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Region: The Roleplay Chessboard
Chinese Foreign Ministry
The Chinese Foreign Ministry extends an invitation to Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, in order to conduct follow-up summits to those conducted between the two nations in 1957.
Prussia Poland
Hi there dude! Join the Discord and send in a claim to our cartographer Teujira to get started!
Teujira
|Ben gurios accepts the invitation and asks what are the conditions and where should they meet for the agreement of a alliance|
Teymour
China welcomes the arrival of Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion in Beijing, in order to discuss a proposed alliance between the PRC and State of Israel.
| ZHOU ENLAI: Mr Prime Minister, my hearty welcome to you to the People's Republic of China! I trust that you have been looking forward to this meeting as much as I, and that we can achieve both of our respective goals here today.
Teujira, Teymour
Teymour
(ooc: not a news post but an actual RP post)
[list][list]Operation Goldmine Pre-phase Operations, Part 3
August 15, 1960, 12:00[/list][/list]
[list]The Bolivian government was reeling from the many protests, riots, and sabotage. The government was experiencing a massive number of attacks against government officials and critical infrastructure. The Bolivian government was hemorrhaging money and leadership, as they attempted to deal with the rival factions of the Revolutionary National Movement, which were revolting against them. The Bolivian government struggled to reconstitute its military during the period of unrest. The Bolivians were also experiencing a large amount of inflation and economic instability, caused by countless counterfeit currency being put into production at the same time that the Bolivian government was increasing its own monetary production in order to meet an increasing demand for money. In order to get more money for the regime, the Bolivian government even gave its gold reserves to Peru as a collateral for a loan, not knowing that Peru was already preparing to go to war against Bolivia.[/list]
[list]Meanwhile, the Peruvian government was almost done preparing for its upcoming war with Bolivia. Peru finished allocating funds and resources to aide in the war effort. Troops were now in position in order to invade once the command is given. Soldiers who have been allocated for the war were given a pay increase and were given access to luxury accommodations in order to boost the moral of the soldiers during the final preparations for the war. The High Command of the Peruvian military has finally set the exact date of the upcoming invasion, agreed to be on November 15th of 1960. Supplies were being checked for quality and quantity in order to provide time for replacements to be produced and shipped in time for the start of the war. Peru, after having taken possession of the Bolivian gold provided in its loan to Bolivia, sent the gold to be locked away into the Peruvian Gold Vault in Lima, where it was destined to stay and never return to Bolivia. Some preparations were also made in order to discuss what a post-war Bolivia should be like, once Peru won the war, a topic that was highly debated among the many government and military officials of Peru.[/list]
Val Verde-, Otsla, Kiger, Sadar, Zanbala Prz, Teymour, Gaia Major
[B]Kingdom of Portugal
[I]Parliament and the council are working on her Majesty Catherine's he economic act for the nation reading it going over the wording before voting on the act to be signed
Catherine has planned a few state trips to nations in the east and west later this week her foreign Minister will help make the list of nations and leaders to visit in the coming days.
Sadar, Teymour, 2Nd New England Commonwealth
[B]Queen Catherine signs economic Edict
[I]After swift debate between parliament and the council on Catherine's economic edict parliament passed it 65 to 35 and the council agreed 58 to 42 and Catherine signed her economic edict into law which will now start benefitting all Portuguse citizens ,
Catherine will now have the kingdom start enforcing the new act as she prepares for some state visits in the east .
https://www.nationstates.net/nation=prussia_poland/detail=factbook/id=1506346
Sadar, Teymour
[list][list]August, 1958
ᴛʜᴇ ᴄʀɪꜱɪꜱ' ʀᴀɢᴇꜱ ᴏɴ!
𝐂𝐑𝐈𝐒𝐈𝐒 𝐆𝐑𝐈𝐏𝐒 𝐋𝐄𝐁𝐀𝐍𝐎𝐍
𝘓𝘌𝘉𝘈𝘕𝘖𝘕, 𝘉𝘌𝘙𝘜𝘐𝘛 بيروت, 𝘛𝘳𝘪𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪 طرابلس, 𝘊𝘩𝘰𝘶𝘧 𝘋𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘤𝘵 جبل الشوف[/list][/list]
[sup]|Lebanon, 10th of August 1958. The crisis continues ramping up in the small nation as President Chamoun declared a state of emergency as the United Arab Republic seems keen on involving itself in the crisis. Chamoun tells Nasser hands off Lebanon. Sentinal Militias, Kataeb Militants, and the National Guardsmen continue fighting in the Basta district. The violence only escalating as Kataeb's and Guardsmen continue pushing deeper into the Basta. The army maintains its control of the Chouf District against the PSP militias. Rashid Karami's uprising in Tripoli leads to Sentinals clashing with the Lebanese Army. Rumors of the Syrian military amassing on the Masnaa border sparks fear amongst the populace. Muslim mobs attempt to burn Soviet Embassy. Christians amass at the US embassy demanding a halt to UAR subversion. Potential UNSC intervention?|[/sup]
[sup]With the Syrian ascension into the UAR, tensions ran high between President Chamoun and Nasser, as Chamoun for the last months prior to the crisis' had repeatedly declared that the UAR was to be blamed for the increase in tension amongst the general populace. The UAR had indeed via Syria, antagonized the Lebanese government by opening their radio channels to broadcast 'almuminin' which means the faithful ones radio, a UAR propaganda station that dedicated itself to constantly slander Chamoun administration for a quote, "Keeping the Arab people's divided in the service of the colonialist powers." end quote. The radio station even openly called for violent uprising weeks prior to the crisis and ramped up its efforts during the elections. Accusing Chamoun of rigging and gerrymandering districts in his favor, no proof was ever given to back up these accusations, however. Then things boiled when the UAR Foreign Minister presented a '5 point plan'. A supposed guideline for avoiding the spread of Lebanese civil, sectarian and political conflict. Using it as an opportunity to further secure power, he would declare a state of emergency. To Chamoun, this was the ultimate proof of the UAR's intention to stick their fingers into the conflict, and on the following day, he had this to say.[/sup]
[list][list][list][sup]"The existence of Lebanon as a free country in the Middle East. Where Muslims and Christians can live in peace and harmony as a country capable of deciding its independent course and freedom is at stake. The ongoing crisis that grips Lebanon can be entirely laid at the feet of Nasser. For months the UAR has slandered our government with claims of fraud, discrimination, and corruption when such claims are unproven. The blood that flows in the streets of Basta can be laid at the feet of Nasser and his Al-Mourabitoun thugs."[/sup] ~President of the Lebanese Republic, Camille Nimr Chamoun[/list][/list][/list]
[sup]Other essential events unfolded during the chaos. Foremost, a crowd of Muslims began gathering around the Soviet Embassy early in the morning. The reason for the crowd was unknown they started chanting about Soviet interference in the Liberation of Lebanon and other vague accusations of attempting to take over Lebanon as a communist plot. Initially, things were peaceful until an unknown assailant threw a Molotov cocktail over the fence, starting a small fire near the entrance of the embassy. Local police attempted to disperse the crowd but were unable to and only managed to secure the building after the Lebanese Army showed up. Anyone who didn't disperse was quickly detained and sacked or shot if need be. The President would personally monopolize the opportunity to garner Soviet diplomatic support against a potential UAR invasion by requesting that the Soviet Premier put pressure on the UAR to not interfere in Lebanon. While Chamoun did not like the idea of approaching the communists for support, he opted to be pragmatic and ignore their ideological opposition in favour of potential backing against Nasser. Mirroring the events at the Soviet embassy, the American Embassy also saw a group of Christian protestors show up. However, the Army was able to secure the Embassy quickly and the protest was relatively peaceful, the Christians demanded that the US intervene to stop UAR subversion of the Lebanese Republic. The US Information Service library would be burned down by mob, by whom, it was unknow. Upon hearing the events at the American Embassy, Chamoun also sent a letter apologizing to the American ambassador and covertly proding the ambassador about potential US assistance to Lebanon. In the meantime, at the suggestion of the Prime Minister, Chamoun would file a formal complaint to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) on the 22 August 1958, accusing the UAR of meddling in the nation's affairs. Now it was a waiting game.[/sup]
[list]𝐁𝐀𝐒𝐓𝐀 𝐃𝐈𝐒𝐓𝐑𝐈𝐂𝐓
[pre]Weeks of skirmishing had devastated the Basta. The streets riddled with the corpses of various militiamen, their bodies left where they laid as any attempt to retrieve them could result in one's own death. Back at the secondary school, the building had been heavily besieged by the Christian militia as Sentinal militiamen refused to budge from the building, even after cutting off the Sentinals supply line. Kataeb militants led by Hawi made several attempts to rush the school but the rooftop machine gunner was quick to mow down anyone who got too close. The fighting was becoming a stalemate and the civilians caught in between the lines suffered for it. A nearby army garrison having stood by witnessing the carnage was commanded by the central command to enter the area and remove the Sentinals from the school. General Fouad Chehab had initially opted for the army to remain neutral in the conflict, but due to the sudden uprising in Tripoli by Rashid Karami, the General would have to take a more active stance to keep the violence quarantined in the Basta district. The Army quickly rolled into the area with an M4 Sherman tank. The small arms of the Sentinals were no match for the tank's armor and in a matter of 20 minutes, the school had finally been cleared out. The Soldiers quickly entered the school to secure it of any potential stragglers or hidden militiamen, once cleared they exited. Kateb militants who had been besieging the school believed that the Army was now on their side, but that was quickly dismissed when the commanding officer yelled at them to leave the area or be shot like the Sentinals. For the SSNP, things were relatively easy, they allowed the Kataeb's to do the heavy lifting while securing footholds in the Basta. General Ghassan Jadid described it all as a simple preparation for the real struggle that was to take place in their liberation of Syria. For the LCP, they kept to their more peacekeeping role than actual attacks on the Sentinals. The LCP militias strategically occupied streets on the eastern areas of the Basta, using it as a sorta refuge for those fleeing the violence.[/pre]
𝐂𝐇𝐎𝐔𝐅 𝐃𝐈𝐒𝐓𝐑𝐈𝐂𝐓
[I][pre]In the Chouf, Kamal Jumblatt's forces continued their attacks on the Lebanese Army alongside the highway and several towns in the Chouf interior. For the PSP, their situation was steadily declining as they failed to make any significant gains in the Chouf. Their attacks only seemed to serve as target practice for the army. The blame for the overall lackluster ability of the PSP militias was its lack of organization and low supplies. Jumblatt desperate for victories would organize an assault on Beirut's International Airport. The Battle was short and decisive, as the Army made quick work of the PSP. With support from armored units and air sorties, the airport was secured after 3 days of skirmishing and the PSP militia was forced to withdraw after taking too many casualties.[/pre]
Val Verde-, Czabalkia, Kiger, Zanbala Prz, East Germany Ddr, Teymour, Gaia Major, Prussia Poland, Great Britain Et Ireland
May 17 1959
|The body of ben_gurion was found he was shot by a hitmen who was found near the body his name was Mohamed Alduba the police for integrated him for his crimes and questioned who hired him this is what he said I was hired by a anonymous man paid me a lot for this kill though he was talking about some uprise of the Israeli government thats all I know for now And this Uprising was talked a lot also including who would be the new prime minister including that a Palestinian protesters were getting more violent throwing rocks at the police force but the government signed a agreement about the current conflicted between the two|
The New Prime minister
|Moshe Sharett was re-elected for the job though at the celebration of the new prime minister he was suspicious when they asked him about Ben gurion though he wanted Israel for a power growth and was part of the past nation Russia witch is now the Soviet Union so he wanted greatness for the nation of Israel but also wanting to improve the army by a lot he fought in WWI for the Ottoman Empire so he wanted to create a alliance with the ottomans also that he was in ottoman Palestine witch also made him popular amongst Palestinians and Arabs in the area Sharetts speech was
I am happy to be re-elected amongst many great people but of the cost of Ben gurions life but trust me I want to make Israel a well known nation and expanding the he economy to make it stronger later at 1960 March 6 Mohamed Alduba was killed because of his crime in front of a crowd of people showing what would happen if you were to Murder anybody|
Val Verde-, Otsla, Czabalkia, Zanbala Prz, East Germany Ddr, Gaia Major
Hello
Hey hey pal! Welcome to the Roleplay Chessboard.
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Prussia Poland
August 1960
The Jewell Chips
President Félix Houphouët-Boigny stepped out onto the balcony of the Presidential Residence in Abidjan it was a peaceful and quiet morning, little did he or the rest of the nation know, it would be the last quiet day for a long time
Felix and a small entourage departed to his limo and then to an awaiting plane, he was to visit soldiers on the front lines of a blazing war engulfing the bushland. Various tribals, and mistreated workers had been stoked into rebellion by members of the malicious Pan-West African Front. They had disseminated propaganda posters and such nonsense filling the worker's heads with anti-Ivory Coast rhetoric.
As the plane lifted into the air, President Felix leaned back in his chair and closed his eyes, he hadn't slept last night and needed to be sharp when traveling to the dangerous lands of the African Bush.
President Felix was awoken by sharp ripples through the side of the plane, bullet holes had ripped through the wings and into the side of the plane. Earlier in the morning rebel forces had overtaken the military base and hospital, slaughtering wounded soldiers and capturing equipment. Now they had opened fire upon President Felixs plane.
With a loud explosion followed by cheers ringing out from the rebels, the plane had been downed. As rebels circled the plane wreckage, President Felix miraculously still alive crawled from the wreckage, barely clinging and driven by a will to survive. A rebel soldier spotted him, walked up to his crawling body and dispatched him with a single shot through the skull.
President Félix Houphouët-Boigny is dead, and the Ivory Coast would never be quiet again.
Val Verde-, Otsla, Zanbala Prz, Gaia Major, Prussia Poland
Post self-deleted by Teujira.
[list][sup]AUGUST 1960[/sup]
THE FUTURE IS BRIGHT FOR SOCIALISM! [/list]
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[sup]MOSCOW, RUSSIAN SFSR, USSR[/sup]
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| In 1957, the Cult of Cybernetics had started to grow and encompass the forefront of scientific interest in the Soviet Union, promising to revolutionize everything within the Soviet Union, and now three years later the Cult of Cybernetics has blossomed into a fully fledged Cultural movement known as Cyber-Futurism or Kiberfuturizm because of its focus on new tech and optimism for the future of the Soviet Union. Such a development has been welcome news to Moscow, who would much enjoy the public fully united in their optimism for the future of Socialism. Indeed even the General Secretary has become a believer in said movement, however not nearly as enthusiastically as the typical citizen of the Soviet Union. this optimism for the future was not unfounded or foolish, however. There was many new things to look forward to, many new inventions set to change the Soviet Union forever. Some the average citizen didn't even know about. One of the most important inventions of the new decade is the MIR Serial minicomputer, Its creation will revolutionize soviet computer science and allow for the OGAS program to become a reality, and the future MIR class minicomputers will be designed to work with OGAS specifically. MIR-1 will be mass produced immediately and is to be used in n educational institutions, engineering bureaus, scientific organizations, as well as anywhere else they might be useful. It has a number of unique features, such as a hardware-implemented machine language and developed MIR specific software. It also has an input-output device on a punched tape and elements of increased reliability not present in previous prototypes. |
| The MIR-1 Serial Minicomputer is the creation of brilliant mathematician, cyberneticist and Academician Victor Glushkov, one of the leading figures in the OGAS program. Another idea that will most assuredly revolutionize the entire Soviet Union. It is a proposal to restructure the management of the economy by creating a nationwide computer-automated system for managing the country's national economy, however Anatoly Kitov was the first to propose the idea of a nationwide automated control system, which he called the Unified State Network of Computer Centers or EGSVC for short. The two ideas of the EGSVC and OGAS systems were merged into a single project with Kitov and Glushkov both leading it. It has the potential to make the Soviet economy a true contender with the US economy because it eliminates the inherent problems in centrally planned economies. It removes the inflated bureaucracy in the Soviet ministry of the economy, which consistently either accidentally misreports numbers for the economy or intentionally do it so the Soviet Economy appears better than it is so they keep their jobs. |
| However that adds risk to the OGAS Program, it gets rid of many many jobs in the Economic Ministry so the possibility of pro status-quo bureaucrats and soviet conservatives overthrowing the government becomes much more likely the closer OGAS is to completion. Not to mention the possibility of hidden liberal market moderates who want to reform the USSR into a more "western" form overthrowing the government either independently from or alongside the conservatives. Both the conservatives and the Market Moderates secretly worry that OGAS could bring about a new era of Stalinism despite the fact that many of the Technocrats following OGAS aren't stalinists but mainline true believer communists who simply want their country to achieve her ultimate goal. But as "great man theory" goes the action of a single great man can change history forever. Who knows if a new Stalin might appear? Work on OGAS will begin immediately, first with testing on single factories to see if OGAS works on one factory, and then seeing how it handles several factories and places all at once, and then fixing any problems that arise and continuing until 1970, which is when OGAS is slated to be fully finished in the USSR and possibly elsewhere in the eastern bloc. |
| Two other projects are also in the works, the Decade Plan and General Plan for the Reconstruction of Moscow. The Decade plan is the ongoing economic plan to industrialize Central Asia and Siberia at the same rate european russia was industrialized in 13 years. It has so far been a resounding success with dozens of new towns and several new cities being built from scratch out in the east, with parts of the great forests of Siberia being cleared for new heavy industry, which is the entire focus of the plan. The reasons behind it's creation is simple. Mikoyan wants the USSR to become a real contender with the west economically. Simply having a serviceable economy large enough to suit the union is not enough, it needs to be a strong well oil machine that can last as long as physically possible. The General Plan for the Reconstruction of Moscow is a similarly monumental plan, the goal of which is to rebuild the architecture of Moscow into something truly befitting the capital of the greatest socialist state on earth. The first truly successful socialist state on earth. Multiple massive buildings are being built at the same time in Moscow and are all five years from completion. The general plan was started a year before year the Third Reich invaded the USSR so it had to be put on hold. the USSR plans to make Stalin's final legacy a reality! |
| The Virgin Lands campaign is General Secretary Mikoyan's 1959 plan to dramatically boost the Soviet Union's agricultural production in order to alleviate food shortages plaguing the Soviet people. New lands in Central Asia and Siberia would be cultivated using local crops and with the advice of local agronomists on what the best course of action within each area is. Locals are being used to farm on the new farms opening up in the Virgin Lands, so the regional SSR governments don't see this as a way for Muscovite Russians to colonize their lands. The lack of local water in Central Asia would be combated with the creation of thousands of windmills to draw out groundwater instead of rerouting rivers using nuclear bombs, a very common proposal. Grain silos would be built from scratch in the new areas as efficiently as possible so the grain does not get damaged. Along with that would be a general increase in infrastructure in the targeted virgin lands. Harvests have come in from the new Virgin lands very recently and have already exceeded expectations. The total output of grain for the Virgin Land regions in 1959 was 14,793,000 tons greater and 65% higher than the average grain yield for the previous harvest period. Due to the crops used being native to the virgin lands the central government does not have to worry about mass crop failures due to using crops such as corn, suggested by a certain Nikita Krushchev, and because of using thousands of windmills to draw out groundwater, droughts will not hurt the crops as well. Due to the massive size of the recent harvest grain will be exported to ALL Warsaw Pact states in Eastern Europe. Food Shortage is now a thing of the past! |
| More technological marvels are in development as well, such as the MIL V-12, what will soon become the largest Helicopter ever built. A colossal helicopter designed to transport ICBMs to remote locations instead of using outdated rail lines, which reveal the locations of ICBM launching sites to the west through U-2 Spy Planes. Using V-12 Helicopters to transport the ICBMs instead of rail lines makes it nearly impossible for Spy Planes to find the launch sites. The west will be looking for needles in the world's largest haystack! Another great technological marvel planned by the Union is the Ekranoplan. A Hydrofoil based ship that uses the Ground effect to fly over the water as fast as an aircraft on a cushion of air, close to the surface making them virtually invisible to radar and sonar due to being out of the water. It will also be capable of flying straight over sea mines. Ekranoplans would also be capable of accessing shallow coastlines and beaches inaccessible to conventional ships. They also are promised to be incredibly cheap and easy to build, capable of being mass produced as quick troop transports as well as weapons platorms. Rostislav Alexeyev is the director and chief designer of the Central Hydrofoil Bureau, the government agency behind the revolutionary idea which has captured the attention of the top brass of the soviet military, who have recently approved for massive military funding for the project. Soon the Soviet Union will have ships that can jump over bridges! Other programs such as walking tanks and domestic robots are also being considered as well as many other projects. All in all the soviet people and leadership are optimistic for what the future might bring. One thing is for certain, the 1960s will be a very interesting decade indeed. |
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| "Proletarii vsekh stran, soyedinyaytes'!" |
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Val Verde-, Otsla, Kiger, Zanbala Prz, East Germany Ddr, Teymour, Gaia Major, Great Britain Et Ireland
[B]August 1960
[I]The new economic act has started with the government buying up tons of food a distributing it to all citizens equally making sure the poor get there share as need as Catherine is looking at establishing fair pricing for all at the stores .
Catherine has decided to continue visiting nations in the Eastern bloc as her meeting with China went well she hopes to stop by and visit the Soviet Union and hopes to make a good diplomatic relationship with the soviets as well , her policy is basically a good will mission to show not all western leaders are against the east.
Greetings comrades!
Central Arstotzka, Teujira, East Germany Ddr, Prussia Poland
Hello there, if you are looking to join our RP, please join our discord where we review applications.
Central Arstotzka, Teujira, Prussia Poland
[sub]March 1959-January 1960
Year of the Earth Pig[/sub]
西藏危机!
The Tibet Crisis!
[pre]The history of the Tibet region is ultimately inextricable from the broader history of China, and as such its administration must be identical in every way to that of the rest of China. No institutions incompatible with the ideals of the socialist revolution can, in good faith, be permitted to endure.
-Mao Zedong, Chairman of the Peoples Republic of China[/pre]
Tibet is a historic, storied land, rich in culture, history and tradition. As the bastion of a unique form of Himalayan Buddhism, it has evolved its own unique cultural traditions, and its own manner of living.
The roof of the world, frosty, isolated Tibet is also, to its ultimate detriment perhaps, the source of multifarious mighty rivers: the Yangtze, the Mekong and the Ganges all trace the origin of their mighty courses back to the lofty and snowy peaks of Tibet. The people of this region are a robust, hardy one, with a charming zeal for life that is by all accounts necessary to eke out some form of existence in the bleak landscape.
However, desolate as their surroundings may be, the people of this isolated region have played at moments in the history of this land a crucial, even pivotal role in international affairs. Always closely related to and deeply intertwined with the history of China and its imperial dynasties, the history of Tibet has been one of tumult, of war and of peace, and of glory and of bitter defeat. The story at least, the verifiable story begins in the early 7th Century C.E., with the short-lived but powerful Tibetan Empire. Brought into conflict by its geographical location with the transient Tang and Song Dynasties in China proper, the Tibetan Empire was a state positioned on the linchpin of global trade, the Silk Road, and a mighty state at that, spanning from the Turkic kingdoms of Xinjiang in the north to the very borders of India in the south.
This land, however, was not one destined to last through the travails of history. The Era of Fragmentation, brought about by the fraying of Tibetan central authority over the vast and sparsely inhabited kingdom, led to the regions eventual conquest by the Yuan Dynasty, thus beginning a long and perhaps rather bloody affair with China.
Should we skip forward considerably to the early years of the 20th Century, we find a China in the dying throes of its imperial tradition. The Xinhai Revolution leaves China a state in little more than name, with warlords, republicans, communists and foreigners vying for a piece of the now shattered Chinese pie. It is during this time that the polity of Tibet resumed, after a lengthy interlude, its existence as an independent state. The pseudo-partition of Tibet by the Simla Conference of 1914, a cowardly attempt by the Western powers to divide the fundamental peoples of China, saw the region gain significant autonomy and resume, in all but name, its own sovereignty much to the chagrin of Beijing, or Peking as it was then known.
The Tibet of these years was not the paradise of liberty portrayed by those in the West who now agitate for its liberation from the perceived communist menace. The Tibet of these years was not, in fact, even a democracy. From the year 1912 on, the theocratic absolutist leader of Tibet, the so-called Dalai Lama, governed the region with an iron hand, enforcing upon the beleaguered peoples of the region a sort of cruel religiosity that dictated every aspect of religious life. Stories from this Tibet portray it as a sort of mystic Himalayan religious kingdom, full of monks, monasteries, and of course the elusive yeti; of course, one is hardly qualified to comment on the accuracy of these assumptions suffice it to say the reality of life here was rather more dreary, and rather more regimented, than is made widely known.
The geographical vicinity of Tibet was of course shaken up decisively by the events in China from 1931-1945, which brought China into conflict with the rapacious power of Japan. Tibet took this opportunity, as its effective suzerain, the ROC government, was otherwise preoccupied, to expand its own provisos for independent self-rule, even establishing its own foreign office in 1942 and extracting promises from the Republic of China alluding to Tibet as an independent nation ruled by the successive Dalai Lamas. Whether, of course, the existence of Tibet as an independent nation was a historical fact during this period is an issue of much contention and much debate. The United States and its Western allies typically tended to recognise it as a province of the Republic of China, whereas the Tibetans themselves, as well as the Indian government and later the Japanese, would issue statements recognising it as a sovereign political entity.
All this would, of course, change very soon. In 1949, Mao Zedongs Communists won a stunning victory in China, and saw the remainders of the KMT Army and political leadership flee to Thailand, and ultimately meet justice at the hands of a PRC tribunal. However, what the establishment of this new Peoples Republic of China would mean for Tibet and to the Tibetan people would only become clear in October of 1950, whereupon detachments of the Peoples Liberation Army entered Tibet via the border regions of Chamdo, and defeated puny and decidedly minor resistance from the poorly-trained and equipped Tibetan Army.
This culminated ultimately with the 1951 annexation of Tibet under the Seventeen Point Agreement a document which welcomed Tibet back into the Chinese fold where it belonged, and which reaffirmed Tibets status as inextricably a province of China.
Ultimately, this would prove to be a predictably divisive move, with much of Chinas traditional group of allies in the Socialist world, including the Soviet Union, commending it as an act of liberation that with one fell stroke put an end to the institutions of oppression in Tibet, including a glorified form of theocratic slavery. However, the West, ever opposed to a united and powerful China that would not bend the knee to its whims, has yet refused to acknowledge the political reality of the situation in Tibet, and continues to pretend to the existence of a sovereign Tibetan state, while also predictably condemning Tibets peaceful liberation as an act of Chinese aggression. The Chinese government has, of course, put the appropriate amount of stock by these statements and has notably elected to ignore the majority of these malicious protests.
Over the course of the year 1949, events in Tibet have taken a turn for the livelier, with attempts being made by isolated factions within Tibet to gain an illegitimate independence from China and to shake off the enlightened rule of Communism in favour of the prior theocratic tradition. These protests and rebellions appear to be offshoots of the ongoing insurgency in the eastern Kham region of what is now Xizang Province of the Peoples Republic of China. What was earlier limited to isolated resistance from guerrilla fighters and terrorists has spread across the province, affecting even the provincial capital of Lhasa.
Having anticipated unrest coinciding with the 1959 March Harvest Festival, the Chinese government stationed PLA troops numbering 150,000 in the provinces hinterland, with a further 45,000 troops of the 11th Armoured Division being localised around Lhasa and its environs.
On the 17th of March, 1959, the isolated protests became violent and transformed into a large-scale insurrection against Chinese rule, starting in the problematic Kham region, and spreading like wildfire. The popularity of the cause of independence was significantly lesser than expected however, with the Tibetan populations ongoing Sinicisation and cultural erasure leaving them less willing to participate in a treasonous insurrection against Chinese rule. An estimated 10,000 irregulars had been mustered as a militia to attempt to secure Tibetan independence from China, with isolated detachments of Tibetan guerrillas in the range of about 5,000 also emerging from their mountain hideaways and entering Lhasa largely undetected.
This infiltration of the provincial capital led to the establishment of a resistance stronghold in the city, around the Luding neighbourhood that is one of the riparian suburbs, located on the icy Lhasa River.
PLA troops continued to maintain effective control over the remainder of the city until the evening of 19th March, 1959, when a formation of about 4,000 irregulars stormed the bridge over the Lhasa River and attempted to capture the Lhasa Potala Palace and proclaim the theocrat Dalai Lama as leader of an independent Tibetan nation. This came as a massive shock to the Chinese government, which was heretofore convinced that the insurrection was little more than a minor nuisance that could be resolved through diplomacy and other peaceful means, including negotiation with the Tibetan rebels and some form of mutual settlement.
However, the news of the strength and organisation of the guerrilla force, as well as of their surprise attack on the Potala Palace, which while repelled had cost nearly 200 PLA troops to do so, led to a fundamental change in mindset in the national capital of Beijing, with Chairman Mao Zedong issuing a Machiavellian command titled Order 204, under which Marshal of the PRC Liu Bocheng, and his detachment of nearly 20,000 Chinese troops, were instructed to suppress the Tibetan insurrection and establish absolute Chinese control over Tibet through the destruction of local institutions of government, via any means necessary. This ominous and vague command would fall upon the brutal shoulders of Marshal Liu to execute; a hard, merciless man who had served with Maos Red Army in the War of Resistance Against Japan an unfortunate occurrence for the Tibetans, since his intervention would spell the end of Tibet as any sort of distinct polity.
Chinese troops on the 21st of March began a counterattack in the urban centre of Lhasa, with the 344th Armoured Regiment using its Type 66 tanks to rapidly capture key intersections in the city and through aggressive, no-quarter tactics decimating the Tibetan irregulars. With the injury of only 2 PLA servicemen, the Tibetan rebels were driven back across the Lhasa River, where the 11th Armoured Division captured the bridge and cut them off from resupply via the northeast. Chinese infantry of about 1,100 men then engaged what remained of the Tibetan force, about 1,500 soldiers, in a skirmish near the bus station outside Chingdol Xi Lu. The flat and rather open terrain of this largely rural area meant that the PLAs tanks and rocket artillery made short work of the Tibetan insurgents, with their entire force being killed or captured.
Meanwhile, a detachment of 500 Chinese infantrymen stormed the stairway to the Potala Palace and cut it off from the city at large these troops then entered the Palace and fanned out within its ancient compound to locate the Dalai Lama, a man whose political stances during the crisis were more changeable than the Arctic winds in his homeland of Southern Tibet. Although initially motivated to declare his support for the rebels, their conduct in the territories of Lhasa they held, culminating in a grotesque 3 hours of rapine and pillage, of rape and of slaughter labelled by the CCP propaganda artists the Sack of Luding, prompted a widespread public opinion outrage in China at least, in those parts of China where the information was permitted to reach that made the vocal support of such a prominent figure in Tibetan public life for what were essentially glorified war criminals political suicide and untenable for any public figure who wished to see his popularity preserved intact. The Dalai Lama on the 20th of March at 7 p.m. issued a public broadcast from his balcony in the Potala Palace, which was as follows:
[sub]Citizens and brothers of Tibet!
The situation that has developed is to the benefit of none involved: not to the Chinese soldiers, not to the shepherds and monks who are my brethren, and not to the people who are causing so much hurt and violence for, arguably, a justifiable cause.
In the name of the teachings of the great Buddha, it is not right that we should kill those who enter our lands, should they even perhaps seek our own deaths themselves. It is not right that disciples of my own and of the Buddha should take up arms in an aggressive struggle against anyone, no matter how ruthless, how crude. But and note this! It is not right that our culture, our heritage and our fundamental right to our way of life should be wiped out so industrially and so heartlessly.
My brothers, I implore you: we must lay down our arms, if only for the moment. We must abandon our armed struggle if only until all other options of resistance and of self-government have been exhausted. The road to freedom is a long and winding road, a rough, dusty road plagued with boulders and with rapacious beasts who would seek to prey off our fellow unwary travellers. But it is our road, it is the road we are destined to tread, and it is the road, I believe, whose end the free and inalienable peoples of Tibet will ultimately reach the end of but through peace: not through violence and not through aggression.
Lay down your arms, my people. We must resolve this in the halls of power, in the courtroom; not on the battlefield. And though the odds may not be in our favour, though the Chinese may kill a hundred, a thousand, ten thousand of your brethren, our struggle will not be in vain if the last words on the dying lips of those slain reaffirm to the very end their desire to see a free, independent and sovereign Tibet.[/sub]
This blatant disobedience of the CCP line, and attempt to instigate a revolutionary fervour among the Tibetan people, would lead to the local Communist Party operatives, who were as is required by the Seventeen Point Agreement informed in advance of it, to suppress widely its dissemination, and to clear the central plaza of Lhasa city to ensure that the anticipated throngs who would normally gather to hear their leader speak, and who would thus be whipped into a revolutionary frenzy, were instead held outside the city, 10, 15 even 20 kilometres away from where their leader was delivering perhaps one of the most powerful speeches of his time. Ultimately, a small gathering of local residents did assemble to hear their leader speak, but the damage control undertaken by the Chinese Communist Party ensured that the effects of this speech were localised and contained to a few peasants at most.
Or so it initially seemed.
For it was not told to the Chinese Communists that the Tibetan government had prepared a transcript of this speech and a recording, which had on tape every word uttered by the Tibetan spiritual leader. A recording, it later transpired, which had been spirited away from the beleaguered Tibetan capital and which was being transported to be reproduced and disseminated among the Chinese populace and perhaps, eventually, even to the West.
This was information the CCP did not know about until the evening of the 22nd of March, 1959, when information about the leaked recording began making the rounds in the PLA Expeditionary Force to Tibet, which had just finished quelling the rebellion and which was currently making the rounds around Tibet, patrolling the cities and quashing minor insurrections and what remained of the uprising. It was subsequently intimated to the PLA leadership and eventually to Marshal Bocheng himself; they were understandably livid.
Upon conveyance and escalation to the very highest levels of Chinese government the Chairman himself the CCP Standing Committee would produce what would be the defining document of what would later be labelled the Tibetan Crisis: the unassumingly titled Directive #1258: Concerning the Restoration of Order to the Western Regions.
Unassuming as it may initially sound, this would prove to be one of the most profoundly authoritarian documents in the history of the PRC, past, present and future. Its essential provisos would call for the dissolution of Tibetan local government from the grassroots level upward, the arrest and subsequent trial of the Tibetan leadership, the establishment of a period of transitionary military administration of the region pending and this would be unprecedented in the history of all China TOTAL assimilation of the region into the PRC, with no distinction politically to show that it was in any way different from the rest of China.
The 23rd of March, 1959, would see the implementation of this absolutist doctrine into Tibet by Marshal Bochengs 11th Division, which would proclaim martial law in Tibet and establish a provisional government in Lhasa under the direct administration of the Marshal himself, pending transition to a civilian authority nominated directly by the Central Government. The dark days between the 23rd and 26th of March would see the implementation of what would become known as the Lhasa Terror, wherein the city and its suburbs, accounting for nearly 60% of the total population of Tibet, would be subject to effective military dictatorship with the PLA having practically unlimited power. A wave of arrests would see the largely unfounded apprehension of a host of dissidents, numbering nearly 400 men, who would be deported from the region and never seen again. The imposition of a curfew of 6 p.m. daily would mean the complete cessation of the once-lively Lhasa nightlife, and those seen loitering outside were often arrested on the whim of the PLA platoons that now had free rein of the entire city. Any opposition was brutally suppressed and censorship was stringent and utterly absolute. Those seen expressing even slight support for the Tibetan former government would be struck off the citizenship register, and have themselves, and their near and distant family deported to the extensive Laogai system in nearby Sichuan.
The unfolding crisis would culminate on the 29th of March, 1959, when the complete restoration of order and elimination of separatist public opinion had been, in the eyes of the CCP, achieved. This would be the final phase of the plan of action outlined within Directive #1258 the elimination of remaining Tibetan civil authority.
PLA troops would once again climb the nearly 5000 stairs up the hillside to the Potala Palace, and then enter the sanctum of the palace, where no foreigner had stepped foot in a thousand years, and arrest the Dalai Lama and large number of his cadres on charges of treason and sedition, as well as of aiding and abetting the enemies of the state. With a single fell swoop, the CCP would eliminate all remnants of the prior Tibetan regime, and put to an end with a single stroke more than 800 years of history and Buddhist tradition. There would be minor small-scale riots but the now effectively permanent military presence throughout Tibet would quickly and effectively quell them. The council for Tibetan government, the Kashag, would also see its rapid dismissal via a personal letter from Mao himself, and have its members be arrested and disappear in the course of a few hours after the storming of the Potala Palace.
The coming months would see the dissolution of the Tibet Area, the provisional autonomous region within which Tibet had possessed considerable liberty to self-government, and the establishment of what would, in January 1960, become Xizang Province in all respects and regards simply another province of the Peoples Republic of China. Tibetan separatism would be a minor annoyance at best in the months and subsequently years following the Tibetan Crisis, through the complete and utter indoctrination and Sinicisation of the people of Tibet; a process begun at the grassroots level through what was effectively the brainwashing of the children of Tibetan families via the ultranationalist Sinicising influence of the New Education Policy. Attendance in schools set up by the CCP and staffed by its cadres would be made compulsory for all Tibetan children, and by 1960s end there would be little to no actual fervour for a full-blown separatist revolution along the lines of the 1959 Uprising in Tibet.
Chinese or rather Han immigration into Tibet would become an effective fact of life for the people of Tibet in the coming years, with an estimated 2 million Chinese transitioning from life on the coast to life in the hills of Tibet, outnumbering the only 1.2 million native Tibetans. For better or for worse, the existence of Tibet as an entity distinct from the bulk of China proper would become less and less of a feasibility. The indoctrination of Tibetan children, and the establishment of a system that would treat them not as Tibetan, but merely as Chinese, would couple with the overwhelming Han influence and population to gradually erode what remained of Tibetan cultural institutions. Buddhist religious rites and other artifacts of pre-Uprising life in Tibet would be permitted to continue, thanks in no small part to Chairman Maos own adoption of Buddhist principles. However, religion in Tibet would henceforth have a decided perhaps merely slight, but certainly noticeable CCP flavour, and certainly an overweening influence by Han Chinese religion as well, leading to the bastardisation of the Tibetan folk religions. The Buddhist Association of China would become the preeminent force of religion in the province, superseding and overwhelming the earlier institutions of Tibetan traditional Buddhism and provided in effect a spear through which the CCP could impose its party line upon the deeply religious people of Tibet.
The institution of the Lamas would see a drastic modification, with the Chinese-nominated pick for the traditional counter-position of the Dalai Lama, the Panchen Lama (Choekyi Gyaltsen), overseeing a merging of the portfolios of Dalai and Panchen Lamas into a single, new and far more powerful Dalai Lama position, which he would himself fill. As head of all the Tibetan Buddhists, the pro-China and more importantly pro-Communist Gyaltsen would spearhead the complete Sinicisation of the Tibet region and its transition from part of the Chinese periphery to an integral core of China. He would implement multiple radical reforms alongside the province secretary which would take into account the religiosity of the Tibetan people, and would lay strong religion and state barriers, preventing the reintroduction of any form of theocratic administration into the Tibet region. The population of Tibet would continue to grow at an increasingly rapid rate through the following years in largely rural conurbations, with many Han adopting traditional Tibetan ways of life as well, perhaps in an irony; they would adopt the very customs they were sent to eliminate. However, the effective alien nature of the Han would become less and less of a concern in the post-Uprising era. Ultimately, the Han people were those who were most loyal to the Communist regime, and this would remain the case. Whether they chose to be rice farmers, urban dwellers, or traditional Tibetan-style nomads would be immaterial, since they would have no desire for any sort of theocratic Tibetan regime to return partly, of course, since they had no connection to one.
The administration of Tibet would become, as stated, largely indistinguishable from the provincial administrations of all other regions of the PRC. Tibet would become Xizang Province, and see the imposition of a system of government very much along the lines of those seen in the other Chinese provinces. The Tibetan Communist Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme, a member of the pre-Uprising Kashag and its only member to remain throughout a commited ally of the Beijing regime, would see his installation as Provincial Secretary, making him first-in-charge of Xizang Province.
An enthusiastic Communist, Ngapo, as he was commonly known, would ardently modernise Tibet and its infrastructure along the lines and precepts of Maos Great Leap Forward. His administration, not limited by term thanks to a direct writ by the central government, would see Tibet transformed completely, into a modern, secular and prosperous province of the PRC, and an integral part of the Chinese core.
The 1959 Tibetan Crisis would mark the first of several challenges posed to the newly-strengthened Chinese government, and its methods of dealing with it would prove to be indicative of how it would address many of Chinas future problems: ruthless, rapid, efficient, and brutally effective. Whether this suppression and assimilation of Tibet was morally justified is of course an entirely different question, and one which would remain hotly debated in Chinese society and government for several decades to come. What is for sure, however, is that the Chinese government has shown its hand: it is prepared to do whatever necessary to make China one of the worlds preeminent powers once again.
Spainard, Central Arstotzka, Teujira, Val Verde-, Otsla, Czabalkia, Kiger, East Germany Ddr, Teymour, Prussia Poland, Great Britain Et Ireland
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1508212
Spainard, Teujira, Czabalkia, Kiger, Teymour, Prussia Poland
Ouch, i have some issues with my internet right now, tried making an account but won't work (i'm on mobile data, pretty slow)
Teujira, Shamalistan, Czabalkia, East Germany Ddr
[B]Queen Catherine's diplomatic agenda
[B]1960
[I]Queen Catherines diplomatic agenda for the year is opening the kingdom open to nations willing to work with her and the Portuguese State, she has a willingness to work with the eastern bloc nations like the Soviet Union.
Catherine is already working with the Chinese nation and has been very pleased with the results of there meeting and confirmed the Chinese state as a friend ,
Catherine hopes she has the same results with other eastern bloc nations has she starts with her diplomatic agenda, in the east .
[list][list]CHARLES NAPOLEON BONAPARTE APPEALS DEATH SENTENCE
The Beginning Of The Long Trial
6 September 1960 - Fort du Portalet, Bearn, French Fifth Republic[/list][/list]
| The disgraced former Emperor, since his apprehension in Mexico in mid-August, has spent the last month locked tightly in the Fort du Portalet, a military prison high in the Pyrenees, awaiting execution at the hand of a guillotine. Sentenced to death back in April of 1948, the French government has spent over a decade in pursuit of Charles Napoleon for his part in the surrender of the French state and armed forces to Nazi Germany which could have, if not for the formation of the Provisional Government of Philippe Petain, resulted in the complete collapse of the French state and society at the hands of Germany. Last week, the Court of Appeals of France formally approved an appeal request made by Charles Napoleon Bonaparte and will oversee the appeal process which could, if successfully argued, at most result in a potential retrial. |
| Mr. Bonaparte's legal team will consist of a variety of some of the most high profile lawyers across the French Union including Jacques Vergès, Renaud Denoix de Saint Marc, Jengo Fecteau-Khoza. The former Emperor will be moved from the Fort du Portalet to a maximum security wing of the La Santé Prison, under the constant guard of French special forces. An Alouette III from the French Air Forces will be tasked with transporting the prisoner across the country at an undisclosed time between now and October so that the appeal may be heard with haste. |
| The legal defense team intends to argue that the decision made during the former trial was unjust due to its chronological proximity to the events of the war and the fact that the former French Emperor was not present in France to defend himself against a biased prosecution comprising of political enemies with a visible interest in seeing the former Emperor put to death. Jacques Vergès, the head of Bonaparte's legal team, made this statement to the press earlier today: |
[list][list]"There is no argument that can be made which justifies the validity of the kangaroo court that sentenced Mr. Bonaparte to death. The war had been ended less than three years before, a new and staunchly anti-Bonaparte government established, and a political and judicial witch-hunt for all former monarchists in full effect. Mr. Bonaparte had legally and freely taken exile from France to the Kongo to avoid potential assassination by his enemies and was sentenced, in absentia, to death by a cadre of officers and politicians with an interest in a violent end to the monarchy. Whether or not
Mr. Bonaparte's actions were justified is another matter entirely, and I would be willing to defend that, but the key issue which presents itself is appealing and overturning the blatantly biased ruling made by the High Court twelve years ago."[/list][/list]
Spainard, Teujira, Val Verde-, Otsla, East Germany Ddr, Teymour, Gaia Major, Prussia Poland
That sucks. Any idea what might be causing the internet problem?
The following document may be intercepted in-RP by the Intelligence Agencies of the following countries: Gaia Major, Not Xav, Czabalkia + any other nations determined by staff
[spoiler=TOP SECRET]https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1508809[/spoiler]
PING: Teujira
Teujira, Liberalina, Teymour, Great Britain Et Ireland
[B]Queen Catherine's diplomatic agenda
[I]Foreign Affairs Minister of The Portuguese State has sent the following letter to all eastern bloc nations.
[I]Fellow Leaders of The Eastern states our glorious Queen Catherine is very open to you Eastern leaders as she already has a relationship with the Chinese state, she is very willing to develop relations with the rest of you as well.
Her majesty believes its best for nations to work together to benefit a peace between all nations west and east, she hopes other nations will be willing to open up like China has for a peaceful relationship,
Catherine believes if she a western nation proves that eastern and western powers can have a peaceful relationship maybe other western nations can begin that trend as well we hope the eastern leaders will consider meeting with her majesty Queen Catherine.
signed Foreign Affairs Minister Lorenzo Medici
Malian Imperial Federation
[list][list]LE CORBUSIER ASSIGNED TO TCHAN TUNG
[sub]'Mr. Corbusier ... I Want The Model City'[/sub]
4 September 1960 - Port de Plancy, Tchan-Tung[/list][/list]
| 1954 and the conclusion of the Korean War also brought about the end of the Battle of Tchan-Tung, the siege of the French territory in mainland China by the PRC and USSR which had resulted in its temporary seizure by China before its liberation by a joint Franco-American Army Corps. After the end of the war, the twin cities of Tché-Fow and Port de Plancy were left completely obliterated, destroyed by street fighting, artillery barrages, and bombing runs by Chinese and Soviet aircraft. In place of the old and historic colonial Tchan-Tung, a hodgepodge of traditional Chinese architecture and French Belle Époque colonialist architecture, a new, modernistic Tchan-Tung has begun to rise; where once stood traditional Chinese-style houses, common high rise apartments have sprang up; where once stood glamorous, extravagant villas and theaters, modernist museums, offices, and parks have been created. Despite the large scale redesigning of Tchan-Tung, which has been aided by de Gaulle's implementation of Dirigisme to facilitate rapid economic redevelopment, the actual designs of the twin cities have been very disorganized and sporadic over the last six years. |
| In order to more properly organize and modernize Tchan-Tung, the government of the French Republic has established a plan between the Ministry of the Overseas, the Ministry of the Economy, and the Ministry of Culture to oversee a complete, planned redesign of the French Settlements. Placed in charge of the project for his work on the redesign of Algiers in the 1930s and 1940s is the Franco-Swiss modernist, Le Corbusier. Corbusier's vision for Tchan-Tung, called 'Plan Modèle', will necessitate the destruction of most of the remaining traditional architecture in the downtown centers of both Port de Plancy and Tché-Fow to give way for massive, pragmatic, modernist structures aimed at creating a vibrant city ripe for economic diversification and settlement. |
| To oversee the implementation of the Model Plan, the Council for Urban Development of Tchan-Tung has been established by Charles de Gaulle as an independent executive agency directly responsible to the minister of public works with Le Corbusier as its Chairman. The Council will be responsible for managing funding and budgeting, organizing construction, overseeing labor, and other facilities which will allow the Plan to be instituted. |
[list]THE MODEL PLAN: PORT DE PLANCY[/list]
| Port de Plancy, known formerly as Port Bazaine before 1945, served as a major industrial hub between 1895 and 1954 - shipping in vast amounts of raw metals from China to be smelted, processed, and shipped across the Pacific to Japan, the United States, Canada, Australia, and elsewhere. During the Korean War, the vast majority of Tchan-Tung's factories for smelting metals and creating industrial products were destroyed from fighting or bombing, resulting in a complete reorganization of the economy of the territory. After negotiating lower tariffs with Japan to incentivize companies to establish a presence in Tchan-Tung after the war, Port de Plancy's economy, like Tché-Fow, has transitioned from an industrial-based economy to a service based economy. Widely for a variety of factors, from trade being halted with China to a growing market for products, the factories have been largely replaced by businesses from Japan, the United States, and mainland France selling cheap products and offering employment both in retail positions, finance positions, and in the city's bustling port, which oversees some of the highest density traffic per square footage in Asia. Spurred by an unusually low corporate and property tax, with the corporate tax rate a mere 7% and 12% on all profits up to and above $2,500,000(2021) respectively, the development of Port de Plancy has necessitated a restructuring of the city to better suit the diversifying economy and growing population. |
| Houancoui, the most populated district in Port de Plancy, is the main focus of Le's designs in the city. In order to better accommodate high density trade, the port will be expanded upon, adding another two miles of dockyards running north along the city's coast. Roughly 3/4ths of a mile of this port will be maintained as a military port of call for Carrier Strike Group 6, the French combat group stationed in Tchan-Tung. Immediately past the port will be a few blocks of smaller residential areas, with each residential complex consisting of a city block. The complexes will consist of square buildings, five floors in all, with small gardens directly in the middle of the complexes. Further inland, a multitude of interlocking high rise structures will be constructed within which businesses ranging from the most minute merchant to the largest bank can buy or rent an internal unit or floor to operate as a headquarters, an office, or a store. Saint-Gobain Diamant low iron glass will connect the high rises with one another, forming a massive, interconnected web of buildings that will ease traffic density on the roads by expanding travel routes on a vertical dimension. The administrative center of the city will be constructed west of the business sector, located directly north of and overlooking the Ming-era Huancuilou Park and Huancuilou House. The building will be a large, rectangular building, extending farther vertically than horizontally, with both the front and the back of the top of the building sinking in in the middle, creating small indents and giving the appearance of the sides jutting out. |
| The shanty town constructed before the war by Chinese refugees fleeing the Civil War and persecution by the P.R.C. will be completely demolished, giving way for potential further urban expansion. Short of displacing the population, Le Corbusier's plan will call for the construction of large, viaduct-like structures which will serve as cheap common housing units allowing for low-income residents to live modestly. The structures will be constructed on the hillside to the north of the city, separating the city proper from the northern New Port area, and will borrow designs from Le Corbusier's remodeling of Algiers. In order to allow easy transportation throughout the metropolitan area, a massive railway track will be constructed running very rigidly up the mountain side from the Shawo district in the New Port area, to the common housing units, and then just as rigidly down into a large train station in Houancoui. |
| The outer districts of Port de Plancy will largely remain untouched, mostly comprising of the original architecture which had been present before the wars, and the recently constructed modernist hotels and apartments built after it. The New Port area, however, will see extensive modernization, with the construction of large warehouses and desalination plants to ensure a constant supply of fresh drinking water. Like the Houancoui business sector, the New Port will also be redesigned to have a business sector consisting of interlocked high rises. |
[list]THE MODEL PLAN: TCHE-FOW[/list]
| Tché-Fow, as the administrative heart of the French Settlements, had already been planned in a more refined manner, even going back to the period immediately following the lease of the area from the Qing. However, it too was largely destroyed in the fighting from 1951-1954, and has been seeing rebuilding in a similar manner to Port de Plancy. In order to centralize its redevelopment, Le Corbusier's Model Plan will also be instituted in this city, seeking to turn it into a major financial hub based on finances such as banking and investment. In order to do this, the city will be redeveloped from the ground up to establish a grandiose, business-friendly environment which will be tailored towards the development of a regional economic hub. |
| The eponymous Tché-Fow District, the most affluent and prominent of the districts, will be torn down almost completely in order to make way for a new, modernist financial center. At the forefront of the district will be a towering, monolithic high rise which will serve as a corporate office to an as of yet unannounced sponsor, however multiple French companies have announced interest in acquiring the tower. Several other smaller high rises, all interlinked, will surround the central high rise, built as cross-shaped towers like those in Port de Plancy. The westernmost areas of the financial sector will be dominated by a massive, palatial-sized property which will be home to the Asia-Pacific Stock Exchange, a stock exchange to be established by the Paris Bourse. The APSE will be open to investors seeking to trade stock in French companies in Tchan-Tung and other Asia-Pacific Countries, and will be open to companies in other Asia-Pacific countries such as Japan, South Korea, the United States, Hong Kong, Thailand, Vietnam, the Philippines, Burma, India, and others. |
| To accompany the development of this massive financial sector, the surrounding districts will be converted into more traditional commercial and residential sectors. Between the Tché-Fow and the Leou-Che River, most of the city will be demolished to give way to new developments consisting of modernist residential complexes which will be owned and operated by companies such as Groupe Lucien Barrière, Accor, Gecina, and the American company Marriott. Smaller market buildings will also be built which will host a variety of shops and vendors, but the main focus will be on the Tché-Fow District. Large, sprawling thoroughfares will connect the various districts, which shall all culminate at a single intersection in the middle of Tché-Fow District proper, directly underneath the APSE building. Subways shall also be built connecting major districts together. |
| Yangma Island, a large island off the coast of Tché-Fow's eastern districts, will be converted into a highly coveted tourist attraction. Accor, a hospitality upstart from mainland France, has been sold a large portion of the island's eastern tip to develop a large resort overlooking the Yellow Sea. The rest of the island will be developed into a series of exclusive estates built in a modernist fashion which will be owned by a local firm, Groupe Guoduan. The estates will be rented to private, well-to-do purchasers. The other districts on the mainland directly south of Tché-Fow will be turned into a commercial district, centered around small businesses and local enterprises. |
[list][list]FINAL ASSESSMENT[/list][/list]
| The rebuilding of Tchan-Tung will certainly be a long, tedious endeavor, with the Council for Urban Development of Tchan-Tung predicting anywhere from 13-15 years to fully remodel both cities in the image of Le Corbusier's Model Plan. With an estimated cost of $40b(2021), the project will be no small effort, but the French government and Le Corbusier are confident that, once completed, Tché-Fow and Port de Plancy will serve as model cities for economic and living standard development, allowing the two cities to remain not only economically viable, but economically competitive regionally. |
Arcanda, Teujira, Val Verde-, Otsla, Kiger, East Germany Ddr, Teymour, Gaia Major, Malian Imperial Federation
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1509273
Otsla, Kiger, East Germany Ddr, Teymour
El País
30/11/1960
Madrid, Spain
__________________
[list]Prime Minister Velazquez To Move on Spanish Sahara Insurgent Crackdown[/list]
Conflict continues to be a significant challenge within the regional mandate of Western Sahara with a rise of violence terrorizing the city of Villa Cisneros. Local officials within the city have pointed at the insurgents violence as a response to the countries iron grip control over the city in the wake of other countries of the Berlin Conference have had in one way or the other relinquished their claims over the African continent with a few notable exceptions. Far south into the Western Saharan region, there has been reports of frivolous violence mainly conducted by small nomadic groups. The mostly desert region had been plagued by these insurgents well into Francos rule. Prime minister Jario Velazquez along with his cabinet has condemned the actions of violence, pledging that his government will continue to rule out these illegal activities, and will coordinate with Governor Massen De Tetúan on sending reinforce military intelligence and personnel to quell the violence. However many within Madrid protest the colonial holdings in the region on the Gran Vía. Many participants are of Moroccan or Berber decent, demanding that the Province of Western Sarah are given the same autonomy as given to the Canary Islands, an autonomous region guaranteed under the Spanish constitution. There has been no comment on this protest, but the Prime Ministers office continues to remain detrimental to the idea of ruling out insurgent rhetoric within the Spanish Sahara.
Val Verde-, Otsla, Kiger, Teymour, Gaia Major, Malian Imperial Federation
| The following document may ALSO be intercepted in-RP by the Intelligence Agencies of the following countries: Gaia Major Not Xav Czabalkia + any other nations determined by staff |
[spoiler=TOP SECRET]https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1509315[/spoiler]
East Germany Ddr
| When receiving the letter General Secretary Mikoyan would have it burned and not respond. Additionally he ordered messages sent out to all leaders of the Warsaw Pact that received the letter to also burn it and not respond. The socialist world has no interest in dealing with Monarchs. Monarchies are dead end systems, incompatible with marxism and will all be dismantled when the worldwide revolution comes. |
ping: East Germany Ddr
Val Verde-, Czabalkia, East Germany Ddr, Teymour
| The Soviet Union and General Secretary Mikoyan congratulates the People's Republic of China on a swift and effective end to the illegal insurrection in Tibet. Stability can only be ensured by Marxism! |
Val Verde-, Teymour, Gaia Major
November 1960
Power Struggles in the Federation
As the Federation took its first breath in an official signed treaty between Kwame Nkrumah and Nicolas Grunitzky many still doubted the form this federation would take. Throughout post Independence West Africa various factions rose and competed for dominance over the political movement. In cases prior to the 1960 Unification, such divisions had never affected the overall goal, as it was still a United front attempting to see its goal of the creation of a United West African Socialist State. Now that this goal had reached fruition now these disagreements had to be voted on, and a firm plan and constitution for this state had to be agreed upon, lest the fledgling movement be destroyed before it truly could even begin.
Voters Guide to the Pan-West African Front and its factions
Party for Industry and Socialism: Kwame Nkrumah formed his party while Ghana was still under British rule, espousing strong authoritarian and Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist beliefs, Nkrumah solidified his power over Ghana, now he wishes to make the whole federation unitarily under the iron fist of himself believing a strong vanguard party will be the only way to lead the nation to rapid industrialization and strength in the way of the Soviet Union. Many on all sides of the isle decry him as merely being a state capitalist and an authoritarian with many calling him the Little Stalin
Social Patriots: The Social Patriots are a faction led by Nicolas Grunitzky and represent the least radical of Pan-West African Front. Grunitzky and his Social Patriots as many have come to call them, believe in a market socialist system that emphasizes worker self management; however, they oppose violent revolutions and invasions in neighboring nations to bring about the socialist revolution. They are also fierce West African Nationalists believing a strong state identity is needed, beyond just being a worker. Fusing in matters of history, culture and ethnic federalism to empathize the unique exceptionalism of West Africa. Nkrumah and his supporters take issue with the lack of central control as Social Patriots favor an extremely loose Confederation.
Worker-Agrarian Unionists: The third and final major faction representing in this Congress would be the Worker-Agrarian Unionists, headed by revolutionary Amílcar Cabral, a Guinea-Bissau turned Malian revolutionary. The Worker-Agrarian Unionists favored Cooperative Economics, Market Socialism, and Worker Democracy. The Worker-Agrarianists maintain a stable majority of support from inside the Malian Federation but find it extremely limited abroad.
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Delegation Meeting - November 15th 1960
Delegates from Ghana, and Togo quickly shuffled into the parliamentary building in Accra. While it was extremely more difficult for members of the Pan-West African Front from Mali to attend. Underground routes, smuggling, and bribes had to be extensively given to border guards for local chapter members to make it to Accra itself. Amílcar Cabral himself attended after barely avoiding capture by Malian soldiers. 750 members attended this constitutional convention, armed guards stationed around Accra, and the Parliamentary building with even old models of light tanks being brought in to help defend against any potential intrusion by counter-revolutionaries and reactionary elements. The vast majority of the Supreme Council for this convention were composed of representatives from Mali, with a solid second being composed of Ghanaian, in third, the Togolese, with fourth and fifth respectively being made up of the small and fledgling Dahomeyan, and the violent revolutionary Ivory Coast. The aim of this convention was clear, to vote on a constitution, and especially for members of the Nkrumah and Grunitzky faction, to win over undecided local party members. The Worker-Agrarians while having a slight majority knew if they did not compromise they may fracture the party itself.
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Issue One: State Composition and Power Balance
Minister Nkrumah took the stand first, after all it was the city he represented that the council was being held in. He advocated for a strong Central Council in which only party members could vote for government parliamentatians. These members would then vote for a Supreme Chairman and Council of Ministers. The Supreme Chairman and his ministers would make laws, and the Central Council would be tasked with enforcing these rulings. The Supreme Chairman would be up for re-election or removal by Central Council vote. Next up Grunitzky took the stage, he advocated for a multi-layered federalist parliament, with most power delineated to local officials with the Federal Parliament only protecting the overarching state. An executive branch headed by the Supreme Chairman would enforce laws with veto and executive order powers. Then finally a Supreme Court to strike down any laws. Amílcar Cabral stood up next and took to the stage. He advocated for as he called it Federalist Syndicalism. Locally members of workers unions would vote for a leader of their local worker union, these union leaders would represent them in state Worker Councils, and then these Worker councils would choose and elevate members to represent the state in the National Workers Congress. The National Workers Congress would make laws and deal with economics that affected the overarching nation. A weakened Executive branch headed by a Supreme Chairman who would help enforce the law, and address the nation. A toned-down version of the executive order and veto system proposed by Grunitzky would also be introduced. After a tense voting session and discussion, Grunitzky and Cabral would unite under the Federalist Syndicalism proposal.
Economics
The second and most important matter would be the states position economically. Nkrumah favored the complete industrialization of the economy and landscape, enforced mining, exploitation of the vast reserves to build a strong state. Grunitzky favored an Market Socialist perspective with market socialist economy and worker management over the means of production. Finally Cabral favored Cooperative economics, favoring decentralized industry, ruralism, developing the environment and agriculture cooperatives of the nation, and market socialism. The people voted and after a deal was hashed out between all members in a show of true tri-partisanship. A small industrial base centered on the towns, with careful management of mining and industry by local worker councils. Market socialism with cooperative economics would be the major driving force of the market and means of production in the nation. Special emphasis would be placed on the cooperativization of local lands, and modernization of agriculture would be state-subsidized.
The Military and Foreign Policy
The final topic of the meeting would be a discussion of the Federations place in the world. Nkrumah favored a policy of leaving the SCO and focusing on building socialism in one state, preferring co-existence with the west. This sentiment was shared by Grunitzky. Cabral disagreed; however, favoring funding local rebellions across Africa to bring about the African Socialist Revolution. After voting and arguments, Cabral lost by a large margin, losing independents and even losing some of his faction members who did not favor such a suicidal path for the nation.
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After days of discussion, the constitution was finally ratified. the West African Federation was officially born. Cabral and his delegates returned to Mali with renewed vigor to destroy the Malian state from the inside, as it's slavery and oppression had begun to tear at the social fabric of the nation. The Ivory Coast was nearing implosion and ready to join the Federation and Dahomey was nearing an election that may decide the fate of the nations future itself.
The Federation is Born
Teujira, Val Verde-, Otsla, Czabalkia, Kiger, Teymour, Gaia Major
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1509342
PING: East Germany Ddr, Teujira
Teujira, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Teymour
[list]MARCH JUNE 1960
MEDINAT AL-KUWAIT, UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC MIDDLE EAST[/list]
[list][list][sub][pre]!دولة قوية و عادلة
Strong & Just Nation!
LISTEN TO THE ECONOMIST[/pre][/sub]
[/list][/list]
[list][sub]"Oh Arab citizens, verily we have worked towards your destiny and welfare. Those who have engaged in the conspiracy to overrule the national will have been supplanted, their plots have been scattered and their soldiers demoralized! Indeed, it is us, those who hold dearly to the ideology of Arabism who have implemented the holy phrase: surely this nation of yours is one nation (Quran 21:92). The United Arab Republic has been established, giving us both faith and tolerance. Through the Arab Revolution, the palaces of oppression are being uprooted. And our enduring power has been achieved through our unity. Glorify the lands of the Arabs well, this mother of all civilizations, as its victory is our most beautiful goal and aim! We must never hesitate to or refrain from seizing upon the talent of our nation. As the United Arab Republic is vast, so too is its intellect, it's working class and ability to develop. Everyone is aware that the most prosperous modern nations are dictated by informed policies. We remember in the past, when an ignorant clique of Sultans and Emirs ruled with the utmost selfishness and stupidity! Men of no qualifications would lead our armies and achieved for us the defeat in Palestine! When those infatuated with their own wealth would control the national economic policies, we all saw the great financial inequalities! Millions were forced into poverty, starvation and degrading conditions which is unfitting to any Arab! How can we, after all these tragedies, accept a government and a state which is uniformed? No more! We see the value in bringing in the most qualified and progressive of the nation into the decision making process. All the supporters of Arab solidarity and unity refuse to repeat previous mistakes and misdeeds!"[/sub]
[sub]"I am pleased on this critical day, we have chosen to convene the Arab Economic Convention in the Kuwait Region. We must never forget the astute and innovative nature of our compatriots in the furthest eastern regions of the Arab homeland, which is indeed representative of the entire Arab family which they are inseparable from! Experts, long suppressed in the ignorant nature of past tyrants, are now able to recommend to us the best economic policies. This is in our view, the most ideal method to construct a sound framework, as the government must take its orders from the people! It must not dictate its will upon the people! Verily this is the philosophy of Arab nationalism and the liberation it shall deliver to us, so long as we strive towards the success of the United Arab Republic! In such a holy endeavour we shall follow the truth that whoever intercedes for a good cause will have a share in the reward, and whoever intercedes for an evil cause will have a share in the burden (Quran 4:85). I wish those who abide by this mentality, from those hard workers in the fields and factories, the soldiers and commanders and those in the Arab Economic Convention, the greatest victory. They prove to us, not as politicians, but as citizens, that we will build our unified nation with unyielding determination! The United Arab Republic is not a government project, nor is it a political one. This republic is a popular project, it encompasses all fields of our society and economy. We cannot afford to continue to rely upon the legacies of those regimes which preceded it, Arabism must be reflected and woven into education, commerce, knowledge and social planning! Arabism must become the expectation the people enforce upon their institutions. In short it must become the staple of all our actions, not in the form of blind loyalty, but in a genuine conviction that we must employ the most capable in positions of power! The people will only accept a capable leader, who is the reflection of [Khalid Ibn] Al-Walid and [Abbasid Caliph] Al-Mamun, and all those from our history who inspire us today and who asserted the importance of action!"[/sub]
- JAMAL ABDEL NASSER[/list]
[/list]
[list][list][sub]Dr. Izzat Al-Trabulsi was a man of impeccable academic and professional prowess. He had been appointed the first governor of the Syrian Central Bank prior to the inclusion of the country within the United Arab Republic. Before that he was the director of the Syrian Ministry of Finance in 1946 and held the prestigious role of representing the country in the United Nations Economic & Social Council. Furthermore in 1950, he assumed leadership of the economically critical port at Latakia. He had been a keen supporter of the belief of Arab unity, having been a member of the Paris-based Arab Students Association while completing his studies in economics at Sorbonne University. Therefore, Dr. Al-Trabulsi, due to his experience, certifications and the added benefit of his ideological affinities, was an indispensable asset to the UAR government. The decision of the legislature to begin moving towards a unified currency in the UAR, means that the Syrian Central Bank, as well as its counterparts in every other Region of the United Arab Republic, will eventually be replaced by a new centralized entity. Dr. Al-Trabulsis position as its current, and likely last director, places him in close proximity to the Ministry of Finance and its current Minister, Farid Zoheir Al-Adel. The Minister, following in the precedent of Qustantine Zureiq of the Ministry of Education, had begun preparations to form an Economic Consultative Committee to propose and draft future economic policies. He instructed his Ministry to gather prominent economists such as Dr. Izzat Al-Trabulsi to be part of this committee, in conjunction with the Ministry of Development. These actions took part in the context of a shift of political priorities within the National Unity Movement, from supplanting the anti-UAR insurrections to embracing social, education and economic reform. The National Assembly, Higher Arab Council, but especially the Ministers of Finance and Development respectively, called for a technocratic approach in dealing with economic policies which meant the inclusion of experts from outside the nucleus of regular decision making. [/sub]
[sub]This translated to including expertise from beyond the current political establishment, a process which began in late-March upon the granting of a legislative and executive mandate to building an Economic Consultative Committee with the purpose of tapping into all vestiges of human capital that can assist in the creation and recommendation of economic policies. Many of those included in the committee, unlike Dr. Al-Trabulsi who was to be appointed as its Chairperson, lacked any political affiliations. For these members, the committee provided the chance to apply their knowledge and provide personal contributions to this major undertaking. Strikingly, figures from the defunct Egyptian Republic of Rashid Qaddab also was included. Such as Aziz Sedqi, who had begun his career with the creation of the Egyptian Central Bank in September 1947 and played a leading role in the controversial Party & Nation Revolution. The inclusion of Sedqi was largely due to him arguably being one of the most educated and qualified economists in the UAR, owing to his degree from Cairo University and then Harvard. The committee was further reinforced by Abdullah Tariqi from Arabia Region, who served as the Minister of Finance for the defunct Saudi Kingdom after earning a degree in petroleum engineering from the University of Texas in 1947 and having trained in the Texas Oil Company. He had supported the July 1955 Republican Revolution due to his growing affinity for the beliefs of pan-Arabism as well as constitutionalism. Such a desire was amplified due to his exposure, while working with ARAMCO in Dammam, to the religious discrimination Shia Muslims endured as second-class citizens under Wahhabist rule. [/sub]
[sub]The committee continued to expand throughout April, with the notable inclusion of French and American economic advisors, technicians and financial experts, sent to the committee as part of a positive gesture from the Western-powers towards Arab economic success. On April 23rd, in a joint-statement put forth towards a session of the National Assembly by Dr. Al-Trabulsi and Farid Zoheir Al-Adel, it was proclaimed that the committee had attracted a sufficient number of members to convene, under the name Arab Economic Convention. The proposed location was to be in the Kuwait Region, an idea supported by Jamal Abdel Nasser as a means to further integrate the small, yet economically well-off Region into the decision making process, even if in this instance, it was to be largely symbolic. Still, Kuwait had undergone extensive urbanization and modernization beginning in the 1950s and was therefore seen as a model to copy across the United Arab Republic. The convention scheduled to take place at the same time the President was meant to address the Regional Council of the Arabia Region in Riyadh. As a means to further reaffirm commitments to pan-Arabism in the context of Arabia, a component of the UAR, that due to its size and hydrocarbon wealth will likely play a preeminent role in economic development. Jamal Abdel Nasser, certainly followed through on this, endorsing the committee as part of his speech to the Regional Council, as the convention began on June 14th. The recommendations of the convention, recorded in the extensive Economic Recommendations & Conclusions derived from the Expertise Convention in Kuwait Region paper, were to be reviewed by representatives from the Ministry of Development and Ministry of Finance. To be passed on and presented to the National Assembly and Higher Arab Council by June 26th. The paper, detailed some of the following points and recommendations:[/sub]
[sub]We, the participating members of the Arab Economic Convention held in Kuwait Region on June 14th 1960, thoroughly believe that the decision of the Ministry of Development and Ministry of Finance to seek the input of Economists beyond the government itself is a very positive step which we encourage. This will lead to an improvement in the quality of state policies through a productive engagement and dialogue to inform those in positions of power, and push fourth more creative thinking and relationships between the Arab nation and its people.[/sub]
[sub]The matter of economic policies and directions must always remain the paramount focus of the government and politicians in general. It can only be constructed and executed successfully through employing outside knowledge and gaining the input of academics, experts and those individuals who maintain a strong passion and elegant dedication in the subject of economics.[/sub]
[sub]ON THE MATTER OF ECONOMIC FOUNDATIONS[/sub]
[sub]We identified the immediate need for connectivity, in the form of a singular economic network expressed through pan-Arab infrastructure initiatives. The state must begin to rebuild then expand its infrastructure base (that is road, rail, port and pipeline structures) as a foundation for the unified economic development of the United Arab Republic. The government's first economic priority should be the matter of improving domestic infrastructure systems and the connectivity commerce requires in order to flourish.[/sub]
[sub]ON THE MATTER OF EXPANDING INDUSTRIES[/sub]
[sub]In developed countries, economies are composed of many different sectors and industries. Economic health, innovation, inter-sector development, security and resilience is better secured through diversifying industries. The state must seek to make existing sectors such as agriculture and hydrocarbons more efficient through the introduction of new technologies, labour standards and infrastructure schemes while encouraging the creation of a strong manufacturing and industrial sector based off human resources. This can be accomplished by learning industrial planning techniques from industrialized nations and seeking to build relationships with them based off economic cooperation and the transfer of knowledge. While simultaneously providing support and resources to existing manufacturing cooperations that can benefit greatly through the actions outlined in the prior sentence. [/sub]
[sub]ON THE MATTER OF OIL & HYDROCARBON RESOURCES[/sub]
[sub]The hydrocarbon reserves of thee United Arab Republic, particularly in Arabia Region, pose as a great vehicle to attain the financial resources required to accomplish the other recommendations of this paper and further increase the population's disposable capital and standard of living. However, it must not overrule the needs of our economic welfare in terms of diversification. We warn of a great danger in becoming to reliant on this resource, which will inevitably lead to a decline in talent and manufacturing based economic sectors. These resources must be seen as a temporary benefit, as they are themselves finite, that can support the rest of the economy, not supplant it. [/sub]
[sub]We recommend the expansion of pipeline infrastructure to ensure greater security over national hydrocarbon reserves. The state should explore the prospect of expanding trans-peninsular projects between the reserves of the Arab Gulf and Red Sea ports. [/sub]
[sub]ON THE MATTER OF PUBLIC COMPANIES[/sub]
[sub]There is a place for government-operated companies, particularly in relation to strategic resources, but the state must liquidate those institutions which are unprofitable and inefficient in delivering their stated objectives and responsibilities. [/sub]
[sub]ON THE MATTER OF PRIVATE COMPANIES[/sub]
[sub]It is important that private companies and enterprises be supported and constitute the bulk of economic activity. Policies should be directed in encouraging innovation, growth and popular engagement in business. Through this we can increase the standards of living, education and welfare of the people. [/sub]
[sub]We warn against the formation of an oligarchic class or a monopoly, that will surely stifle any development, competition and therefore innovation. The state must intervene where needed to avoid this destructive prospect. [/sub]
[/list][/list]
Teujira, Val Verde-, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Kiger, East Germany Ddr, Gaia Major, Malian Imperial Federation
ປີຂອງຫມູໂລກ YEAR OF THE EARTH PIG[/B]
[sub]JuneDecember 1959 | Vientiane, Kingdom of Laos[/sub]
[I]In the wake of the strategic disaster at Nam Bac, under the command of General Savatphayphane Bounchanh, Captain Kong Le led Bataillon Parachutistes 2 (BP 2) to reinforce other Royalist troops engaged with the Pathet Lao communists over control of the Nam Bac Valley. Accompanied by two Filipino advisers, the battalion patrolled for three days without contact with any enemy. When the captain drove to the percepted RLA HQ at Nam Thuam, to his outrage, the town had been abandoned by the General, as well as by it's military and civil administration, ferried out from the riverside by the Navy detachment that had assisted in the decisive recapturing of Nong Khiaw. Upon the realization of their departure, Captain Le also realized this meant the forfeiture of any pay stipend promised by the Royal Lao Army for deploying to the field and conducting combat sweeps in support of General Bounchanh's supposed defense of the valley surrounding Nam Bak. Ill-informed high-ranking elements of Royal Lao Army approved the entire maneuver on the reality of the orders given to hold the Valley at all cost and in failing to do so retreated from the valley, subsequently abandoned his position in the field, furthermore abandoning 2,000 or more battered, under-equipped auxiliaries left with no central leadership node.
By December, Kong Le and his paratroop battalion were bivouacked at Wattay Airfield outside of Vientiane. Camp Sikhay offered the paras a choice of battered wooden shacks or decaying French colonial housing on the banks of the Mekong River. Kong Le made connections with the Project Hotfoot Special Forces who were building a ranger training course nearby. As a result, BP 2 would run through the ranger training in 200 man increments. While the commanding officer of BP 2 was in the United States, Kong Le was left in charge of the battalion and approached by his uncle-in-law, General Ouane Rattikone. On 25 December 1959, the term of the National Assembly expired. However, elections for its replacement were not scheduled until April. As Kong Le led the only crack troops in town, his help was essential in helping Ouane and General Phoumi Nosavan install the latter in power to fill the political vacuum. The paras secured the airfield, captured the city's radio station, the national bank, municipal power plant, and various ministries without firing a single shot. Prime Minister Phoui Sananikone had been decisively deposed and Major-General Nosavan thus succeeded to the dictatorship of Laos because of Kong Le's decisive actions.
ປີຂອງຫນູໂລຫະ YEAR OF THE METAL RAT[/B]
[sub]JanuaryNovember 1960 | Vientiane, Kingdom of Laos[/sub]
[I]Less than two weeks after the successful coup in Vientiane that installed Major-General Phoumi Nosavan to power, on 7 January 1960, Kou Abhay, an aging moderate politician, was appointed as Prime Minister of Laos with his mandate being to serve until the elections could officially be held in April. Upon the election date, the Central Intelligence Agency aided in fraudulently fixing the results by way of gerrymandered election districts, payoffs, and stuffed ballot boxes, forcing an unfair electoral defeat for the Pathet Lao as Prince Somsanith Vongkotrattana was named Prime Minister. At about 3:00AM on the 10 August 1960, Kong Le launched the Second Paratroop Battalion in a counter-coup, seizing the same crucial points that had seized in the 1959 coup, with the addition of the seizure of Vientiane's docks at Tha Deua and the arrest of General Sounthone Pathammavong, Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Lao Army. Four hours later by 7:09AM, Kong Le and his crack paratroops controlled the capital after a short gunfight that seen six coup resisters killed. Any possible opposition was stranded in Luang Prabang, struggling hastily to maintain the last half-klick of land between the Royal capital, Luang Prabang, and the invasion forces. Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Lao Air Force, Brigadier-General Thao Ma flew to Luang Prabang to relate news to Phoumi Nosavan that he had been counter-couped to effect, in absentia.
Kong Le's ascension to power had lifted him from obscurity to the world's notice. Within a day, the Pathet Lao pledged their cooperation with Kong Le. Once in power, Kong Le denounced foreign intervention in Laos in a series of public speeches delivered on the 10 and 11 of August as the new head of state, speaking out for the need for national neutrality. He saw little reason for Lao to fight Lao, as the Pathet Lao and the Royalists were doing and ultimately resented undue influence by the wealthy ruling families. Within the capital ciy's seized radio station, Kong Le delivered a candid broadcast to the country, summarizing his aims.
[List][B]Kong Le: "What leads us to carry out this revolution is our desire to stop the bloody civil war; eliminate grasping public servants and military commanders ... whose property amounts to much more than their monthly salaries can afford. It is the Americans who have brought government officials and army commanders, and caused war and dissension in our country."[/list]
[I]The same day the coup had transpired, of all the displaced government officials, only Phoumi Nosavan, holding the post of Minister of Defense, did not acquiesce and resisted being overthrown, instead flying with Brigadier-General Thao Ma first to Rangoon. In the Burmese capital, the right-wing cadres of the Royal Lao Armed Forced tried appealing to the new-found leadership identity under the National Enlightenment Party, though negotiations deteriorated showing the Burma Union as a supporter of neutralism both domestically and regionally. After the disingenuous meeting in Rangoon, the party then flew to Bangkok in attempt to solicit the support of General Nosavan's first cousin, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat of the Kingdom of Thailand.
Three days later on 13 August, the National Assembly met in Vientiane under the guns of the mutineers and under duress, they dismissed the cabinet members stranded in Luang Prabang. At the same time, Kong Le demanded Souvanna Phouma assume the post of Prime Minister. Meanwhile, Phoumi and Thao Ma flew from Bangkok straight to Savannakhet, in the south, to establish a headquarters there with the intention of pulling together a resistance movement against the Neutralists. Within a day, 21 members of the recently deposed administration joined him in the south and conducted a psychological operation against the Neutralist government involving the airdrop of propaganda leaflets over Vientiane two days later, promising Phoumi Nosavan's return. However, in Vientiane on 17 August, the National Assembly, while held captive by Kong Le's forces, formed a new Royal Lao Government, naming Souvanna Phouma as Prime Minister, whom subsequently appointed General Ouane Rattikone as commander-in-chief of the Royal Lao Army. Official American reactions to the situation were mixed. In Vientiane, American officials, the Project Hotfoot teams, and the Programs Evaluation Office did not choose a side. However, a shadow PEO of about 40 Americans was formed in Savannakhet to support Phoumi Nosavan because he was an avowed anti-communist. On 23 August, US officials assured Phoumi of their backing. That same day, Kong Le handed out 3,000 weapons for self-defense to villagers on the outskirts of Vientiane, though most of these guns ended up in Pathet Lao hands. Due in part to this, the US suspected Kong Le was leaning toward becoming an independent communist, akin to Fidel Castro of Cuba. There was political turmoil and sporadic combat within Laos as both Kong Le and Phoumi solicited support from Lao senior officers. Kong Le had not only the support of his own BP 2 in Military Region 5, but also that of the co-located BP 3 while the staff at Military Region 1 in Luang Prabang plumped for him, as did Lieutenant Colonel Khamouane Boupha and his troops in farflung Xam Nuea Province.The French military mission delivered vague promises and fresh French uniforms as Lao Commanding Officers, including Generals Amkha Soukhavong, Kouprasith Abhay, Ouane Rattikone, Oudone Sananikone, and Sing Rattanasamy backed him with varying levels of enthusiasm.
As September began to rear it's head, Phoumi and Prince Boun Oum formed a Revolutionary Committee to oppose Souvanna Phouma's rule. Phoumi used his influence with the Thai dictator to have an embargo placed on overland shipments into Laos, forcing over 10,000 tons of Vientiane-bound U.S. military material accumulate on loading docks in Thailand. The second week of September, the CIA supplied Phoumi with a $1,000,000 bankroll to finance his coup and, as a result, the Pathet Lao ordered their troops to forgo attacking Kong Le's neutralist forces in favor of attacking Royalist units. The following day, the 2nd Pathet Lao Parachute Battalion attacked a Royalist garrison of 1,500 troops in Xam Neua. The Americans, who had been indecisive alongside the French, now plumped for aerial resupply of besieged Xam Neua, they stressed that the action was purely defensive.
The Royal Lao Army lacking its own airlift capacity, Air America was contracted to use its two C-46s and two C-47s to resupply the RLA from mid-late September. Meanwhile however, on 22 September, elements of BP 2 evicted pro-Phoumi troops from Pakxan, lying 120 km northeast of Vientiane, a strategic blow to the anti-Communist forces. By 29 September, an airborne assault on Vientiane by Phoumi's paratroopers was scheduled, though weather conditions did not permit and the plan was subsequently cancelled. It wouldn't be until 6 October that American ambassador Winthrop G. Brown, in ongoing attempts at mending the national split, asked King Sisavang Vatthana to form a caretaker government that would include both sides. As a result, former ambassador and serving Assistant Secretary of State J. Graham Parsons flew in to pressure Souvanna Phouma into breaking contact with the Pathet Lao. Eleven days later, his companion, John N. Irwin II, flew south to Ubon to assure Phoumi of continued US support. In addition, popular Hmong tribal leader, Lieutenant-Colonel Vang Pao also declared that Military Region 2's forces backed Phoumi. After internecine struggle, by 10 November, Military Region 1 remained in Phoumi's control. In light of Phoumi's physical land gains, after shirking the advice from Assistant SoS, J Graham Parsons, Souvana agreed to continuing working with the Pathet Lao and named his new cabinet. It included Quinim Pholsena and a couple of Pathet Lao officials, igniting a shockwave of controversy leading to General Ouane Rattikone switching sides and flying to Savannakhet the very same day, 16 November.
[B]ບັ້ນຮົບວຽງຈັ! BATTLE OF VIENTIANE!
[sub] 21 November 196015 January 1961 | Vientiane, Kingdom of Laos[/sub]
[I]With Central Intelligence Agency financial backing, and aided by battle-hardened Japanese volunteers at 8:04AM on 21 November Phoumi's troops launched their counter-coup to reclaim Vientiane. Groupement Mobile B led off the column with two M-24 tanks and six armored cars, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Tiao Ekarath Souvannarot. In trail to GMB was Groupement Tactique, a mixed force of paratroopers from Bataillon Parachustistes 1, two infantry battalions, a volunteer battalion, and a contingent of artillery from 1st Field Artillery Group. A third contingent, Major Siho Lamphouthacoul's Groupement Mobile Special 1 containing Bataillon Speciale 11 and Bataillon Speciale 33 boarded Naval landing craft to be transported northward on the Mekong River. On 22 November, the Central Intelligence Agency flew in five five-man commando teams of Japanese volunteers professing in specialized jungle tactics. Each team contained two officers, a medic, and two radiomen. The teams were organized into alphabetically designated 'Special Volunteer Units', Teams A and B would join the head of the column. Teams D and E would trail the movement. Team C would flank the movement to the east, at Khamkeut. They supplied added communication and control capability to the column, and advised on ways to circumvent any opposing strongpoints. By the 25th of the same month, the three Groupements converged on Thakhek, approximately 135 kilometers north of Savannakhet. They continued north toward Paksan, some 190 kilometers further. A week later, on 5 December, the Phoumist forces blasted their way across the Nam Kading just south of Paksan without opposition. At the same time, Special Volunteer Team C and Bataillon Volontaires 32 shifted eastward to their flanking position at Khamkeut.
The northward movement to Vientiane would take nearly a month altogether, but by 7 December, they were approaching Paksan, and poised for an attack on the capital. Kong Le ordered most of his paratroopers from Vientiane to reinforce his forward garrison at Paksan in preparation for the enemy advance. Three days later, General Sounthone tried to confer with Colonel Kouprasith "Fat K" Abhay in Vientiane, however, Abhay had left to the city's Tha Deua docks to meet in secret with Phoumi, who had helicoptered in for a planning meeting. A day later, on 8 December, a conniving "Fat K" ventured to Camp Chinaimo to co-opt an air drop of paratroopers incoming from the frontlines in Luang Prabang. He gathered a scratch force of two companies of airborne soldiers and 150 military clerks and moved them in to displace the few Kong Le paras left in the capital. Identifying themselves with white armbands in opposition to Kong Le's forces contrarily identifying themselves with scarlet armbands, loyalists to Colonel Abhay's coup attempt seized the radio station and various strategic points in the town. Immediately, he announced his allegiance to Souvanna Phouma, and his opposition to Kong Le. Though "Fat K" Kouprasith doubted Phoumi's ability to solve the ongoing crisis, his name simply went unmentioned in his declarations. Kong Le promptly recalled his reinforcements, and airborne soldiers returning from Paksan wearing scarlet armbands routed Kouprasith loyalists wearing their white armbands. Due to this, Paksan was left underdefended by Kong Le's Forces Armées Neutralistes and fell to Phoumi loyalists on 8 December. Thus Kouprasith's counter-coup within the counter-coup was ended by the paratroopers responsible for the ongoing coup.
Suspicious of Kouprasith's ambitions, Phoumi appointed Brigadier General Bounleut Sanichanh as commander-in-chief of the counter-coup forces. On 9 December, Souvanna Phouma appointed General Sounthone to head the nation, then fled to Rangoon, Burma where he was warmly welcomed by the U Nu administration. Around 8:30AM on 10 December, representatives of Kong Le departed Vientiane for Phongsaly to formalize a pact between the Forces Armées Neutralistes (FAN) and the Pathet Lao, all while a scratch force of Phoumi loyalists launched a flanking movement from Savannakhet through Thailand's borders to the Royal Lao HQ at Camp Chinimao.
Kong Le spent the next two days trying to whip up local citizen's support for the FAN in Vientiane as Phoumi's forces utilized this time, punched through Paksan and were actively crossing the Nam Ngum, a mere 50km from Vientiane. Meanwhile, in Luang Prabang, a quorum of the National Assembly, having been flown in by U.S. Operations Mission aircraft, voted "no confidence" in Souvanna Phouma's regime, and endorsed Phoumi and his Revolutionary Committee. By Lao law, the vote of "no confidence" left the country without a legal government until the king pronounced an ordinance establishing a new one. Royal Ordinance 282 promptly followed, in favor of Major-General Phoumi Nosavan. The next fateful day, 13 December, resulted in a battle that absolutely devastated Vientiane like never experienced before over the course of only three days of intensive combat. Phoumi's forces initiated their attack at approximately 1:20PM and launched an infantry battalion into the capital even as they linked up with the troops at Chinamao while, simultaneously, Kouprasith's loyalists were led by BP 1 paratroopers in an attack on the city that stalled at the city limits under inaccurate howitzer fire. Both of the pro-Phoumi RLA columns stalled at the eastern municipal limits under heavy-weapons fire from FAN troops. Both sides failed to close for combat, settling on direct fire by crew served weapons and point-blank artillery. Entire neighborhoods of local huts were set aflame and when night came, the two sides settled in under a moonless sky.
The following day's fighting would severely damage Vientiane. FAN shelling in the morning of 14 December pushed Kouprasith's troops back into Camp Chinamiao, where Kouprasith languished in a military infirmary. With artillery support, Phoumi's troops forced Kong Le's troops to the western and northern fringes of the city. By 3:00PM, the central district was in ruins with fallen trees and loose electrical wires littering the streets, the National Treasury had been looted and burned, the post office and Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma's office was flattened by artillery, and Wattay Airbase fell under Phoumi's control, halting foreign military aid airlifts to Kong Le's forces. During the course of the battle, the Ministry of Defense also came under fire from both M2 Browning .50 caliber heavy machine guns and an M40A1 recoilless rifle. The American embassy next door took an artillery shell in the ceiling of it's old chancellor building, setting the CIA office afire. Based on reports of the fighting, American Joint Task Force 116, afloat in the South China Sea, was placed on four-hour alert. The US 2nd Airborne Battle Group was also alerted, for possible seizure of Lao airfields. Uneasy darkness again fell on Vientiane and all was quiet aside from the dueling radio stations broadcasting propaganda from both sides. That night, four Royal Thai Army 105mm howitzers were smuggled across the Mekong into Chinamiao, with one of them becoming embarrassingly stuck in Mekong sand until it was freed hours later at dawn. At 11:30 on 15 December, Groupement Mobile Special 1 entered Vientiane from the north, only to be stopped by artillery and small arms fire near Wattay as Neutralist forces attempted staging a counter-attack on the airbase. By 1:30 that very same afternoon, Colonel Kouprasith sent 80 troops in an attempted amphibious landing to cut off Kong Le's retreat, but the waterborne force overshot its objective, all meanwhile BP 1 paratroopers loyal to Phoumi moved door to door hunting down Kong Le's BP 2 paratroopers who had been isolated, but continued to snipe away. As evening came however, yet a calm fell, again broken only by the radio broadcasts as this became a recurring theme by the time night fell.
By the last day of the battle, 16 December, contending forces warred incoherently over individual blocks of buildings and single streets as the two sides distinguished themselves from one another by the color of scarfs worn with their uniforms while every now and then, the combatants switched scarves and sides. However, by afternoon, Phoumi's and Kouprasith's superior weight of forces prevailed and Kong Le's men were pushed back south. Kong Le loaded up his 1,200 troops and retreated northwards toward the Plain of Jars, accompanied by the Pathet Lao artillerists, a single tank, and a few captives while a couple sections of 60mm mortars covered the withdrawal, holding up the Phoumist advance until late in the day. As victors Phoumi and Kouprasith kept a suspicious eye on one another while at the same time, cholera threatened the Lao capital's populace. A 19 December airlift began medical aid flights to obviate the menace of a cholera epidemic. Concealed within this air contingent was a C-47 belonging to the Royal Thai Air Force bringing over ammunition and other much needed equipment to keep Phoumist forces well-supplied for the chase to ensue.
However, Kong Le continued his northward withdrawal on Route 13 with his forces, blowing up the bridge over the Nam Lik to cover their retirement. His Pathet Lao allies sent 1,000 men southward on Route 13 to Moung Kassy, some 40 km north of his position at Vang Vieng but, Kong Le drove his convoy of vehicles past them to capture the Route 13/7 intersection at Sala Phou Khoun, leaving the Pathet Lao at Vang Vieng as a rear guard. Faking a feint up Route 13 north to assault Luang Prabang, Kong Le instead led his Forces Armées Neutralistes eastwards onto the Plain of Jars, surmounting the obstacles of fallen trees blocking Route 7. As FAN approached the all-weather airfield at Muang Soui, the Hmong guerrilla company that had felled the trees dispersed into the countryside. Their commanding officer radioed that two battalions of paratroopers were drifting down upon the airfield and then he also fled. For two weeks after Kong Le left Vientiane, the American embassy urged Phoumi to take up pursuit. On 30 December, he outlined a plan prophetic of the future, Operation Triangle. Not knowing that FAN had departed from the Route 7/13 junction, Phoumi planned to have columns closing in on it from all three directions, from Luang Prabang to the north, from Vientiane on the south, and from the Plain of Jars to the east.
By December 31, Kong Le's column was spilling onto the Plain of Jars from Muang Soui and further east on Route 7 at Nong Het along the Vietnamese border, roughly 60 Pathet Lao soldiers backed by Viet Minh cadre attacked a single company Royalist garrison from the Bataillon Volontaires 21. The garrison radioed into Headquarters of Military Region 2 for reinforcements, though somehow this was misinterpreted as a report of a seven battalion communist invasion force from Vietnamese borders, except this was not the case. Royalist battalions residing near Route 7 on the Plain of Jars drifted south out of FAN's path, narrowly avoiding battle with them. Only Lieutenant Colonel Vang Pao's irregular military offered resistance as they withdrew in an orderly fashion. By the end of the first week of 1961, FAN had linked up with about five Pathet Lao battalions actively invading Laos.
In the aftermath of the Battle, Kong Le's retreat, and the subsequent pursuit by pro-Phoumi forces, the Forces Armées Neutralistes would succeed in withdrawing northward to the strategic Plain of Jars and capturing it, suffering only three killed and ten wounded in the process, along with retaining control of the road junction of Routes 7 and 13. The central position of the Plain of Jars in northeastern Laos granted Kong Le effective control of the countryside from Vang Vieng to Xam Neua, setting a precedent for the remainder of the conflict as to what aid and in what areas was this specific aid needed to give anti-Communist, anti-Neutralist forces a decisive edge against the enemy. The Royalists and their American backers were left with two possible methods of resisting FAN, air power and Hmong guerrillas. Operation Millpond was established to supply the air power as ten AT-6 Texans for the Royal Lao Air Force, and training for pilots to man them, would be jointly supplied by the Royal Thai Air Force and the American Programs Evaluations Office. As a result, a training program for Hmong guerrillas was established via the CIA in the first weeks of January 1961, in addition to the commencement of wholesale training of Royalist Lao troops by the Royal Thai Armed Forces.[/I]
[spoiler=LAOS AND THE STRUGGLE AGAINST COMMUNISM]
Lux Lumen[/spoiler]
Spainard, Teujira, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Kiger, Zanbala Prz, East Germany Ddr, Teymour, 2Nd New England Commonwealth, Malian Imperial Federation
[list][list]October 1960[/list][/list]
| A young French citizen, a 28 year old from Reims named Paul Arpin, moves to Portugal on a flight from Reims airport to Evora. He carries with him FF100,000 in Portuguese escudos and fake papers identifying him as 33 year old João Ulisses de Souza, son of a farmer from the Algarve. After arriving in Portugal, he disregards all information relating to his French identity and sets out from Evora to Elvas, near the border with Spain. Here, he buys a small farming estate north of town, and begins hiring farmhands, other French citizens under assumed identities in Portugal. They begin working the land and expanding the basement of the estate, soundproofing it as well. |
Spainard, Teujira, Val Verde-, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Kiger
(ooc: not a news post but an actual RP post)
[list][list]Operation Goldmine: Phase 1, The Invasion
November 1, 1960, 3:00 (am)[/list][/list]
[list]Under the cover of the early morning, the invasion began. The two key military forces were designated The Eastern Liberation Army, tasked with invading the land east of the Andes Mountains, and the Western Liberation Army, tasked with invading the plateau that makes up the western half of Bolivia. Neither force were actually the size of a army in terms of organizational size, but were named such so that the Bolivians would overestimate the side of the invading forces. The Western Liberation Army was divided between 5 Groups. Two groups each went through the borders north and south of Lake Titicaca, while the fifth crossed the border into the Bolivian peninsula south of Isla del Sol. Thanks to the espionage and sabotage efforts in the months leading up to the war, transportation routes that would have allowed Bolivia to easily move its soldiers closer to the front lines were unusable. Meanwhile, the supply lines behind the Peruvian front lines was being reinforced and secured. The Peruvian forces moved slowly and deliberately. Instead of rushing in to take out the Bolivian forces, the Peruvians marched slowly, preferring to ensure the supply lines remain stable and that the front lines are fortified for when Bolivian forces are met. A number of squads are sent many kilometers ahead of the Peruvian 'armies' in order to scout out the areas ahead and to watch out for Bolivian forces. This was made easier due to the fact that most of the land between Peru's border and La Paz is sparsely populated.[/list]
[list]Meanwhile, the Eastern Liberation Army had taken a different approach. The ELA, as it was nicknamed, split up into smaller in order to cross the areas more effectively. These smaller forces would target known villages and cities and would also raid them for supplies. These forces would use the terrain to hide themselves, while also giving the forces an area to hunt and forage for food, as the ELA was primarily comprised of members of Peruvian tribes in the Amazon. The only cities that the ELA was specifically ordered not to attack during this phase of the war were Cochabamba and Santa Cruz de la Sierra, as the Peruvian Military High Command had different plans for those cities later on in the war.[/list]
[list]One week after the war began, the Peruvian government officially sent a message to the Bolivian government declaring war and demanding the Bolivians to surrender, not that the Peruvians expected the Bolivians to surrender. This was the beginning of a war that would several years and have repercussions for a period of time long after the war.[/list]
Otsla, Grand Indochina, Kiger, Zanbala Prz, Gaia Major
[B] A Dream From A Gunner in the Field
A gunner lied dying in the field, through the clouds between heaven and the savanna field, he had a dream. He coughed, Goodbye Mac, Goodbye Ma All the memories came rushing back to him now. He remembered all the Malian Mansa had promised. A place to stay, enough to eat, somewhere you can safely shuffle down the street, Where you can speak out loud about your doubts and fears
And what's more, no one ever disappears You never hear their standard issue kicking in your door
You can relax on both sides of the tracks. And everyone has recourse to the law, and no one kills the children anymore. In the corner of some foreign field. The gunner sleeps tonight. What's done is done
We cannot just write off his final scene. Take heed of the dream
Take heed
National Syndicalism has Failed
Teujira, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Waclia, Zanbala Prz, Miwok-, Gaia Major
Post self-deleted by Elstala.
El País
14/12/1960
Madrid, Spain
__________________
[list]PSOE Pushback on Government To Enable Autonomy for Most Western Saharan Cities[/list]
General Cortes socialist parliamentarians push back against the Prime Minister and his government stance on Western Saharas status within the Spanish state. Many people disapprove of the state run-rule imposed by the central government and demand that the cities within the region are granted autonomous status. For a few weeks protests across the capital, and within the cities of El Aaiún, Dajla, and Ifni call for the Prime Minister to pass legislation allowing these overseas cities autonomy under the Spanish crown, while also receiving the economic and political benefits. The spokesperson to the Prime Minister said to the press that the main concern of the government is to first rule out any incursion within Western Sahara.
Otsla, Grand Indochina, Waclia, Kiger, Miwok-, The Holy Land Of Atheism, Teymour, Malian Imperial Federation
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1509755
Otsla, Grand Indochina, Waclia, East Germany Ddr, Miwok-, -Ethiopian Empire
[list][list]VIETNAM: LIBERALIZATION & DEVELOPMENT | INTRIGUE & CONFLICT
1952 thru 1960 - Imperial City, Hue, Capital Province, Imperial State of Vietnam[/list][/list]
| Independence was given to Vietnam in 1952 after France managed to defeat, in a pyrrhic victory, the Viet Minh insurgency in a dramatic campaign throughout northern Tonkin. Per the Franco-Vietnamese accords, the French Protectorates of Trung Kỳ(Annam) and Bắc Kỳ(Tonkin) were merged into a single unified government, the Imperial State of Viet-Nam, under the Bảo Đại Emperor. An absolute monarchy, the Vietnamese Unification and Independence Treaty established the basic principles of the Imperial State: a commitment to the civil liberties of the people, to the political rights of man, to the commitment to Vietnamese tradition, and to the divine right of the Emperor. With the insurgency largely beaten and the French still providing protection from their holdings in Cochinchina, the fledgling Imperial State quickly set out to solidify itself under the young Emperor. |
| Bảo Đại, as absolute head of the state and government, spent his first year in power establishing a bureaucracy sufficiently capable of efficiently governing the policies of the Emperor, in the Emperor's name. The Hội đồng trưởng các vấn đề hoàng gia, or Head Council of Imperial Affairs, was established to serve as a sort of ministry, consisting of the following Ministers: the Prime Minister(Thủ tướng), Interior Minister(Bộ trưởng các vấn đề đế quốc), Minister of Finances and Taxation(Bộ trưởng Tài chính và Thuế), Minister of Defense(Bộ trưởng Bảo vệ Chủ quyền), Minister of Religion and Ritual(Bộ trưởng Bộ Tôn giáo và Nghi lễ), Minister of Justice(Bộ trưởng Bộ Tư pháp), Minister of Labor and Public Works(Bộ trưởng Bộ Lao động và Công chính), and the Minister of External Affairs(Bộ trưởng vùng đất xa). The Head Council, with the Emperor, meet each morning within the Imperial Palace to discuss governorly affairs, dictate policy, and relay information from across the country to the Emperor. Under the Head Council, imperially appointed Provincial Ministers(Bộ trưởng các tỉnh) oversee the governing of individual provinces, with each Provincial Minister serving as a governor would in foreign countries. The Imperial Armed Forces of Viet Nam(IAFVN), formed from the basis of the French Army of the Upper Mekong and French Army of Tonkin, were established as a standing army loyal not only to the Emperor, but to the state. The IAFVN, consisting of the Imperial Army of Vietnam(IAVN), the Imperial Navy of Viet Nam(INVN), and the Imperial Viet Nam Air Force(IVNAF) are each run by a General Staff(Bộ tổng tham mưu) who are, in turn, under the command of the Minister of Defense, who is in turn ultimately responsible to the Emperor. Utilizing equipment left behind or sold by the French Armed Forces, the IAFVN quickly worked to establish a presence along Vietnam's border regions with Laos and Cambodia, where insurgencies by the Lao Issara and Khmer Rouge were beginning to rearise, and along the border with the People's Republic of China. Trained and disciplined in the French fashion, Bảo Đại spent most of the IAFVN's first year in existence selecting and dismissing officers based on both merit and on political basis, establishing a core of competent officers loyal to the State. |
| In 1953, Bảo Đại took full advantage of growing discontent in the Republic of Cochinchina, still a part of the French Union, by covertly smuggling arms to both nationalist Vietnamese guerillas and Viet Minh fighters. Organizing the nationalist fighters into the Army of the Liberation of the South(Quân giải phóng miền Nam, or Quan-Nam), the Quan-Nam eventually overran the shrinking French garrison in Cochinchina, with most of France's most veteran soldiers being posted to Korea and Tchan-Tung. On 21 July 1954, with Saigon under siege and almost captured by Quan-Nam fighters, the French and Cochinchinese governments signed agreements providing Cochinchina full independence separate from the French Union. On 26 July, fighters from the Quan-Nam and Viet Minh captured Saigon, prompting negotiations between the Cochinchinese government and the government of the Imperial State for unification. With French approval, Vietnam incorporated Cochinchina as its southernmost provinces and completed the process of Vietnamese unification. After dispersing the Q-N, the IAFVN engaged the Viet Minh loyalists in Cochinchina, killing and capturing roughly 40% of the Viet Minh's forces in the country and sending the rest into Cambodia. |
| With the process of Vietnamese unification finished, Bảo Đại's government set about liberalizing the economy of the Imperial State. Major industries were nationalized from post-colonial ownership by wealthy families or remaining white settlers and then sold to different owners or remained in state ownership. In an effort to solidify the political hegemony of the Nguyen dynasty, the Emperor engaged in a form of class warfare against smaller noble families, depriving them of both property and industry in an attempt to uproot them. The Era of Solidification(Kỷ nguyên hóa rắn) would see the Nguyen Dynasty be cemented as Vietnam's largest and most powerful noble family and see the old, archaic familial-based social systems be exchanged for a social system solely based on class: at the top of the hierarchy was the Emperor and the rest of the royal family, followed by government officials, then business owners and the wealthy, then the middle class, then the poor. In a way, the Solidification both began a new and unprecedented era of social mobility in Vietnam from 1955 to 1958, but by putting intensified importance on class rather than nobility, the Solidification has, rather than eliminate inequality, replaced measurements of inequality. Nonetheless, the nationalization and subsequent privatization of many industries in immediate post-unification Vietnam has spurred an era of industrial and economic growth throughout the countries urban centers. |
| In order to remain free from external threats, the Imperial State of Vietnam has made foreign policy strides with all of its surrounding neighbors, including the ideologically opposed People's Republic of China. Vietnam's non-confrontationist foreign policy has mostly allowed it to steer clear of the violence and trauma of the conflicts in Laos and Cambodia, and focus on internal development. Today, the cities of Saigon and Hanoi are bustling urban centers, complete with a handful of high rises, major banks, residential complexes, and other signs of a proper modern state. Hue, though developed, still retains the markings and ways of life of a pre-modern Vietnam, and venturing out into the countryside reveals a country largely unaffected by the changes occurring in the cities. The people of the country continue to live a life of agricultural farming as their ancestors for thousands of years before them, adhering heavily to the traditional faiths and beliefs of the country in favor of the laws of the modern world. However, even as the country develops around them, they are still a vital part of Vietnam, feeding the urban development in the cities and providing the main base of support for the Emperor and the Imperial system. |
| As of 1960, things in the Realm are quiet. The urban development of the cities continues and life remains the same, however the intensification of the conflict in Laos has begun to seriously threaten the internal stability of the Empire. The Bảo Đại Emperor continues to sit on the throne in the Forbidden Palace of Hue, soon to celebrate his 47th birthday in October. The Prime Minister of the Imperial State is Phan Khắc Sửu, a former architect and long-time member of Bảo Đại's political cadre even before the Second World War. |
Teujira, Idosnijah, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Kiger, Zanbala Prz, Miwok-, Teymour, Gaia Major, Great Britain Et Ireland
[list][list]NOVEMBER 1960[/list][/list]
| An order for 3,000 G3 rifles to be delivered to the French Deuxième Bureau by February 1961 is placed by Lt. Col. Abel Philippon, director of the Bureau's European Affairs branch. The Bureau contacts and hires 361 mercenaries from across France, the Rhineland, and the Saar with previous combat experience in covert operations in World War II, Indochina, Korea, Algeria, or Syria. All are of white European or tan North African complexion. They are hired, assembled in southern France, and given a detailed mission of their objectives during their coming employment. |
| At João Ulisses's farmstead, the farmhands and João have built a discrete, soundproofed, sprawling basement complete with weapon racks and chests for ammunition. João and the rest of the men at the farmstead will now await the winter months as their contacts throughout Spain work on shipping them armaments, the aforementioned G3 rifles, biweekly until next March. The French and Spanish governments have, privately, agreed to allow the covert smuggling of arms from Barcelona to the Elvas farmstead. |
Teujira, Grand Indochina, Great Britain Et Ireland
[list][list][sup]19 August 1958[/sup]
COMMUNIQUÉ À:
LIBAN, CAMILLE CHAMOUN, PRÉSIDENT DE LA RÉPUBLIQUE[/list][/list]
| The French Union has, per request, been monitoring the situation in Lebanon. The past few weeks have been very disparaging as the country has fallen into a serious state of unrest and civil conflict which threatens to not only upend, but fragment the Lebanese Republic completely. The French Union has a vested interested in ensuring the stability and unity of Lebanon and will not tolerate the fragmentation of order that has been occurring, as it represents a threat to the stability of not only the country, but the eastern Mediterranean region through potentially sparking a chain of events which could shift regional affairs in a dangerous tilt. |
| Mr. President, the French Union Bureau of Military Affairs has drafted up an operation organization and prepared the necessary units to stage an intervention in the Lebanese Republic to enforce a neutral ceasefire and establish a pretext for peace negotiations, on equal terms, in an international setting, between the different groups. However, as we respect the rule of law and the rights of man and of nations, we shall not interfere in Lebanese affair without proper clearance from the democratically elected government of the Lebanese Republic. You have previously asked of me to ensure that the sovereignty of Lebanon was maintained, and I seek to maintain it. I ask you approve of the authorization of our operation and agree to allow peaceful and equal negotiations between the factions in a French Union territory. I believe that, in this way, we will prevent bloodshed and make strides towards peace by use of a force so great that none of the squabbling groups dare oppose it. |
| I thank you for your time, for your effort, and for your honesty in past discussions with me. I wish you and the Lebanese people health and hope to hear from you with haste. Time is of the essence with this matter. |
[list][list]COMMUNIQUÉ À:
FRANCE, CHARLES DE GAULLE, PRÉSIDENT DE LA RÉPUBLIQUE ET DE L'UNION[/list][/list]
Relevant Parties:
Spainard, Teujira, Val Verde-, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Kiger, Zanbala Prz, Teymour, Great Britain Et Ireland
[list][list][list][list][list][list][list][list][list][list][list][list][list][list] 𝐀 𝐑𝐄𝐀𝐂𝐇 𝐓𝐎𝐎 𝐅𝐀𝐑
| 𝙾𝙿𝙴𝚁𝙰𝚃𝙸𝙾𝙽 𝙱𝙰𝚂𝚃𝙰 |[/list][/list][/list][/list][/list]
ʙʟᴀᴄᴋ ᴏᴜʀ ᴏᴅᴇ ᴛᴏ ɢʟᴏʀʏ! ʀᴇᴅ ꜰᴏʀ ᴛʜᴇ ʙʟᴏᴏᴅ ᴏꜰ ᴛʜᴇ ᴍᴀʀᴛʏʀꜱ! ɢʀᴇᴇɴ ᴛʜᴇ ᴅʀᴇᴀᴍ ᴏꜰ ᴜɴɪᴛʏ!
[list]أسود لدينا قصيدة المجد الأحمر لدماء الشهداء اخضر حلم الوحدة[/list][/list][/list][/list][/list]
[sup]A month had passed since the initial outbreak of the Lebanese crisis, the military central command in Damascus was shaking with anticipation of the possibility of seeing Lebanon under the control of a pro-UAR government. More importantly, they wanted Lebanon to be incorporated into Syria proper if the Chamoun government was to fall. Chief of Staff, Lieutenant General Afif al-Bizri, during a meeting with Nasser and other important Syrian government officials, open advocated for direct UAR military intervention in Lebanon, with the objective being to bring Lebanon into the UAR fold. Nasser and others, however, were not keen on a direct military invasion, rather supporting the Al-Mourabitoun militia to bring down the Chamoun government. The Syrian Army would be tasked to give training and military equipment to Ibrahim Kulaylat's forces prior to the crisis and groom them into a potent fighting force. However, the central command had deeply overestimated the ability of the Sentinals. Despite bigger numbers than the other factions of the crisis, the Sentinals had only limited success in their endeavors. Despite making gains in Tripoli the Lebanese government was able to contain the militia from spreading out further in the city. The same was happening in Beirut, as Kataeb militants, National Guardsmen, SSNP, LCP militias kept the Sentinals contained to the Muslim Basta district. Fearing that the government forces would come out on top, LG. Afif al-Bizri took initiative and requested for the Syrian Defense Minister Khalid al-Azm to allow for Syrian troops on the ground. al-Azm however was quick to deny any idea of direct Syrian intervention. The defense mister belonged to the People's Party and was no fan of the ever-increasing influence of the Nasserists and Ba'athists in Syria. He particularly detested the Chief of Staff for his Nasserists/Communist affiliations, so to him, it was a simple matter of denying him any chance of increasing his popularity within the military. The defense minister, however, would come to learn how some people don't take no as an answer.[/sup]
[sup]After being rejected by the defense minister, the LG. al-Bizri would begin to plot his own plan. Undeterred, al-Bizri would recruit fellow army officers, Major General. Zahr as-Din and Colonel Abdul-Jawad Raslan to carry out his plans for Lebanon. The three Syrian officers would come together and begin plotting a small-scale invasion of Lebanon. The three officers eventually created Operation Basta, the plan goes as follows. The 17th Mechanized Infantry Brigade under the 35th Group Brigade would spearhead the invasion from the Syrian border town of Yabws, securing the Masnaa border checkpoint and then proceeding to the Majdal Aanjar. Once the city is secured, the brigade under Major General Zahr as-Din would proceed straight to Beirut via the 30th interstate road. There they will link with the Sentinal Militias and topple the Chamoun government. Lieutenant General al Bizri fully believed that the operation would easily succeed as the Lebanese Army was smaller and stretched due to the uprisings all over Lebanon. He would even call the whole affair a 'walk in the park' and that with the fall of Lebanon, the legacy of French colonialism would at long last be demolished. However, the first signs of failure became present when reports came to Syrian intelligence that the Sentinals were unable to gain traction and quickly became bogged down in Beirut by pro-government forces. Fearing the fighting was going to end before the operation could be put into motion. The officers hastily mobilized forces, but due to the secretive nature of the operation, Colonel Abdul-Jawad only managed to gather a fraction of the manpower they originally planned for. The invasion force consisted of 200 hundred infantry soldiers with an escort of 6 Panzer IV tanks and 25 military trucks. To make matters worse, the officers failed to secure sufficient supplies for the expedition, but for some strange reason, al-Bizri saw no problem as he believed that once the Syrian Army captured Majdal Aanjar that the Muslim populace would simply rise up in mass.[/sup]
Spainard, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Kiger, Zanbala Prz, Teymour, Great Britain Et Ireland
[sub]25 October 1957[/sub]
[sup]Socialism and the farmer[/sup]
Farmers' League leaves the government - Tage Erlander resigns as Prime Minister
On 25 October, the Farmers' League left the coalition government and Prime Minister Tage Erlander announced his resignation the same day. This brought an end to a six-year-long Social Democratic-Farmers' government and was the result of an accumulation of events. Only a year before in the second chamber election of 1956, the Farmers' had suffered tremendously and returned their lowest vote count since 1920. Though the poor result could be chiefly attributed to its ever-shrinking voter base as a result of increased urbanisation, many within the party had placed the blame on their coalition with the Social Democrats. Furthermore, both parties disagreed heavily on the issue of supplementary pensions, with the Social Democrats intent on pushing through a proposal for establishing a national state-run system which every worker would be mandated to sign up to. On the other hand, the Farmers' rejected the proposal in favour of a voluntary state-run system, which would complement that of the already existent 'private' system instead of replacing it outright as the Social Democrats intended. The Social Democrats' proposal also faced opposition from the People's Party and The Right, who were not in favour of a state-run system at all. Instead, they advocated for the 'social partners', the workers and employers, to come to an agreement independent from the government through their respective unions. Though the Social Democrats and Farmers' were able to postpone making a final decision until after the 1956 second chamber election in hope of an agreement being reached, the matter was ultimately decided by a referendum held on 14 October. The results were inconclusive, but the Social Democrats' proposal had the most votes with 46.6%. Unable to come to an understanding, the Farmers' League's Board of Trustees voted unanimously to exit the goverment and enter the opposition.
Spainard, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Teymour, Gaia Major
[sub]13 February 1958[/sub]
[sup]If an election is what you want . . .[/sup]
Social Democrats return as minority government - Election is scheduled by the government
When the Farmers' League left the government due to disagreements over pensions, to which Tage Erlander responded by tendering the resignation of himself and his government, there was a degree of optimism that an agreement could be reached between the three non-socialist opposition parties to form a new government. However, when the King commissioned Bertil Ohlin, the leader of the People's Party and the de facto leader of the opposition to explore the possibility of forming such a government, the Farmers' League's chairman Gunnar Hedlund explained that they were "not prepared" to go from one coalition government to another. Thus, as the People's Party and The Right alone only held 99 seats out of the 116 they needed for a majority, the Social Democrats under Tage Erlander instead were returned to power as a minority government. The Social Democrats, though remaining adamant that their proposal had the support of the people, convened a cross-party working group after they returned as a minority government as a final attempt to find a compromise between the four parties on the issue of pensions, while noting that they lacked the numbers to pass their proposal without the support of other parties anyway. However, the four parties found themselves unable to come to an understanding and by early February the next year negotiations had completely fallen apart. The People's, The Right, and the Farmers' had also launched negotiations of their own in tandem with the working group in an attempt to find a solution which the three non-socialist parties could agree on. This too proved to be fruitless, as the Farmers' found themselves unable to agree with the People's Party proposed compromise. Notably, the liberal newspapers Expressen and Dagens Nyheter, which aligned itself with the People's Party, published pieces critical of the party's stance and advocated for co-operation with the government. The Social Democrats, finally recognising that no agreement could be reached with the opposition parties announced that they would be tabling their pensions proposal and declared that if it did not pass, parliament would be dissolved and fresh elections called. This was an audacious move by Tage Erlander, as although the referendum had shown a plurality in favour of their proposal, they were warned it was not an accurate measure of public support for the Social Democrats themselves. Though the proposal passed through the first chamber easily, where the Social Democrats held a majority, it was defeated in the second chamber by a margin of four votes. Following through on his statement, the stage was now set for only the third snap-election to ever be held in Swedish history as Tage Erlander requested the dissolution of parliament by the King.
Spainard, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Teymour, Gaia Major
[list][list]STATE VISIT TO MADRID
21 November 1960 - Madrid, City of Madrid, Kingdom of Spain[/list][/list]
| After discussions between the foreign ministries of the French Republic and the Kingdom of Spain, Charles de Gaulle has accepted an invitation to travel to Madrid to meet with the Spanish Prime Minister, Jario Velasquez. After departing from Orly Airport for MadridBarajas Airport, the President arrives with his entourage and awaits the response from the Spanish presence at the airport. |
Spainard, Grand Indochina, Great Britain Et Ireland
| With the French President arriving at the Madrid-Barajas Airport with his entourage, A small ceremony had been collected by the Foreign Minister and his entourage he will be the one escorting President Charles de Gaulle to the Royal Palace, where the meeting will take place and where he will meet Prime Minister Jario Velazquez. The ceremony includes flags from both countries and a red carpet for the staircase to the President's plane. Eager to meet the President on matters of trade and cooperation, the foreign minister is optimistic that the leaders will have a productive discussion. Awaiting at the end of the stairs, Foreign Minister Alejandro De León stands at the end of the staircase waiting for the President to descend. Eyeing his advisor next to him with a stern look, the advisor quickly glances towards the plane to escape the minister's gaze. |
Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Teymour
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1510586
Spainard, Teujira, Idosnijah, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Teymour
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1510643
Spainard, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1510667
May be decrypted by the intelligence services of the East Germany Ddr and Teujira.
Spainard, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Waclia, Kiger
January 1961
The West African Malaise
The initial jubilation and optimism across West Africa, post-independence has finally began to subside. People look around as colonial architecture and infrastructure cracks and decays. In Mali, reactionary elements have grown increasingly loud as their repression following the coup has only seemed to backfire. Government peddled slavery is rampant across every state as Prime Minister Beavogui and Mansa Modibo rush their ever growing plans, as they cascade further and further into the depths of their own fabled dreams. For the average citizen the nightmare is real, economic collapse, government crackdown, constant conflict, and the threat of imprisonment and death looms over every citizens head like the blade of the guillotine. Local militias like the Tuareg Peoples Association, the Pan-West African Front, and the Mauritanian Independence League have grown exponentially in power. Civil control over all sectors has begun to crack and tear at the seems. There is no future in National-Syndicalism. In the Great Jewel of West Africa the Ivory Coast, the death of President Félix Houphouët-Boigny has sent shockwaves through the nation as Pan-West African rebels push through border guards, and local warlords begin disavowing their allegiance to the government. There is no future in gems and jewels. In Dahomey republicans and monarchists battle as Pan-West African rebels sign peace and integrate into Dahomeyan politics, joining forces with the Republicans to attempt to dethrone the Monarchists. The coalition of Republicans was mostly made of liberals, socialists, and communists, while traditionalists and monarchists made up the Royalist factions. There is no future in tribes or monarch. The West African Federation seems to be on the ascendant. Independent factions have been making gains across West Africa; however, it remains to be seen if the federation can pull together and if those rebels groups will relinquish their power. There is no future in warlords.
Spainard, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Waclia, Kiger, Gaia Major, Great Britain Et Ireland
South Africans Head to the Polls to Vote in Referendum July 1960
CAPE TOWN- The referendum that will cover the status of the Dominion ended last night. The question: "Would you want South Africa to become a Republic?" 95% voter turnout was reported. With 77% of voters voting "Yes" on the question and 23% of voters voting "No" on the question. The next question that many are asking, What happens next?
The current government will certify the referendum results. Then begin the process of writing a Republican Constitution. On the date of the referendum, a year from now the country will formally switch to a Republic. In May of 1961 voters will head to the polls again to vote for President, Parliament, Provincial, and Local governments. The President of the new Republic will snown in along with all the new government officials in July of 1961.
Spainard, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Waclia, Kiger, Malian Imperial Federation, Great Britain Et Ireland
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1510915
Grand Indochina, Kiger
| President de Gaulle shakes hands with both the Foreign Minister and the Prime Minister, giving them both a firm 'salud'. The two entourages go about the typical formalities of the meeting process which takes them to the Royal Palace, where they sit to talk. |
[list]CHARLES DE GAULLE, President of the French Union: 'Mr. Velasquez ... Mr. De Leon. Thank you for showing me and the rest of the delegation hospitality since our arrival here. It bodes well, and goes a long way, especially in comparison to Franco's government, and their complete lack of any sort of hospitality or diplomatic openness. Well now, now that we're seated and have had our pictures taken by the press, I believe we can indulge in actual business matters, no?'[/list]
Grand Indochina
[list][list]DE GAULLE INVITES NORWEGIAN PM TO PARIS
14 February 1961 - New Tuilieries Palace, Paris, French Republic, French Union[/list][/list]
| Following his meeting with Spanish dignitaries in Madrid, and ahead of a planned meeting with West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer in March, President Charles de Gaulle has sent an invitation to John Lyng, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Norway, to discuss international affairs and bilateral relations between Norway and France as the Scandinavian country oversees divisive internal economic reforms. de Gaulle, a firm Pan-Europeanist, has built strong ties with other European nations in Free Europe, and now seeks to extend diplomatic influence to Norway which, like its neighbors Sweden and Finland, are largely not integrated into the developing Pan-European system. |
| de Gaulle has offered Norwegian PM John Lyng a chair for discussion at the New Tuilieries Palace to discuss potential Norwegian inclusion into the greater European environment, financial and industrial aid to Norway from France, and mutual security concerns. |
Idosnijah, Grand Indochina
LYNG ARRIVES IN PARIS TO MEET WITH DE GAULLE
15 February 1961 - Paris, France
Earlier this afternoon Prime Minister John Lynge arrived by plane to the Paris International Airport to meet with French President de Gaulle concerning diplomatic and economic ties between the two nations.
Grand Indochina, Czabalkia
| After arriving at Orly Airport late in the morning, PM Lyng is given a fanfare-filled welcome complete with a French Union Honor Guard unit, a military marching band, and other ceremonious pomp and circumstance to make the Norwegian delegation feel welcomed and honored. After shaking hands with President de Gaulle on the runway for the cameras, the two take a limousine to the New Tuilieries, where a conference room has been set aside specifically for the meeting. |
[list]CHARLES DE GAULLE, President of the French Union: 'Welcome, esteemed friends, to the New Tuilieries. Hopefully it is as elegant as you had imagined- but if it's not, let the record show that it wasn't me who planned it's construction.'[/list]
Idosnijah, Grand Indochina
JOHN LYNG, Prime Minister of Norway: 'Thank you for having me here, Mr. President. I am honored to be invited to this most excellent and magnificent hall, it is truly the jewel of Paris. I am pleased to here that our European brothers in France have taken an interest in defending the freedoms of the people in Europe. I hope that our talk here today will strengthen the bonds between France and Norway, and allow us to secure a more united Europe.
Grand Indochina, Czabalkia
[list]CHARLES DE GAULLE, President of the French Union: 'Certainly, Mr. Prime Minister, believe me when I say that the pleasure is entirely mine. How are affairs in Norway? I'm aware that your economic policies have spurred a bit of divisiveness, no?'[/list]
Grand Indochina
JOHN LYNG, Prime Minister of Norway:"You are indeed right Mr. de Gaulle, there has been some discontent about the policies of my administrationlargely orchestrated by the left-wing agitators in the Worker's Party of Norway. However, our methods have been efficient at cracking down on the rioters, and we hope to continue to put Norway on the path to economic reform and sound money."
Grand Indochina, Czabalkia
(ooc: not a news post but an actual RP post)
[list][list]Operation Goldmine: Phase 1, The Invasion Part II
February 1, 1961[/list][/list]
[list]The Western Liberation Army made good progress since the start of the war, while suffering some losses. The WLA reached Batallas, and began fortifying the small town as a staging base for the war. The WLA set up small camouflaged 'Foxholes' for soldiers to watch for any Bolivian advance on the town. The city was also fortified internally. The WLA also had part of its forces attacking Viacha, but have yet to take the town, due to heavy resistance. The Peruvian forces in the western part of Bolivia were making progress, though the actual progress was slower than expected. The WLA plans to soon send out squads of soldiers to make raids on Pucarani and the other towns around Batallas.[/list]
[list]The Eastern Liberation Army has made successful raids and burnings of the towns of Puerto Rico, Sena, El Triangulo, and Riberalta. tribal villages near the Peruvian border were also burned to the ground. Some squads of the ELA made observation posts in the trees. The ELA also had suffered losses, though the guerilla warfare type strikes against the enemy ensured that the tribal villages suffered more losses. The ELA was striking at the towns and villages in eastern Bolivia, but due to the lack of major road networks, progress was slow and some areas far from the roads were left untouched.[/list]
[list]Meanwhile, the Bolivian forces continued sending some of their forces towards the WLA-held town of Batallas and Viacha, though most military assets of Bolivia were called in to reinforce the defenses of Bolivia's major cities, especially La Paz. The Bolivian people were panicking about the invading forces. The military command was in disarray as the military officers try to discern a strategy to beat back Peruvian forces, as it became abundantly clear that Peru planned the invasion for a long time. The Bolivian economy was collapsing, as the government was buying up critical resources for the war, causing the prices of products to triple, while the economy also was filled with counterfeit money. Many people who had money were losing their money and jobs, while many businesses shut down from the combination of exorbitant prices and a lack of new products being shipped to stores and businesses.[/list]
Otsla, Grand Indochina, Kiger
[list]CHARLES DE GAULLE, President of the French Union: 'Certainly, but it must be known, and I offer this as personal advice, that the appropriate answer to discontent is not to always smash it with the hammer of the law. I fear, well, I know, that all that will do is, in the long run, push those who are already discontent further into the hands of our enemies, into the hands of the Soviets. However, I am the President of France, not Norway - you know better than I. Now, Mr. Lyng, as you well know, Norway is not a member of the European Economic Community and is, therefore, not within its trade agreement sphere. I fear that, as the mainland continues to develop and grow economically, Scandinavia may be left behind. While Norway's accession to the EEC would certainly be optimal, until that happens, we should start on an individual basis. I believe that the French Union and the Kingdom of Norway should work on, as quickly as possible, reducing tariffs to rates similar to that of the EEC states within ourselves to allow our economies, France and Norway, to be more appropriately interlinked.'[/list]
Idosnijah, Grand Indochina
JOHN LYNG, Prime Minister of Norway: "I thank you for your kind words Mr. de Gaulle, but when a rattlesnake is poised to strike you, you do not wait until it has struck to crush it. We will not allow the communist street thugs to intimidate us or to use our trade unions as places to organize more violent riots. We will resolve the issue peacefully, and in the best interests of the Norwegian people. Now, to your proposition about economic connections, I would like to say that the Norwegian government has been considering joining the European Economic Community, and is something that we would like to continue to discuss with your nation and others. We too seek greater cooperation in Europe, and also markets for our fine Norwegian goods to be brought to. That being said, we want to safeguard our domestic industry and our own workers from foreign dumping. While free trade is always an ideal to be strived for, it is fair trade that must rule the day. That being considered, we would of course be willing to come to an agreement which is mutually beneficial to our nations in order to facilitate greater cooperation."
Grand Indochina, Czabalkia
[list][sup]SEPTEMBER 1st 1960[/sup]
The Memorandum Speech [/list]
___
[sup]MOSCOW, RUSSIAN SFSR, USSR[/sup]
Mikoyan would be standing in the red square, not on the balcony of a high building but on a wooden podium like the one Lenin stood on. No doubt so the General Secretary's message resonated more with the people. The other members of the Politburo thought he was mad, attempting something like this. A speech done in this kind of way.
___
| A Norwegian Message from Prime Minister Lyng would be intercepted by Soviet Agents within Norway a week ago, and the message they found would rattle the Soviet leadership. The message consisted of the Prime Minister detailing a norwegian plan to illegalize unions, knowing it might cause unrest and ordering the defense minister to use military force if the already existing protests escalate because of this. Soviet leadership had been watching the situation in Norway carefully and waiting for the right time to act. Now it seems that the Union must act NOW. |
Mikoyan would be standing on a wooden podium addressing a crowd of hundreds of thousands, perhaps a couple million. The best cameras the Union had to offer were on him ready to broadcast live to the entire world. Newspaper articles detailing the speech would be created in advance and released right as the speech ended. General Secretary Mikoyan wanted a global audience and he would get one.
[list] | General Secretary Mikoyan: "People of the Soviet Union! Today I come to you with grave news that is relevant to all Proletariat that walk this earth! All workers have the right to Unionize, to protect themselves against their bosses and, if it comes to that, the Government itself. The Union is the tool the Worker uses to protect himself from those that would see him become nothing but a defenseless serf! IS THIS NOT A FACT TO ALL MEN? Over there in the country of Norway, the government of Prime Minister John Lyng is conspiring with other members of his government to betray his own people and make the right to Unionize illegal, and to use lethal military force against ALL that protest against this blatant betrayal of their rights, not just as workers but as fellow human beings." | [/list]
| He would point out into the distance, presumably in the direction of Norway. Then he would pull out the Norwegian Memorandum and raise it to the now furious masses. |
[list] | General Secretary Mikoyan: "Since Prime Minister Lyng loves his messages and letters, the Soviet Union shall give him one! We stand for the rights of all workers, and we shall forever stand with the people of Norway against their neo-feudal government. If Prime Minister Lyng decides to go through with his ban on Unions, he should tread lightly for the Soviet Union is ALWAYS watching! There is a message, written into the soul of the Soviet Union, that the workers of ALL countries shall unite! One man and his government of terror will NEVER stop that! " | [/list]
___
| "Proletarii vsekh stran, soyedinyaytes'!" |
___
PING: East Germany Ddr, Idosnijah
Idosnijah, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Kiger, East Germany Ddr, Batallon De Dignidad, Teymour, Gaia Major, Great Britain Et Ireland
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1511066
Otsla, Grand Indochina, Kiger, Great Britain Et Ireland
[list]CHARLES DE GAULLE, President of the French Union: 'Believe me, Mr. Lyng, the European Economic Community has been designed from the ground up to ensure equal and equitable economic development among all of the member states. Norway's signing of the Treaty of Rome would ensure that Norway is not left behind in this rapidly developing greater European economy, and also ensure that the Norwegian economy remains viable going forward. I highly recommend signing the Treaty, to be sure, but until you do, I would like to reduce tariffs between France and Norway to a level comparable to where they would, or will, rather, be upon Norway's accession to the Community.'[/list]
Grand Indochina
[list][list]THEY CANNOT HOLD HERE
16 June 1954 - Dĩ An, Outskirts of Saigon, Bình Dương Province, Republic of Cochinchina[/list][/list]
[list][list][list][list][list][sup]https://youtu.be/26Nuj6dhte8 - A Rainy Night in Saigon, A Dusty Gramophone Plays Easygoing Music[/sup][/list][/list][/list][/list][/list]
| Bullets whiz by the building, striking the wall of the building nearest it. A woman screams somewhere off in the distance. A French soldiers, a dark-skinned boy from Morocco, sticks his MAS-49 out of the window, knocking a small candle out onto the damp streets below. He fires off a few rounds before ultimately bringing his gun back in, crouching, and turning around to get a better view of his comrades. |
[list]"We can't hold here! Quan-Nam are just across the road! We'll have to pull back, and leave the ammunition!"[/list]
| The Moroccan and his three comrades, two Arabs and another Berber, huddle out of the range of the window and look over a small map he holds in his hands. Wet, and dripping the excess water onto the wooden floor below, they view their general area, trying to find a stable, defendable place to fall back to. He points to a building just to their southwest, a mere 70 meters from their building. After nodding quietly in agreement, they grab their guns and their other essentials and begin to head out of the back of the building, leaving behind an FM29 and a few cannisters of ammunition for it and their rifles. They slip out of the back of the building, crouching behind the backs of the neighboring buildings to get to their destination, a small house just down the road with a more strategic view of the contested Đ. Phạm Văn Đồng. The road, also called Highway 1 within Saigon, is the main road leading into Saigon from the northeast and had, under the duress of the Quan-Nam's Hoa mùa xuân giải phóng dân tộc(Spring Blossom of National Liberation) Campaign, been captured by independence fighters. Just this morning, Quan-Nam fighters captured the bridge over the Rạch Gò Dưa River following three days of heavy fighting, putting them one neighborhood closer to central Saigon. |
| Across the Dong Nai River, in Long Bình Tân, the Quan-Nam's battlefield headquarters have spent the past two days overseeing the final hour of Saigon's collapse. Since the beginning of the Spring Blossom Campaign, the Vietnamese-backed independence fighters had managed to properly organize, seizing various settlements around Võ Xu before making a three pronged assault on Saigon, the capital city of the French Union territory. From their position at the nearby port of Phan Thiet, the French Union Armed Forces had narrowly managed to beat out the Quan-Nam forces in a race to Saigon, providing the city much needed defenses. However, with the majority of the French Union's forces tied up in Korea and Tchan-Tung, Quan-Nam General Dương Văn Minh has smelled blood in the water for the Republic of Cochinchina, with the garrison in Cochinchina too desperately outnumbered and undersupplied to maintain an insurgent campaign to take the city. |
| In a covert meeting with Lt. Gen. Cao Văn Viên, the leader of the Imperial Army of Viet Nam Airborne Division, on 2 April, 'Big Minh' confirmed to the Lt. Gen. that the Quan-Nam's organized forces had made contact with insurgents directly in Saigon and that, on the commencement of the campaign on 4 April, the insurgents in Saigon would mobilize with weapons smuggled from the Q-N's camps into the city, taking over key districts in an organized guerilla operation. After receiving the news, Lt. Gen. Viên gave, on behalf of Emperor Bao Dai, best wishes to Big Minh and the Q-N, and agreed to provide support to the Q-N's final campaign through artillery support. Sure enough, on 4 April, when the Q-N started seizing towns northeast of Saigon, nearly 7,500 fighters in Saigon took up arms against the French Union, seizing part of the port at Phu Xuan, and attacking French police garrisons and administrative buildings. With Saigon in chaos, and light artillery being smuggled into Cochinchina through Cambodia, the Q-N's shock offensive mitigated any advantages held by the French and Cochinchinese. |
[list]"They cannot hold here," says Big Minh from his command tent in Long Bình Tân. "Once we cross the river, they'll have to pull back into the city core. Victory has favored our offensive."[/list]
| With Saigon on the ropes, the French government has begun a program to evacuate as many French officials, civilians, and non-combat military personnel from the city, and the surrounding areas, as possible. From the Tan Son Nhut Air Base, in the center of the city, the French Union has begun starting daily flights of commandeered civilian aircraft from Cochinchina to Tchan-Tung, Tchan-Tung to Hawaii, and Hawaii to throughout the French Union. French soldiers, as a part of the program, have fought desperate battles to evacuate non-local French Union citizens from the city, such as Kader ibn Adil, the young Moroccan soldier, and his other North African comrades. When they had arrived at the small wooden house just by the highly contested Bridge over the Rạch Gò Dưa River, they had found a family of three white French citizens; a middle aged mother, a teenage son, and an infant daughter. Their building had come under direct fire from across the river at some point between their request for evac and the arrival of the North African squad, resulting in the house being riddled with bullet holes. Kader and the others confirmed their identities, and then quickly rushed them out of the front, only for a barrage of bullets to rain upon them from a river, fired from a DP-27, to kill the squad's leader, Mauritanian-born Ibrahim al-Maghrebi, and both the mother and her infant daughter. After rushing back inside the house with the remaining civilian, the squad quickly became pinned under the fire, stuck in the house. |
| The French garrison in the city and the surrounding communities remains vigilant, and fight to the death. However, within enough time(but not before the aimed goal of 18 June), the Quan-Nam, their Viet Minh allies, and other unaffiliated partisan fighters will certainly capture Saigon, bringing about an effective end to the Cochinchina Insurgency. For now, death lingers in the air, the city is alit, and the French are on the ropes. |
Grand Indochina, Kiger, Miwok-, Batallon De Dignidad, Gaia Major, Malian Imperial Federation, Great Britain Et Ireland
September 1960-March 1961
The Jewel is Broken
With the death of President Felix and the disappearance of Vice President Henri Konan Bédié, the entire nation has begun collapsing into civil disruption. The Pan-West African Front rebels quickly overran and overwhelmed the now retreating and disorganized border guards and government soldiers. General of the Ivory Coast Peoples Liberation Army Ackon Ashia began marching for Abidjan. In a moment of desperation, and recognization that General Ashia had the only truly unified army in the Ivory Coast, the Emergency Council invited General Ackon Ashia in. In its final act the Emergency Council announced the dissolution of the Emergency Council, and the Parliament and Constitution of the Ivory Coast. He also announced the Ivory Coast would be fast tracked to joining the West African Federation by 1963. Soldiers from the West African Federation began coming into the Ivory Coast to help suppress rebels and restore order. Local Councils were established to help ease administrative burden, and local purges were carried out to remove disloyal elements.
Otsla, Grand Indochina, Batallon De Dignidad, Gaia Major
JOHN LYNG, Prime Minister of Norway:"I appreciate your consideration President de Gaulle for the workers of Norway. We would be delighted to begin the process of ratifying such a treaty, and hopefully we can have it through our government by the end of the year. In the meantime, a small reduction in tariffs would be on the table, and we'd be willing to begin a trade negotiation process to decide that."
Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, East Germany Ddr, Batallon De Dignidad, Malian Imperial Federation
[sub]1 June 1958[/sub]
[sup]Erlander's Gamble[/sup]
Tage Erlander and the Social Democrats win the election!
The 1958 snap-election for the second chamber was only the third of its kind, the last two having been held in 1887 and 1914. The election was called by Tage Erlander and the Social Democrats, following through on their pledge for an election if its proposal for pensions was defeated in parliament. The election was of course dominated by the issue of pensions.
The election provided the Social Democrats with a return of 111 seats and 46.2% of the vote, an increase of three seats as well as a positive swing of 1.6%. Thus, they remained the largest party in the second chamber. The Communists once again suffered in the election, experiencing a negative swing of .5% with only 3.3% of the vote, but managed to retain their five seats. This meant that the 'labour majority' in the second chamber, lost in the 1956 election, was restored as both parties held 116 seats out of 231. Though the non-socialist parties failed to retain their majority in the second chamber, both The Right and the Farmers' League experienced a degree of success. The former had managed to increase their vote share dramatically by 3% to 19.5% as well as bringing their total seat count to 44, an increase of six seats. This made them the second-largest party in the second chamber, dethroning the People's Party. The Farmers' League won 12.4% of the vote and 33 seats, a marked improvement on the 9.1% and 18 seats they had won in 1956. On the other hand, the People's Party suffered massively in the election, winning just 18.2% of the vote as well as 38 seats, a decrease of 6.6% and 24 seats compared to the preceding election.
For the Social Democrats who proposed a mandatory state-run system, their message was simple; a vote for the Social Democrats would be a vote to secure your future as a retiree. Although calling for an election was seemingly the only option to resolve the conflict over pensions, it was not an idea supported entirely by those within the party. When considering the downward trend of the party's electoral performances over recent years, one was entitled to feel doubtful over the party's prospects. But in the end, the election had ended in a victory for the party. Having adopted the position of opposition to the Social Democrats' proposed state-run pensions system, The Right had received much support from both the white-collar working and business community and continued their upward trend electorally, becoming the second-largest party in the second chamber. However, the vast majority of the gains made by The Right had come at the expense of the People's Party, taking away from it their more conservative voters. The Right was not the only party to have gained at the expense of the People's, as the Farmers' League represented the most natural option for the disillusioned liberal voters who were more aligned with the Farmers' League's position; a voluntary state-run pension that would operate alongside that of the private sector. This was shown as they made gains in areas it would otherwise have never been able to as a party representing farmers.
Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, East Germany Ddr, Batallon De Dignidad, Malian Imperial Federation
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1511591
Grand Indochina, Malian Imperial Federation
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1511735
Xaverium, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Malian Imperial Federation
The Swedish Foreign Minister Östen Undén has lambasted the draconian handling of the demonstrations in Norway by the police, as well as rejecting the labelling of demonstrators as "thugs" additionally decrying it as a "scare tactic". He also urged the government to seek discourse with the demonstrators, describing the government's response thus far "dissapointing".
Xaverium, Teujira, Idosnijah, Otsla, Grand Indochina, East Germany Ddr, Batallon De Dignidad
[list]Elisavetgrad Vestnik[pre]
FEBRUARY EDITION 1961[/pre][/list]
[list][list][pre]Ofitstialna Gazeta Narodnoi Parti![/pre][sub][pre]Official Newspaper of the Peoples Party.[/pre][/sub][/list][/list]
[list][list]VOSTOK KRAI GOES UNDER STATE OF EMERGENCY AFTER BOMBING - KNM INVOLVEMENT SUSPECTED, NORSU MOTORS ANNOUNCES NEW SEDAN MODELS[/list][/list]
[list]| NOVI KHARKOV The death toll stands at 12 deaths and 87 injured in an attack on the Hotel Wojtenko in Novi Kharkov (Bukavu), located on the banks of Lake Stolypin (Lake Kivu). Known as a local hotspot for the citys elite and visiting business executives, the hotel is considered the most luxurious on Lake Stolypin and home to one of the Kongos most well reputed restaurants - Pointa. The bomb detonated at approximately 7:45 in the evening on 2 February, bystanders report having heard a deafening explosion come from the vicinity of the hotels lobby and the indoor seating area of Pointa. The explosion was followed by a massive ball of fire, and much of the lobby and lower floors of the hotel were badly damaged and engulfed in flames. The explosion could be heard throughout much of downtown Novi Kharkov. Firefighters, ambulances, and Russian Afrika Police quickly arrived at the scene of the explosion.
Following police responding to the scene of the crime, and identifying the explosion as foul play, the city of Novi Kharkov and Vostok Krai province have been placed under a state of emergency. All access between the Suakhilistan and Lingalastan bantustans has been subjected to Russian Afrika Police checkpoints, refusing entry to the Vostok Krai to anyone other than European residents of the province. Residential areas reserved for natives within the Vostok Krai are be subject to similar restrictions, with entry and exit of these areas being permitted exclusively for native residents with employment in European areas. Units from the Ministry of Internal Affairs Territorial Gendarmerie, the Kongos national special police force, have been deployed to Vostok Krai in order to conduct thorough searches of homes and storage facilities located within the natives reserved areas of the province and assist with enforcing the state of emergency. Curfews between 20:00 and 06:00 have been put in place across Vostok Krai and police have been given emergency powers to detain individuals indefinitely.
State President Rudolf Jashchenko and Minister of Internal Affairs Danilo Borisovich Yarmolnik hosted national press the afternoon after the bombings, putting out an official press release. President Jashchenko is quoted as saying: "We are currently pursuing all leads, however at this time we believe strongly in a connection between the Kongolese National Movement and the attack at Hotel Wojtenko. We have received numerous anonymous messages from the KNM claiming responsibility for the attack, and the attack is in line with targets typical of racial terrorists. As such, I am naming Patrik Lumumba as Public Enemy Number 1 of the Kongo. Our security forces are now authorised to use deadly force against Lumumba, and his immediate capture or neutralisation will be a top priority for my administration moving forward." He was followed by Minister Yarmolnik who stated: "The Territorial Gendarmerie and Russian Afrika Police Service are currently undertaking a number of endeavours to locate those responsible for the bombings. We have so far arrested some 150 individuals, all associated with the KNM and its so called 'Youth Associations'. The Vostok Krai government has instated a state of emergency for a period of 6 months, and national security forces will be fully committed to assisting the Krai government for the duration of this period. We are also working with the governments of the Lingala and Suakhili nations to conduct raids and arrests against likely suspects within their respect territory. As of now, all travel between those aforementioned nations and the Kongo will be suspended with the exception of traveling labor."
As for now, Vostok Krai and Novi Kharkov are under tight security. Gendarmes armed with L1A1 battle rifles and dressed in jungle green fatigues are a stark contrast from the blue uniforms of the Russian Afrika Police. These gendarmes now stand guard at all European schools, universities, hotels, beaches, theatres, and concert halls. The operation appears costly, nevertheless the Peoples Party remains committed to protecting to lives of Stoiniks from terrorists who would see them massacred. Only time will tell if President Jashchenkos administration will succeed in quelling the racial unrest currently being instigated, however Lumumbas chances are poor when facing up againsts sub-Saharan Africas most disciplined, best funded and best equipped security apparatus. As of the writing of this a total of 382 suspected terrorists in the Vostok Krai, Lingalastan, and Suakhilistan regions have been arrested and detained by the Ministry of Internal Affairs.[/list]
[list]SVATOY VLADIMIRSK Always desiring to increase domestic industrial production, the Kongo Industrial Development Company has collaborated with Norsu Motors to develop a line of civilian automobiles. Norsu, Finnish for elephant, has served as a chief manufacturer of tractor and heavy trucks for the Kongo defence forces and private industry since the 1930s. Now the company has collaborated with the KIDC and Ministry of Industry, Economy, and Trade to develop a line of sedans for civilian consumers. The Norsu Standart, sporting a 2.3 L engine equipped with manual or brand new automatic transmission, has been announced to arrive on the market for January of 1962. The Standart will come in 2-door utility, 4-door sedan, or 5-door station wagon variants. Alongside the Standart, Norsu Motors has announced the Gepard sedan and stationed wagon. The Gepard is a larger and faster than Standart, but comes only as a 4-door sedan or 2-door utility and uses a 3.1 L engine with automatic transmission. The Standart will start at a base price of K₽ 1,125 ($1800 USD) and the Gepard at a base price of K₽ 1,250 (2000 USD), making both very affordable options for both western consumers and developing consumers the like. With superior production quality and a lower than market price, Norsu orders are already creating a 2 month backlog! |[/list]
Teujira, Idosnijah, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Kiger, Autumnberg, Batallon De Dignidad
|JARIO VELASQUEZ|: The business we shall discuss is of course a great matter of importance for our country. As you are well aware that over the past decade and a half our country has been isolated for nearly 30 years after Franco died. With our efforts to push towards a more democratic Spain, I think it would also be feasible for Spain to practice economic freedoms across Europe as well. We seek partnership with our European friends in this critical hour of our politics."
[list]|The French President sits opposite of the Prime Minister and his Foreign Minister in one of the larger rooms of the palace, which houses famous paintings from Spanish historians, conquerors, and members of the Bourbon Royal Family. Although this palace is home to the King, the King has allowed the head of government to use his residence for this important meeting, while he remains in the Palace of La Almudena, in Mallorca on the Balearic Islands|[/list]
Xaverium, Idosnijah, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia
https://www.nationstates.net/page=dispatch/id=1512030
Otsla, Grand Indochina, Malian Imperial Federation
The Coup 1960 Turkey
Adnan Menderes was heading to Moscow to try to get some aid and extra credit from the soviets because the USA wasnt giving proper aid to turkey and turkey was going through economic hardship and needed something to change fast or else the countrys would fall but a Colonel named Alparslan Türkęs had planned a plot to bring back the democratic regime he was part of junta a National Unity Committee and was the one of the first 16 officers trained in the USA in 1948 to form a stay behind counter guerrilla and he was a anti communist and had allegiance with Cento and Nato in his short address but he stayed vague for most of the time but on May 27 Türkęs over radio declared a new Turkish period would be formed and on May 27 the Turkish Nation starting at 3:00 AM the Turkish armed forces took the administration through the entire country and This operation had no people dieing or getting injured Succeeded and brought back the democratic Regime.
The Re-Election of Ìsmet inönü 1961 October 15
Inönü is a exceptional Prime minister and has been one for Turkey for about 2 decades And was part of the Republican Party winning 3.7 million votes and the justice party at 3.5 million it was a close vote but the majority of the Turkish citizens did not vote and even when the democratic regime was brought back the new party for it didnt have as much votes as expected but it came close for the republicans when they were against the justice party.
Xaverium, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Kiger, Malian Imperial Federation
[list]Heiwa 8
―
May 1960
[sub]落雷[/sub]
Lightning Strikes...[/list]
[sup]東京都、日本[/sup]
TOKYO METROPOLIS, STATE OF JAPAN
[sub]National Diet, Nagatachō District[/sub]
| Mass protests and political chaos had now beset Japan for the better part of the last six months, owing to Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi's grand dream of re-armament and of a US-Japan military alliance. The US-Japan Security Treaty or Anpo Jōyaku, although returning Okinawa, the Ryukyu Islands and the South Pacific Mandate to Japan and withdrawing most of the US troops from the country, also mandated Japanese re-armament by 1965, prompting the powerful left-wing ideologues opposing Japan's current state of emergency and conservative government to call it a new form of political annexation, and to mobilize student and work unions to exert long-term pressure against the Kishi cabinet. Kishi's gamble to kill two birds with one stone had all but failed at the hands of repeated leftist delays in the Diet. As summer neared, and President Eisenhower's July visit loomed over Kishi's head, there was no sign that the Treaty - Signed, yet not ratified, and needing a thirty-day delay before coming into force - would be approved anytime soon. Unless the Diet's recess on May 26 was somehow halted, Kishi's gamble would end in humiliation. |
| And humiliation was not something that the Manshū no yōkai was ready to accept. On May 19, Kishi took the extraordinary measure of extending the Diet's session, to the dismay of everyone, even among his Constitutional-Democratic Party. The Socialist Party members, not willing to let go without a fight, opted for a sit-in within the Diet while protesters outside of the legislative compound backed them with anti-government slogans. As a result, the Premier called on 500 police officers to descend on the Diet and forcefully evacuate the rebellious members. With full chaos breaking out in the once hallowed halls of the lower house, brawls and scuffles between representatives began, papers flying into the air, blows not being pulled, jaws breaking. While cops moved in to restrain opposition lawmakers swarming around the rostrum and to shield them from the equally aggressive CDP representatives, the bespectacled Ichirō Kiyose, the frail Speaker of the lower house, extended its term, unmoved by the chaos around him. After several hours, the Diet, now empty of its opposition, was finally at ease. Midnight passed, and the sweating representatives that remained were all from Kishi's ruling party. They proceeded to pass the Security Treaty and the much-contested Second Five-Year Military Plan. Along with a string of new purchases from US armaments firms and the earmarking of several billion yen for native naval and air projects designed to provide new weapons to Japan by the next decade, the Plan also called for the expansion of the Defense Forces from its current 260,000 to 340,000 active personnel to match the Soviet and Chinese threats - Thus, well above 2% of Japan's gross domestic product would now be dedicated to defense, an immense change from the situation just ten years ago, when re-armament was still a taboo subject. |
| Kishi had chosen to double-down on his strategy - And although the Diet was pacified, Tokyo remained alight with the thunder of protests. The Devil of Manchuria had earned many more enemies that night, including from within his own party, where a substantial moderate movement remained despite the successive purges led under the cover of the state of emergency by Masanobu Tsuji and the right-wing cabal that had infiltrated Japan's leadership since 1952. And now, it seemed as if the situation could only worsen... Either if all remaining order collapsed under the weight of the opposition, or if the government called on troops to pacify the situation as they had eight years ago. |
Spainard, Xaverium, Teujira, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Kiger, Miwok-, Malian Imperial Federation
[list][list]FRANCE, TURKEY FORM AGREEMENTS REGARDING TRADE AND DEFENSE
4 March 1961 - Ankara, Republic of Turkey[/list][/list]
| The French Union Foreign Relations body has announced today that the French Union and Turkey concluded the signing of diplomatic agreements establishing Franco-Turkish relations on matters of financial aid and defense, with French Foreign Minister Maurice Couve de Murville calling the agreements a 'positive step towards establishing long-lasting ties between the Turkish and French Republics'. |
| Turkey, under the leadership of longtime Prime Minister Ìsmet Inönü following a 1960 Coup staged by the Turkish Armed Forces, has slowly made further inroads with western Europe and agreed to hold discussions with Paris to oversee joint Franco-Turkish relations. France and Turkey have now agreed to a military and economic plan which will help to develop the Turkish economy and sturdy Turkish national defense through the aid of the French Air Force. Economically, the French Union has pledged that it shall dedicate roughly $200m annually to Turkey through the form of foreign aid including direct investments, loans, technical assistance, and direct material donations. Through this financial aid program, the French Union seeks to help spur increased social and economic development in the Turkish Republic which has been somewhat stagnant during the socialist era over the past years. |
| Militarily, the French Air Force has acquired basing rights to station squadrons of interceptors and fighters in eastern and northern Turkey to 'defend Turkey's national sovereignty and air space'. Squadrons of FAI Senones Interceptors and, eventually, Dassault Mirage IIIs will be stationed at the Turkish airbases at Merzifon Air Base, Diyarbakır Air Base, and Batman Air Force Base. From these bases, the French Air Force will perform operations along the northern and central highlands of the Turkish Republic. |
Xaverium, Teujira, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Kiger, Malian Imperial Federation
[list]CHARLES DE GAULLE, President of the French Union: 'Certainly, Mr. Prime Minister. As the rest of the continent continues to move forward, away from fascism and the War and into a new European era, it is no question that Spain, too, preeminent among the nations of Europe in prestige, should be included. To what extent do you wish to involve Spain in European Affairs? On an individual basis, or as a full member of the European Economic Community?'[/list]
Teujira, Grand Indochina, Malian Imperial Federation
[list]CHARLES DE GAULLE, President of the French Union: 'Certainly, Mr. Lyng. I would like to see tariffs reduced, as I have said earlier, to a level comparable to that which they would be at should Norway join the EEC. Could this be arranged?'[/list]
Teujira, Grand Indochina, Malian Imperial Federation
Cooperatization and Communalisation
Chairman Amílcar Cabral has announced the beginnings of the complete restructuring of agriculture and industry within the West African Federation. Two government policies were Coopératisation and Communalisation Coopératisation would see all industries turned from single owned employer controlled industries into worker-owned cooperatives, run by local worker unions, or more vital industries would be nationalized and be run by State-controlled labor and workers unions. In terms of agriculture, these two policies would be more difficult to instate. The Cooperatization of local agriculture would happen through uniting disparate agricultural plots into unified and loosely confederated agricultural collectives. This would be incentivized through government subsidies, and granting tractors, new irrigation techniques, and fertilizers to these local cooperatives. Communalisation techniques would see local villages formed and operate communal plots. Production and selling of agriculture would be controlled and set by local councils. Consumption and payment would be set individually by the villages and their people, with monetary gains from farming being divided between local farmers and new seeds and mechanization. Now came the enforcement of these laws. Chairman Cabral created a separate Ministry for Communalisation and a Ministry for Cooperatization. These ministries would be allowed to investigate and enforce communalisation and cooperatization. The enforcement of these laws would come in the form of increased taxes, and increased costs for buying and selling goods from these local farms. The government proposed this to be done over a 5 year period to all facets of West African business sectors.
Xaverium, Teujira, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Kiger, Batallon De Dignidad
[list]AUGUST SEPTEMBER 1960
CAIRO, UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC MIDDLE EAST[/list]
[list][list][sub][pre]!دولة قوية و عادلة
Strong & Just Nation!
THE 1960 ELECTION - POLITICAL OPPOSITION AND NASSER'S SECOND TERM [/pre][/sub]
[/list][/list]
[list][sub]Political pragmatism was now the operational framework of opposition parties across the United Arab Republic, who had been sidelined by the current Nasser-led establishment. This political culture had first emerged with a merger of the Wafdist and Ittihadist movements as a response to the 1956 Arabist Conference. This was further prompted by the demonstrated success of the incumbent leadership to mobilize public opinion through creating a broad coalition of multiple parties with common ideological or pragmatic interests. And furthermore, the growing necessity for the political opposition to remain visible and relevant via widespread multi-party cooperation. Interestingly, members of the Muslim Brotherhood had begun to join the Ittihadists, a circumstance which is perhaps the earliest manifestation of the theories and methodology put forth by Islah. A book published after the 1955 Benha Massacre, which called for Islamists to adapt to a democratic non-violent framework of organizing. The influx of Islamists into the ranks of the Ittihadists served to help strengthen the movement's size, and was further encouraged by the Brotherhoods General Guide Hassan Al-Hudaybi. Who believed the party was an ideal political platform to circumnavigate the state-ban on Islamist groups. In a sense, Al-Hudaybi was attempting to reestablish the historic partnership between Islamists and more secular currents that had existed during the Republican Revolution against the Egyptian Monarchy and its British-patrons. He ultimately believed that Nassers influence could not be sufficiently contested if the Brotherhood remained in its present state of isolation, however, this was opposed by the more pro-Qutb wing of the party. Who wished to invest fully into the insurgency waged against the state through the Fighting Vanguard. And further refuted any concept of cooperation between Brotherhood and Ittihadists due to ideological disagreements. [/sub]
[sub]This looming spectre which haunted Arab political opposition over the question of following a pragmatic, rather than an ideological or philosophical agenda, also existed in a Marxist context. Communists in the United Arab Republic, while remaining largely critical of Nassers Republican Party and later the National Unity Movement, had initially embraced the establishment of the UAR. This was done on the grounds of supporting an anti-imperialist and ultimately anti-monarchist project as well as replacing traditional systems with a more progressive democratic framework of governance. In many ways, Nassers calls for social justice, egalitarianism and self-determination mirrored sections of the domestic Marxist platform, which was most profoundly exhibited during the Eastern Uprising. However, Marxists continued to hold only marginal influences in the more leftist sections of the National Unity Movement represented by the Arab Trade Union Congress, as most sought to form distinct political operations. This manifested in the creation of the Arab Communist Party under Henri Korel, the former leader of the Democratic Movement for National Liberation, which was itself a former Egyptian Marxist-Leninist group founded in 1947. The Arab Communist Party was for the most part an attempt by the primarily Egypt-based Marxists to expand their ranks to their ideological compatriots elsewhere in the UAR. It had therefore embraced slithers of pan-Arab rhetoric as a means to become more politically appealing to the general public, becoming the first opposition party to do so, yet it still lacked the political maturity to challenge Nasser. Internal divisions over the parties embrace of these Arabist ideals, prompted by more ideological members, also risked undermining the long-term political viability of the Communists. This was made worse by the harsh condemnation of the United Arab Republic by the leader of the global Communism, Premier Mikoyan of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. [/sub]
[sub]A small splinter group within the larger Arab Communist Party heeded to Mikoyans call to resist the UAR, proclaimed themselves the Arab Communist Party - Popular Revolutionary Front and decried Korel an agent of chauvinist nationalism and the bourgeoisie. This organization, which held its founding conference in the industrial city of Helwan in August, came to be headed by the radical and youthful Abdel Fattah Ismail, who had been previously expelled for his radical views during the December 1955 Trade Union Conference in Aden. Through all this political change, one thing had remained continuous and predictable, being Nassers ability to secure the popular mandate for a second term. The September 25th 1960 elections in the UAR, although producing predictable results in favour of the National Unity Movement, proved a monumental step towards the establishment of Arab democracy. It is the first vote of its kind in the territories of the former Saudi Kingdom and the Trucial states of the Arab Gulf. Under the banner of the National Unity Movement the Liberation Party and Trade Unionists dominated in this region, which still lacks organized civilian political opposition. While in the Egypt Region, with its more diverse and broad political scene, the Republican Party competed alongside the Ittihadists and Arab Communist Party. As more Islamists had decided to vote, in favour of the opposition, the Republican Party had lost 20 seats, although still secured a super-majority of 705 seats in the National Assembly. 15 of the lost seats transferred to Ittihadist representatives, while the remainder went to the Communists. Through this, although the 1960 election saw increased participation from the political opposition, the pan-Arab establishment remains firmly entrenched to govern for the next 5 years. [/sub]
[/list]
Spainard, Arcanda, Xaverium, Teujira, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Kiger, East Germany Ddr, Autumnberg, Batallon De Dignidad, Malian Imperial Federation
|JARIO VELAZQUEZ|[/B]Spain wishes to more active by putting forth an application to the European Economic Community. The first steps are small to slowly integrate Spain with other European powers, for the sake of our economy and to keep our relations mutual and friendly especially after the evils of the great war.
Xaverium, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia
[list]CHARLES DE GAULLE, President of the French Union: 'Spain's accession to the European Economic Community would most certainly help the Spanish economy rebound from the years of fascism. I will not veto or otherwise deny Spain's entry into the Treaty of Rome group, and I will do everything in my power to ensure that Spain's accession is as smooth as possible.'[/list]
Grand Indochina
[list]Heiwa 8
―
June 1960
[sub]雷鳴[/sub]
...and Thunder Rolls !
[sub]Zengakuren Break In Diet; Defense Forces Deployed to Tokyo ![/sub][/list]
[sup]東京都、日本[/sup]
TOKYO METROPOLIS, STATE OF JAPAN
[sub]National Diet, Nagatachō District[/sub]
| The drama of the May 19th Incident had roiled virtually all the opponents to the conservative rule, from the long-opposed Communists and Socialists to even more moderate and right-wing elements who saw Kishi's extension of the Diet's term and subsequent actions to pass the US-Japan Security Treaty and the military rearmament bill through the lower house as unconstitutional and undemocratic. Since then, leftists of all stripes have continued to organize giant protests in all the country's large cities, calling for the immediate resignation of the Kishi cabinet and the shedding of the Treaty. Furthermore, President Eisenhower's planned visit was increasingly seen as a needless foreign involvement in a the middle of a critical domestic crisis, and unrelated issues such as the Miike Mine strike emboldened the opposition even more. Meanwhile, the government struggled to keep a tight lid on both the street and parliamentary opposition without provoking it further; methods that were frequently used under the state of emergency pronounced in 1952, such as house arrests of prominent figures, were becoming more difficult; and the daily mass protests were increasingly tough to suppress without violence. The press had also obtained a reasonable level of emancipation, and the necessity to retain a facade of democracy inhibited the conservatives in their bid to suppress the virulent leftist editorials published daily in the Asahi Shimbun or in the illegal communist journal Akahata. On June 10, another event came in the way of the government, the Hagerty Incident, during which protesters surrounded the car of the American Press Secretary, Hagerty, until he was rescued by helicopter. |
| June 15 would be the make-or-break day of the opposition. On that occasion, the General Council of Trade Unions of Japan or Sōhyō called on 6.4 million workers in a general strike across the country. Concurrently, hundreds of thousands of demonstrators swarmed the Diet compound in Tokyo. Although composed of several diverse factions, ranging from JCP members to laborers, the vanguard of the demonstration was, as always, the radical leftist student unions or Zengakuren. Spearheading the protests, they were faced near the late afternoon by a violent mass of equally radical far-right supporters and yakuza who had been bussed on site by Yoshio Kodama, Kishi's ally and friend within the secret society, the Shiroyama Association. Both groups hurled stones and debris at the opposite side, before charging at each other with bamboo spikes, metal poles and spiked baseball bats. The scene was one of chaos right in front of the National Diet; the swarming masses of men, women, flags and banners were all intertwined in a swirl of violence as tear gas from the riot police exploded in loud bangs above the crowds before falling, thire scenic curls of grey and red smoke dancing against the backdrop of a clear blue summer sky. |
| Mere minutes after the pitched battle between far-right and far-left students had left dozens of wounded and the rightists withdrawing, the energized Zengakuren activists turned their attention to the Diet itself, planning to bring about an end to their struggles by seizing the moment and achieving victory in a famed kessen or decisive battle, a concept that, for the Japanese psyche, meant that one singular action on a given day would forever change the course of history. They broke into the Diet compound, the protesters organizing a sit-in on the steps outside while detachments of activists rummaged through its halls. In the dying lights of dusk, red flags adorned with anti-government slogans flew high as the swarm of demonstrators occupied every empty space in front of the building. In the distance, police sirens were heard, and columns of black trucks carrying riot police officers came to reinforce their outnumbered colleagues on the flanks and back of the National Diet compound. |
| A night of violence erupted as only the most determined members of the anti-Kishi coalition remained to face the riot police during a drawn-out battle on the Diet grounds. Transforming the concrete road and pathways facing the Diet into an improvised battlefield, the Zengakuren defended themselves from police assaults by using bamboo spikes and donning their traditional construction site hard-hats. On the other side, while heavy trucks began making use of their water cannons, all violence was let loose by the police, which pulled no blows during its assault. Although the grounds were clear of disturbances by the next morning, fires had raged on throughout the city, and the riots had left three dead, including a young woman. |
| Indeed, it seemed like the nation was reaching the brink of civil war. By its sheer violence, the June 15th Incident evoked even more shock than all the previous dramatic events of the year combined. |
| On June 16, Premier Kishi invoked the national state of emergency in place since 1952 to call on new measures to counter "infiltrated elements" and "anarchists", and prevent further unrest during the American president's visit. For the second time in ten years, the Japanese Defense Forces were called on to "pacify" Tokyo, deemed the nexus of the nationwide protests movement. 17,000 soldiers were deployed that same afternoon to place checkpoints and barricades throughout the city and prevent further protests. US-made jeeps, army trucks, helmeted soldiers standing with their M1 Garand rifles stuck butt-first on the pavement, became a common sight again in the capital. But on June 18, fearing needless chaos and unsightly street battles, President Eisenhower's visit was cancelled on short notice by the Kishi cabinet - A move pushed by the most moderate members within Kishi's entourage in a bid to gently placate the opposition. On June 19, as the US-Japan Security Treaty came into effect officially, several journalists from the Asahi Shimbun were placed on house arrest. However, the rumble was far from over, and sporadic incidents still occurred. In Osaka, Kobe and Nagasaki, and even the sleepy Kyoto, student activists assembled peacefully to redeem their image. At that point, the press that hadn't yet fallen to government censorship let out a call to all parties involved in the struggle to stand down and cease violent action - A departure from its previous support of the protest movement, and perhaps a testimony to the increasing anxiety felt by the Japanese masses that the situation could soon slip out of control. |
| However, Kishi's opponents in the streets would not relent. The violence of the past few days and the calls for appeasement, coupled with open government crackdown, had filtered the anti-rearmament and anti-Kishi coalition of its moderate parts. While in the previous months, many white-collar workers and home-makers were seen at peaceful rallies, the next day of "united action" on June 21 would see a lesser but more determined coalition show up. Battle-hardened students came once again at the fore, but this time facing an entrenched military force in Tokyo. In the capital, the day ended with two additional gunshot deaths among the protesters, while in Osaka, only the riot police had been deployed. In both places, the street opposition was routed, despite the Army's lack of experience in the matter. |
| On the last day of the month, most protest leaders had come either under house arrest or jailed. Nobusuke Kishi, now called the "Butcher of Tokyo" by his most ardent opponents, had mastered an uneasy set of circumstances - But at what cost? Even more so than after the 1952 coup d'état, Japan, still nominally a democracy, verged on the brink of dictatorship. Observers worldwide would look on with worry as Kishi secured once more his grip on his country, after using constitutionally-questionable measures to pass the Security Treaty and the re-armament plan, and using for the first time in his tenure the Army as a means to strengthen his hand. Backed by the Shiroyama Association, the Prime Minister, unpopular just one month ago even within the ruling CDP, exited the "1960 Crisis" riding high and triumphant, apparently the only man capable to maintain order. |
Xaverium, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Shamalistan, Kiger, East Germany Ddr, Batallon De Dignidad, Teymour
Hi I am new what should I do after I joined?
Go to our discord
The discord invite is expired
https://discord.gg/cSYE32ah
[list][sup]APRIL 1961[/sup]
Reinstating Korenizatsiya [/list]
___
[sup]MOSCOW, RUSSIAN SFSR, USSR[/sup]
___
|Korenizatsiya, or "indigenization" was an early policy of the Soviet Union from its founding to 1938, for the integration of non-Russian nationalities into the governments of their specific Soviet Socialist Republics, or SSRs. In the 1920s and 30s it promoted representatives of the titular nation, and their national minorities, into the lower administrative-levels of the local government, bureaucracy, and nomenklatura of their respective republics. both SSR, and ASSR which stands for Autonomous SSR. the Korenizatsiya policy aimed to politically and culturally eliminate Russian domination in the SSRs. Russian domination was known as "Great-Russian chauvinism" and was seen as one of the greatest threats to the USSR along with "local nationalism". A balance had to be kept or the russians would force their nationalism on everyone else, but what also might happen is the smaller ethnicities forcing their cultures on others. However Stalin had let the Russians themselves be the ones to reign in their own nationalism for the sake of Soviet Socialism. This had backfired immensely and eventually by 1938 Stalin had reversed the policy of Korenizatsiya in favor of Russianization. Many had begun to think privately that letting the russians self moderate their own nationalism had been a mistake, that they were incapable of holding back from attempting to completely Russianize the USSR. However the issue of Russianization wouldn't be brought up again until Stalin's death and the rise of Anastas Mikoyan, known by some now as "The Great Shaker". With the massive new changes he was making to the Union.|
| After Stalin's death the Policy of Russianization had been put on hold until a better alternative was thought up, and eventually it was forgotten until a few people had mentioned it to Mikoyan that the Union had yet to address the long lost issue, as larger and larger problems took precedence. One of Mikoyan's entourage had suggested offhandedly that perhaps the discarded policy of Korenizatsiya could be reintroduced to reign in still existing Russian nationalism. The idea resonated heavily with Mikoyan, with him being a proud Soviet Armenian. Eventually the idea evolved in Mikoyan's head from just reinstating Korenizatsiya to creating entirely new SSRs to combat the influence of the Russian SFSR. It would be a major change and would have to be done gradually or the Russians would begin protesting against the new policy. The Autonomous Oblast of Tuva,the Jewish Autonomous Oblast and the Volga German Autonomous SSR. Mikoyan had so far been following a policy of resettling soviet jews in the Autonomous Oblast, and encouraging a new Yiddish cultural identity for the region, Tuva was already majority Tuvan and the Volga German ASSR was also majority Volgagerman so they seemed like the perfect spots to begin the new policy. |
| Mikoyan would make a new speech at his new office in the Palace of the Soviets, which was near completion. some of the Offices were ready to use but the upper levels have yet to be created. It would be done as a propaganda move, showing a new soviet Union that was about to redefine what it meant to be an SSR. Firstly the rule against SSRs being unable to be made if they're entirely enclosed by another SSR is to be done away with as it created to ensure "Russian domination" of the Soviet Union, which was to be a Nation of brotherly equals. The USSR cannot be a union of equals if one insists its more important than the others. Another rule to be redefined was a rule on demographics. An SSR had to be 25-40% non-Russian to become a new SSR. Perhaps General Secretary Mikoyan underestimated just how many Russian Nationalists were in the CPSU, perhaps he knew the response such changes would have. What is known, is that the Russians would not be enjoying the new rules on SSRs one bit. They knew what it meant for the RSFSR. It would begin shrinking and new SSRs would be made. |
| Protests would begin in Moscow, Voronezh and Leningrad over the decision in the early days of April. Not everyone in the cities would care but a majority did care. They saw it not as the policy of self-determination being upheld but the russian people being punished for simply being more numerous than the other members of the Union, they didn't want their home to shrink in size. The protests would not just be consisting of average citizens though. Several Russian Soviet politicians would join in on the protests. For different reasons of course. They wanted Russian domination of the USSR to continue, so they can continue to be in powerful positions. One of the politicians joining in these protests would be a relatively new politican by the name of Boris Yeltsin, from the Tatar ASSR, one of the ASSRs that would become its own fully fledged SSR in the near future. Like many politicians at the protests he is a russian nationalist however he would never admit that himself. Very soon the protests would escalate drastically..|
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| "Proletarii vsekh stran, soyedinyaytes'!" |
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Otsla, Grand Indochina, Czabalkia, Kiger, East Germany Ddr, Batallon De Dignidad, Teymour
[sub]A Call Between Cousins[/sub]
| Due to the Kongos racialist immigration policy and history as a colonial subject of Russia, any Soviet citizen of European ancestry and Christian faith can claim Kongolese citizenship. As such, the Soviet Union has taken to simply allowing a great many of its criminals to defect to the Kongo and emigrate to the African nation. Due to the countrys history as a partial penal colony, certain networks of the Russian thieves world or mafia operate in the Kongos poorest regions. As small waves of criminals make their way to the Kongo, their tattoos make them easy targets for immigration customs officers to identify. As such, many of these criminals wind up as "permanent residents" of various Bantustans. Initially a punishment, many Russian crime families have established extensive criminal networks inside of the Kongos several Bantustans. These mafia families often times work hand in hand with the Stoinik regime to suppress labor organising, while being permitted to operate rackets and run amuck within non-European areas.
Among the many thousands of criminals who had moved to the Kongo from the USSR, was one Roman Beloukhov. A 30-year-old thief from Novosibirsk, Roman had spent his entire life since adolescence as a professional thief. Roman stole jewels, rubles, antiques, artworks, or anything he could find of value. He had once robbed a medical facility of penicillin, using the proceeds to take a train ride to Moscow and live in a hotel for several months. Hed been incarcerated several times over the past 15 years, spending roughly 9 of them behind bars or in some form of correctional youth school. He had moved to the Kongo roughly 12 months ago, after having been released from prison and being encouraged to visit the Kongo where his lifestyle would be supported. Roman quickly found work in Kigali, working for the boss of the local Gasparyan family. Artsan Gasparyan, an 88-year-old crime boss, had controlled much of Kongolese crime for the past 50 years. Roman was his driver, and as such had found for himself a relatively nice apartment in the city center of Kigali, capital of the Ruanda-Burundi bantustan. Using a brand new rotary dial phone, Roman placed a call to be connected to his former apartment in the Soviet Union. On the other end he expected to here is cousin Niko, who resided there with his aunt Mila. |
Teujira, Otsla, Grand Indochina, Kiger, Autumnberg, Teymour
https://www.nationstates.net/nation=czabalkia/detail=factbook/id=main
Otsla, Kiger
[sub]JUNE 1961
BRASILIA[/sub]
President Quadros Resigns
Today, as Congress came to session, President Quadros announced to a surprised chamber his intent to resign from his post as President of the Republic. Quadros justified his decision by citing foreign and "terrible occult forces" in his cryptic resignation letter. Congress and the Military, in a move that surprised most, accepted the letter of resignation. Congress has called back Quadros' far-left vice president, João Goulart, from his state visit to Communist China. The Crisis is far from over, as the Military has called for the Presidents powers to be vastly weakened, and seems poised to initiate a coup if Goulart is allowed to wield the full powers of the Executive Branch. Conservative and Centrist members of congress have met with the military and announced a new constitution, with Goulart being forced to share powers with a Prime Minister.
However, none of the ruling members of Congress have endorsed the new constitution. The Government and Military are staring each other down, and all we can do is hope one of them blinks.
Xaverium, Otsla, Czabalkia, Kiger, Batallon De Dignidad, Teymour, Uae Forces
https://www.nationstates.net/nation=socialist_democratic_republic_romania/detail=factbook/id=1513163
First official factbook from the Socialist Republic of Romania
Otsla, Kiger, East Germany Ddr
|Jario Velazquez|: We are generous of the offer, now I will say that first this must pass through all regions within my country, but I am confident that the resolution will pass. However, I must warn that as my tenure in office looms more closely to its end, I cannot confirm that Spain, especially among more smaller nationalist and fascist groups continue to uphold the Francoist ideology.
Czabalkia
Assembled with Dot's Region Saver.
Written by Refuge Isle.