds of tires were set on fire on Bastille Day. A series of riots, bombings, and a daring caviar and foie gras heist in broad daylight at Fauchon, the epicures' haul store of Paris, last winter and spring solidified the French Maoists' position on the periphery of the mad left. Then, a 26-year-old leader of theirs, Alain Geismar, suggested that they turn it into a "hot summer for the bourgeoisie." Geismar recorded a cassette message just before he was taken to prison for inciting riots, in which he called on his friends to set up camp in the gardens of opulent homes, have picnics on golf courses, and turn casinos into daycare centers for underprivileged kids.[/sub]
[sub]Up until now, the revolutionaries, who are said to number just 2,000 in all of France, have not done anything on the Cóte d'Azur. A patch of the Riviera was hit by a wave of forest fires last week, but there was no conclusive proof linking the Maoists to the outbreak. Still, a group of resort owners got together in Cannes to create a security squad. Furthermore, at the main resorts, Interior Minister Raymond Marcellin increased the number of his Gendarmerie riot units. He claims that his goal is to make the hot summer of the Maoists "a cold summer, in a damp prison." |[/sub]
[list]______[/list]
[list][list][pre]VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!
VIVE LA FRANCE!
VIVE LEMPIRE![/pre][/list][/list]
[list][spoiler=[sub]𝐄𝐌𝐁𝐑𝐀𝐂𝐄 𝐅𝐑𝐀𝐍𝐂𝐄
𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘[/sub]]
Indonesian Federal Peoples Republic
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
The Kemalist Republic Of Turkiye
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, The Confederation Of Northern Germany, Arcanda, Amsterwald, Federated Arab Emirates, Sixth French Metropolitan Republic, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Holy Vatican City States, Federated Turkey, Nasrid Algeria, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Monaco-, Andorra-, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, Zingium
1970 Haitian Election
October 25, 1970
| As Operation Reiteration shatters Haitis radical left, and right, the government announces intentions for free legislative elections on October 25, 1970. Meekly the opposition pokes their heads out of hiding, most of whom had feared Operation Reiteration may come for them next.
While the Haiti in Action Party was set to win an absolute victory, only time would tell how much, and how large their lead, and hold over Haitian Parliament would be.
The Main Contender: Haiti in Action Party
| The Haiti in Action Party (PAAA) had held power in perpetuity since the coup against Rafael Trujillo in 1946. While initially holding sole emergency power, under Prime Minister Paul Magloire, they had greatly liberalized.
While still socially conservative, pragmatic reformist, authoritarian, and state capitalist, they had contributed massively to the moderation, and reform of Haitian society.
For their next term, Prime Minister Magloire promised economic reforms, most importantly new rounds of land reform, market liberalization, and anti-monopoly actions targeted at ill-gotten companies, most experts predict this will be against groups like United Fruit, who hold a monopoly over the fruit industry, and holding a relative degree of legal untouchability in comparison to local industries.
The Opposition
The main opposition parties in the Haitian election would be the Haitian Revolutionary Party led by Antonio Guzman, and the Patriotic Unity Party led by Claude Préval. Both were remnants of the shattered left wing. Guzman presented himself as a moderate social democrat, who advocated for third way cooperation between the left, and the right wing PAAA. Meanwhile, Preval was a progressive liberal, advocating for workers rights, and social liberalism. Combined with this was hardline civic nationalism, and building the new ideal Haitian society, and Haitian man.
Neither party, nor the myriad of other left wing political parties were expected to unseat the PAAA, nonetheless, they still ran not on the hopes of winning, but to advocate for their positions to the new government, and extract concessions in exchange for support of governing policy.
Outcome and Aftermath
Haiti in Action Party: 89 Seats
Haitian Revolutionary Party: 32 Seats
Patriotic Unity Party: 12 Seats
Independent Technocrats: 15 Seats
Total Seats: 148 seats
| As expected the Haiti in Action Party had won the election, securing 60% of seats in the Haitian Parliament. While initially nervous, Paul Magloire had secured his mandate and proven the ideal of reformism, state capitalism, and pragmatic continuous government were important to the Haitian people.
While Haitians were largely satisfied with the elections, some foreign analysts, especially those like the more progressive New York liberals, decried these elections. Described as authoritarianism, and competitive autocracy, many pointed to the exclusion of anyone left of Democratic Socialist, or to the right of National Conservatism. They also pointed to PAAA media, and worker union dominance, and a 9 day campaign season as further evidence of the authoritarian nature of Haitian elections.
Nonetheless, Haitian democracy flourished, if a bit more tightly gripped, and guided by the state. Now, Paul Magloire could begin his ambitious economic, and social reforms.
Paramountica, Amsterwald, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Abessinienreich, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Slipway, La Republica Revolucionaria De Cuba
[list][sub]OCTOBER 1970[/sub][/list]
[list][sub]BUNDESREPUBLIK DEUTSCHLAND
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY[/sub][/list]
___
[sub]BONN, THE FEDERAL CAPITAL[/sub]
GERMANY FORMALLY WITHDRAWS FROM ALL INVOLVEMENT AND SUPPORT IN VIETNAM; "NOT OUR WAR," CHANCELLOR SAYS!
| [sub]In the 1969 elections, Chancellor Scholl and her liberal alliance had championed one cause particularly - that of withdrawing all involvement and support for the Vietnam War, led by the U.S., and opposing any escalation of action on the diplomatic level. The party had, in fact, been born from the 1968 Student Movement, which itself was partially motivated by the war in Vietnam and increasing reports of violations of civil rights and escalating collateral damage with civilians on the ground. The policy did not change even as Scholl's DfV allied itself with the lukewarmly pro-intervention SPD and the aggressively pro-intervention FDP. Both parties had been electorally weakened in some way or form, allowing the DfV to shape foreign policy to its liking with all the political capital made available by its electoral overperformance. The first moves to begin implementing the anti-involvement foreign policy occured in mid-1969, when the Bundestag passed legislation increasing the standards by which the German government could or could not decide to deploy military personnel and "significant military aid" to foreign conflicts. The bill was aimed at restricting Germany's military contributions on Vietnam without burdening the SPD and FDP with being directly involved in reducing contributions. In August of 1969, Chancellor Scholl signed a directive withdrawing certain portions of German military support from the Western coalition forces in Vietnam.[/sub] |
| [sub]Pressure from the student groups and the liberal activist organizations that comprised the DfV membership stepped up in the fall of 1969, with pressure groups like Germans for Peace ("Deutsche für den Frieden") and the Democratic Action Program ("Demokratisches Aktionsprogramm") forming to consolidate the anti-war movement into something genuinely tangible. In early 1970, several progressive DfV MPs introduced legislation that formally named Vietnam and outlined the need to immediately withdraw all involvement by the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Bundeswehr in the War in Vietnam. "The conflict is of no immediate concern to the German people and is a waste of government funding, a violation of international law, and an extremely concerning incident of blind action," the resolution read. It generated a significant media firestorm, sparking a major national debate over the extent of the resolution's language and, especially, its potential effect on US-German relations. Bonn and Washington had remained fairly close even as Scholl assumed office, but the Chancellor was reportedly "unafraid" to voice her government's opinions on the "bogged-down" conflict in Vietnam. Demonstrations in favor and against the resolution, dubbed the January Resolution, took place throughout the first half of 1970. The Social Democrats, led by the deflated Vice-Chancellor and Foreign Minister, Willy Brandt, reluctantly threw its support behind the resolution in March. The greatest thorn was the Free Democrats, who were strongly opposed to what they said amounted to "an end to normalized diplomatic relations between the United States and Germany". Wolfgang Mischnick, the party leader and Defense Minister, was reluctantly supportive and worked to secure the support of his party members. They would have a substantial margin, given the size of the traffic light coalition's majority, but the alliance's political capital was already spent on increasing ideological divisions between the three parties.[/sub] |
| [sub]By May, the FDP had secured significant economic concessions from the DfV and the SPD, to the outroar of some progressives. The government would back a CDU-FDP bill aimed at streamlining government regulations and reintroducing subsidies into German industry, with the aim of increasing productivity and exports by at least 15% within ten years - a Second German Economic Miracle, essentially. On May 29, 1970, days before the scheduled summer recess, the Bundestag passed the January Resolution by a 211-191 vote - with scores of SPD and FDP deputies breaking with the government to oppose the resolution. Chancellor Scholl and Federal President Helmut Schmidt signed the resolution two days and three days after the resolution was passed, respectively. In her address to the public by television on June 4, 1970, the Chancellor defended the Resolution as a "recognition of the harsh truth about the ongoing conflict in Vietnam, and an acknowledgement of Germany's motives and intentions with its military".[/sub] |
[list][sub]"In 1949, we renounced the use of violence for the accomplishment of our own personal and national vendettas. We pledged to never again repeat what took place in the years prior. That vow is still alive and well today in the hearts of millions of Germans, young and old, who continue to believe that the world we live in, despite all its tension and all its fear, still deserves to be a world of peace, not war. Our withdrawal of support for the conflict in Vietnam is not a withdrawal of our trust in the United States, nor is it an expression of distrust in the decisionmaking of our friends in Washington. It is simply a recognition of the harsh truth about the ongoing conflict, and an acknowledgement of Germany's motives and intentions with its military, which have, since 1949, been ones of peace, prosperity, and kindness. There are times where this government will be forced to make hard decisions, and this is one of them. But we make them with the greatest judgement possible, and with the aim of upholding the values of Germans across this nation."
SOPHIE SCHOLL, Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany[/sub][/list]
______
[spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Paramountica, Socialist Democratic Republic Romania, Cascadla, Stolkland, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Tallahan, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Slipway, Zingium
Post self-deleted by Sport-Internationale.
[list][spoiler=🇵🇱🇦🇾 🇲🇪 🇫🇴🇷 🇦🇲🇧🇮🇪🇳🇨🇪⦂ ᴇʟ ʀᴇʟᴏᴊ]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Bf76o9iiNug&list=PLA8022589FA1445FBs[/spoiler][/list]
[list]░░░ 𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐍𝐄𝐖 𝐌𝐀𝐍 𝐈𝐍 𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐒𝐄𝐀𝐓
[sup]𝐒𝐢𝐠𝐥𝐨 𝐗𝐗 - 𝟏𝟗𝟕𝟎 | 𝙴𝚂𝚃𝙰𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝙼𝙴𝚇𝙸𝙲𝙰𝙽𝙾𝚂[/sup][/list]
[sup]Mexican politics are a fickle thing full of intrigue, party politics, and a healthy dose of corruption. And once more, the time had come for the pueblo to gather around and see which PRI bureaucrat was going to take power. Presidential elections in Mexico are held every six years, typically on the first Sunday of July. This election was especially contentious due to the turbulent presidency of Gustavo Ordaz and the infamous Tlatelolco massacre that occurred just a few months prior. It wasn't enough for state controlled media to throw some games and spectacles on TV to get the public to forget the fiasco; no, a new direction was needed for the party state. That new direction would come from PRI candidate Luis Echeverría. Echeverría as an individual was nothing to go home about; the man was a serious, busy body that had his start as a lawyer before becoming a full time PRI party climber throughout the 40's and 50's. His big break came when he assumed the position of Secretary of the Interior under the presidency of Ordaz in 1964. Echeverría was nominated for the election by President Ordaz over two other potential runners, Corona del Rosal and Martinez Manatou. Rosal was passed due to fears from the PRI that, in the aftermath of the Tlatelolco massacre, Rosal would be rejected due to his military background. Manatou was passed over due to his connections with the 1968 student movements, thus being seen as disloyal to the party state.[/sup]
[sup]That didn't mean that Echeverría was a dream candidate either; in fact, Echeverría's reputation was in danger due to conspiracies about his involvement with the Tlatelolco massacre, as there was substantial evidence that Echeverría had given the order to the Olympian Battalion to shoot the students. It didn't help that he also maintained a hardline stance against the student movements throughout the presidency of Ordaz, thus giving credit to the conspiracies. To solve this problem, the PRI would influence President Ordaz to conduct damage control for Echeverría. Alfonso Martínez Domínguez, campaign manager of Echeverría and PRI party boss, would pressure Ordaz to take the fall for Echeverría. Initially opposed to what was practically career suicide, Ordaz eventually agreed to take responsibility for the Tlatelolco massacre in order to protect Echeverría's reputation and the stability of the PRI party. This move allowed Echeverría to avoid direct blame and continue his political career relatively unscathed. During the race, Dominguez would help Echeverría transform his public image from that of an uptight bureaucrat to that of a populist politician working for the peasants and the students.[/sup]
[sup]The attempts by the PRI media apperatus to fix the public view of Echeverría weren't entirely effective. Two incidents nearly caused Echeverría's campaign to sh*t the bed; the first was during a speech at the Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo. It was received with mixed emotions and a bit of confrontation from the students. One student in particular embarrassed Echeverría by standing up after the end of the meeting and demanding a moment of silence for the victims of the Tlatelolco massacre. Echeverría and his aides were shocked, and he agreed to keep a minute of silence "for the dead, for both the students and the soldiers who died in Tlatelolco," after which the entire audience, including Echeverría, kept the minute of silence. The second event to cause some grief for Echeverría was when the military chiefs, including the Secretary of Defense Marcelino García Barragán, expressed complete outrage for the incident at the university. To the armed forces, a presidential candidate that was bending backwards for a bunch of university brats was unacceptable, causing them to demand that Echeverría get replaced by Corona del Rosal. President Ordaz, however, stood by Echeverría, and the matter was squashed when Echeverría and Barragan were forced to settle the dispute at the formers ranch. As for further attempts to win over the public, Echeverría would receive recognition from the Authentic Party of the Mexican Revolution (PARM) and the Popular Socialist Party (PPS), two traditional PRI satellites. He also paid homage to his rural support base by traveling to a total of 900 towns, traveling 56,000 kilometers, and wearing guayaberas to show how down he was with those poor pesants. Echeverría made it a point to stress to the public that he wasn't going to be like previous administrations, describing himself as "neither to the right nor to the left, nor in a static center, but onward and upward," whatever that meant. He also avoided criticizing Ordaz's administration and his only real opposition, PAN candidate Efraín González Morfín. Despite all the hurdles of the race, PRI victory was always guaranteed, either by proper voter support or by a little traditional ballot tampering. Echeverría would win all states with a total of 11,970,893 votes, or about 86.02 percent of the vote. While PAN opposition candidate Morfin only won 1,945,070 votes, or about 13.98 percent of the vote, making Echeverría the winner of the 1970 Mexican Elections.[/sup]
[list][list][spoiler=[sub]Written for the RMB Screen of the[/sub]
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
]
Peoples Republic Of Czechoslovakia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
The Confederate Prussian Empire
[/spoiler]
Amsterwald, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, Maziya, Spain-, Al-Jammahirya Al-Arabiyya, Zingium
Assembled with Dot's Region Saver.
Written by Refuge Isle.